19. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Alex Birhanu – alexbirhanu@yahoo.com

While reading a series of heated discussions on cyber-space in recent weeks, I came across flaring, fuming and flexing comments coming from Eritrean readers who request Ethiopian writers to abstain from including Eritrea and Issayas Afeworki in their descriptions; and only focus on contemporary political situations in Meles Zenawi’s TPLF regime. I found this Eritrean complaint as improper since the actual source of our troubled Ethiopia emanates from Afeworki’s ethnocentric political craftsmanship, which he does not allow to be experimented within Eritrea while at the same time subscribing it to be vigorously applied by his junior Meles Zenawi within Ethiopia. Secondly, there are yet unresolved matters pending between Eritrea and Ethiopia as part of the Afeworki-Zenawi unfair deals and leadership styles. So in order for us Ethiopians to get into the synthesis and anti-thesis of the whole matter in the open, we need to unveil the events and conspiracies that took place behind closed doors and left both the Eritrean and Ethiopian public in intricate political legacy yet to be rationally resolved. Following suit of Issayas Afeworki’s consistent indoctrination, Meles Zenawi keeps on running Ethiopia and its politics contemptuously under ethnocentric politics and ethnic-mobilization. But this experimental policy practice of setting-up an ethnocentric federal regime actually has not won popularity. Nearly 2-decades after its experimental sessions, Zenawi’s ethnocentric federal regime seems doomed to failure. Now that Meles is talking about stepping down from his premier position, we are all left to ponder as to who will make a bridge over our troubled water; and respond to these confusing riddles of political legacy. In order to arrive at a solid and timely way out from the trouble at hand, we need to build a bridge over our troubled political stance by examining the roots of the troubles we are faced and left with. So in what follows I will raise 11-crucial viewpoints:

(1) The roots of the ethnocentric political crisis in Ethiopia lies in the hands of 2-self-appointed despots - Afeworki and Zenawi – who take charge of governance at their will; but never delivered even a fraction of what they promised before they ascended to power. For instance, Afeworki’s Shaabia regime in Eritrea prohibits “ethnic-self determination up to secession” doctrine for its nine ethnic-sub-regions. Contrarily, Afeworki continues to preach for national unity and integrated Eritrea. Needless to say, Issayas Afeworki, who has sown the seeds of recurring ethnocentric political conflicts to deeply wreck Ethiopia into smaller mini-states, is today reaping from his own workings and tied to his own crafts that left young but not yet formally stable Eritrea in perpetual crisis and isolation from most global ties. Consequently, the Eritrean elite group has refrained from reaching its hands to quench Afeworki’s wolf-cries. Besides, untold mass exodus of Eritrean youth is continuing in all directions of the world.

(2) To accomplish one of the lethal promises made under-oath to Issayas Afeworki while under training in the Eritrean heart land Meles Zenawi promulgated in his TPLF-constitution an ethnocentric and divisive policy in the pretext of the right to self-determination, including and up to secession as written in article 39, No. 1. This initially Afeworki crafted ethnocentric article reads: “Every nation, nationality and people in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession.” From the outset this article may seemingly lead to generate the feeling that an unlimited political right is granted to each of the 80 major and 223 small ethnic groups in total inhabiting Ethiopia so that each can create its own mini-state. Ironically and in practice however, Issayas Afeworki, the father of ethnocentric politics has no concession to ethnic-forces with the same demand among the 9-ethnic groups inside Eritrea. To the contrary, as late as recently, Afeworki declared war on the Afar people that don’t accept their population and land to be included within the bounds of Eritrea. One wonders about the selective use of the right to self-determination. After 18 years in practice, TPLF’s ethnocentric socio-political base remains aloof as it is solely restricted to elites selectively hand picked from within the TPLF circle; but with a population of about four million in a vast country of 80 million people this TPLF framework is not fit to mobilise or organise a nation of diversity. Without having critically examined through of its application and having failed to anticipate the consequences of its actions thereof, Zenawi’s TPLF regime hastily declared the right to self-determination including secession and invited all ethnic groups in Ethiopia to organise on ethnocentric political principles. Naively, Zenawi hoped the newly formed ethnic organisations, which understandably lack the necessary organisational experience and strength to run their own affairs by themselves, would rush to join his TPLF-regime, thereby to draw support and develop legitimacy to rule the country.

(3) The leadership styles of Afeworki and Zenawi are profoundly rough and heavy handed authoritarianism. Although Afeworki’s EPLF-regime claims to be a diehard communist and TPLF in turn seems a half-baked-capitalist, these 2-regimes basically lack accountability and transparency. More so, Afeworki and Zenawi are seriously entrenched in clearly-open nepotism and corruption. Their government tops are immensely filled by an elite-group, which is hand-picked and indoctrinated to fragment itself on “ethnic-divides”, “religious- affiliations”, and “peer’s vested political and economic inclinations” and interests. Except for the EPLF and TPLF ethnocentric groups that hold the steering wheel, the rest of the members of the ethnically federated parliamentary assemblies in Ethiopia and the hand-picked EPLF membership in Eritrea are all indoctrinated to remain loyal-opposition groups (if any) to the regime administration on power. In actual fact, these groups are disempowered and find the working of the lofty parliamentary assembly and its political atmosphere difficult to work in and defend their respective political interests collectively; or even influence the Afeworki and Zenawi styles of governance to listen to their options. In particular, in Zenawi’s amputated “ethnically federated Ethiopia”, one observes a combination of TPLF-regime’s untold methods of repression, disorientated elite-groups grumbling to realize (a) divisive ethnic-indoctrination, and (b) an authoritarian cultural legacy both inherited from Godfather Afeworki.

(4) Looked at in retrospective, by 1991, in collaboration with EPLF, Zenawi’s TPLF regime and its affiliate-organisations went on unilaterally to capture power in Addis Ababa and restructured today’s amputated Ethiopia just in the way as aspired and promised under oath to Issayas Afeworki during TPLF’s infancy in the bushes of hinterland Eritrea. With Zenawi at the driving seat of leadership and at the helm of the new political set-up TPLF capitalized its commanding heights by virtually consolidating a supreme power for no body but all alone for Zenawi. As a result, the Ethiopian public that was already exhausted by 17-years of previous repressive Derg regimes legacy are helplessly left to face all the anticipated dangers that Zenawi’s political impasse entailed; including those of the formation of the Eritrean state and the give-away of Assab port and its assets to Eritrea by 1991. Thus the political arena crafted by Meles Zenawi reflects much of conflicting political, social, cultural and economic interests. The key ones include, but not limited to, the following:

1. Lack of fair political play by not allowing space for compromise or broad-based consensus;

2. Nominally crafted TPLF-regime’s local governance platforms implemented in the 6-regions proceed without deliberation or consultation at the broad-mass levels;

3. Lack of harmonious working and livelihoods environment between TPLF and the masses that eventually sustain and cement a long-term peace;

4. To this day, Issayas Afeworki’s initial indoctrination and the seeds he provided to germinate continue being sown by Zenawi’s TPLF-regime.

(5) With TPLF in power, ethnocentric national regions in Ethiopia have officially entered into a new twist; where irreconcilable political games are being perpetuated to eventually weaken the already amputated Ethiopia to its demise. Zenawi and TPLF echelons continue to follow suit Issayas Afeworki’s ethnocentric-politics as a viable political pathway without enquiring and getting consensus from Ethiopian opposition leaders and the general public. Dependent on Afeworki’s initial indoctrination and military backing, Zenawi and TPLF hastily imposed a highly ethnocentric political experiment upon the Ethiopian society. Ironic enough, without consulting some of the TPLF’s-gallant fighters that resisted the Derg in most parts of hinterland Eritrea; and without the consent of the people of Tigray, Zenawi advocated for Eritrean independence and gave to Afeworki a full-fledged free ride for a unilateral succession where Afeworki is left to govern the 9-ethnic groups with no mention of self-determination or succession. But when the coin is flipped to Zenawi’s Ethiopia side, ethnic-led political experiment became the icon and the centre-piece of the day; where every ethnic group is allowed to experiment with self-determination up to a point where it may ask to secede and form its own independent mini-state; thus Afeworki’s strategy of dismantling Ethiopia from the face of the globe could eventually be ascertained; but in vain. This ill-conceived ethnocentric experiment was meant to allow Ethiopian ethnic groups forming no less than eighty ethnic-based mini-states at best or 223 mini-states at worse. Imagine how tough such situation would be for the rest of Africa if Ethnocentric mini-states were to be crafted everywhere by following the example set by these two despots. In any case, Issayas Afeworki’s ethnocentric politics indoctrination carried further by Meles Zenawi is ostensibly meant to draw support and legitimacy for the TPLF regime from the numerous Ethiopian ethnic groups within the 6 regions but in vain. Unexpectedly Zenawi’s ethnocentric federal governance turned out to expedite the emergence of a wave of inhuman and barbaric ethnic-conflicts, while leaving the entire-multiethnic, multilingual, multi-religious Ethiopian population in a state of confusion and stalemate between ethnic groups residing within those 6-regions.

(6) Once after Zenawi captured power, he skilfully utilized TPLF’s political and military organs as steppingstones to consolidate power over the whole of Ethiopia; but TPLF’s power is hanging in limbo without penetrating and building effective and efficient socio-political base across ethnic lines throughout today’s Ethiopia. To make matters worse, unfortunately, the innocent Tigrayan population that have generations after generation been paying dearly for all the major political appraisals hitherto happening inside Ethiopia, is trapped between Zenawi’s erroneous policy and perceived by all other ethnic groups in both Ethiopia and Eritrea as an partner in crime of the TPLF-regime. Sad enough Tigray and its population that is the hub of homo-sapiens, the source of Tigre people in Eritrea (previously known as ‘Bahir-Negahs’ or part of Greater Tigray); the cradle of old Ethiopian civilization since the Biblical times; the home of Zion Mary of Axume, generous people known for its humane and religious faithfulness and hospitality, is merely held tight under a gun-point by Zenawi’s conspirators TPLF-regime. Otherwise we have seen signs of nationalist Tigrian individuals in Diaspora coming to the fore and speaking their minds defending Ethiopia. For that matter what is Ethiopia without Tigre and Tigray after all? Amidst all these twisted riddles to consider, to this very day, the key reason why no opposition party, other than TPLF, is allowed to work inside Tigray Region is simply to claim undivided Tigray support for Zenawi’s ruling party; to bury the burning national fillings of Tigray people against the unilateral give-away acts Meles Zenawi has committed in parts of the controversial border dispute areas between Eritrea and Northern Tigray; and thus trampling over the democratic rights of the Tigrayan people to organize an opposition; or nominally allowing an opposition group that ascertains its faithfulness to TPLF – as labelled by Zenawi in Amharic - KIN TEKAWAMI – literally meaning loyal opposition.

(7) When Zenawi entered Addis Ababa, most Ethiopians welcomed TPLF without much resistance, genuinely hoping that whoever comes to power after the horrible communist Derg Junta regime of the 1970s and 1980s may not be dreadful. Besides looked at Ethiopia’s fate from foreign affairs perspectives, in the early 1990s, the key concern of the US-led Western powers was mainly focused on arresting the expansion of Islamic Fundamentalism (perceived to pose serious political threat to the Western cultural values and material interests in and around the Middle East and Eastern Africa). Especially, Sudan, where Al-Turabi-indoctrinated Islamist regime is gaining momentum, and occupying strategic political and religious positions in the wider region had to be checked from Al-Turabi’s sphere of influences. Consequently Herman Cohen of the USA found a plausible means in both Zenawi’s TPLF and Afeworki’s EPLF as these 2-sisterly front-leaders were seen as better-organised conducting manageable military forces within a federated Ethiopia that could possibly accomplish the strategic tasks the USA wanted to pursue in the region.

(8) Initially, despite their leftist-communistic rhetoric, both Issayas Afeworki and Meles Zenawi swiftly came into terms with Herman Cohen, the then US-Assistant Secretary of State for Africa. And as TPLF and EPLF forces were coming closer to Addis Ababa and Asmara respectively, in London, on 27 May 1991, Mr Cohen, met with Afeworki, Zenawi and leaders representing OLF. Other key political forces including EPRP that have clear stakes on Ethiopian affairs and could have affected Ethiopia’s future make-up undoubtedly were deliberately ignored. By so doing a golden opportunity for an all out political settlement was pushed-aside in favour of military and US-led solutions. In fact, before a negotiated settlement was reached, at the end of May 1991, Meles Zenawi, after spending a night in the American Embassy in Khartoum, suddenly showed-up in Addis Ababa and started to head his TPLF-regime in his own way; eventually, he outsmarted the political arena and backed as one of USA’s strongest allies in the region. The USA and its allies delayed no time granting Zenawi’s TPLF regime diplomatic recognition, financial aid, military and technical experts. Within months of taking office the one time Albanian Communist branded TPLF turned to claim itself as a capitalist by stand. Likewise within months, USA hooked and cemented TPLF as its dependable ally in its globalisation loop for which Zenawi’s TPLF regime consistently got remunerated in millions worth of military and financial support.

(9) Internally, Zenawi started to systematically spread his offensive campaign and silenced opposition elements within the country by denying their freedom of expression that could lead to mobilise people against his unpopular policies. Particularly, at one point, persuaded by opposition parties within and outside the country, many Ethiopian newspapers came-out in mass. Yet, whenever these papers become critical of TPLF-regime, their respective editors, journalists and publishers were immediately pulled into prison accused of negative campaigning against Zenawi’s TPLF regime. Over time, several journalists and publishers of private newspapers and magazines in Addis Ababa became arrested.

(10) To date, both Afeworki’s and Zenawi’s rigid, self-righteous and uncompromising EPLF & TPLF-regimes and their apparent determination to hold the monopoly of power by any means can be matched by the foiled peace efforts thus far and by the frustrated ambitions of the opposition parties who remain loyal at the country’s respective parliaments. From day one in power, both Issayas Afeworki and Meles Zenawi and their respective TPLF-EPLF-cohorts apparently remain unpopular; basically because these two groups came to power not only by supporting each other while in the bushes; but also by the will of the US-government. Now that both leaders remain in power by using the same military force they had previously, the keep on exercising gross militaristic actions. This partially explains why Afeworki and Zenawi are equally engaged in gross violation of human and democratic rights by simply putting it on paper for formality reasons that camouflages the true nature of their bandit-tricks, intrigues and ethnocentric leadership. The so-called constitutions, crafted by Zenawi and Afeworki regimes are neither legitimate nor regulate the roles of a stable state. These formal papers simply remain personal and programmatic constitutions adored by Zenawi and Afeworki alone. Indeed their nominal constitutions, no matter what was inscribed in them are no more than a piece of paper granted by two hated autocratic leaders that could only serve the interest of their respective ruling group whom they hand picked from time to time.

(11) Today, 2-decades later, all these factors stand as shield against the Ethiopian society from acquiring empowerment leading to egalitarian governance and access to the sea. Much so, the Afar population remains artificially divided by Afeworki & Zenawi crafted complots. A lesson learnt from EPLF and TPLF hatched ethnocentric experiment is the following: Contrary to the expectation of Afeworki and Zenawi, the Ethiopian population at large is determined to regain what it has lost during the last 18 years. With no less than eighty major ethnic groups inhabiting inside Ethiopia, ethnocentric policy can’t hold substantive results. And without an inclusive politics no governance can function feasibly in a country where the link between the interwoven grassroots and the power base are tied-in by an authoritarian leadership, fragmented elite and strangled civil society left at bay. Indeed, a government that runs by contempt and empty pride is doomed to failure. Hence it is high time for us concerned Ethiopians and Eritreans to make soul searching efforts in order to find timely viable solutions as regards who will make a bridge over our troubled water and its Afeworki-Zenawi-legacy. When all is said and done, Ethiopia will prevail while Afeworki and Zenawi will be thrown into the dust-bin of history.

Posted in Articles | Print | 1 Comment »

19. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Firdu Yitayew

The Ethiopian and Eritrean Diaspora and home public are aware of the current heated debates on yet to be resolved burning national issues. At his capacity as the current AU Chairman, Colonel Gadafi promised recently to do his utmost regarding the Ethio-Eritrea stalemates, but in vain. At last, with effortful agitation and awareness creation, it is encouraging that more and more Ethiopian and Eritrean public are moving towards the pathways leading to informally unveil erroneous fictions, frictions and factions; and stand firm to fight against and resolve injustices incurred thus far by the two dictatorial renegades based in Addis Ababa and Asmara. For as long as the Ethiopian and Eritrean public consistently remain alert and know the fundamental problems manufactured and spread by the 2-hydra, we can ultimately create solidarity to block or eject these two devilish-hydra dictatorial tyrants from our nations; and solve the mountain high or the ocean-deep of conflicts and wars concocted by them. Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Meles should vanish along with their axis of devils. Particularly, for Ethiopians, the ongoing resistance inspirations must pave the way for the downfall of Dictator Meles Zenawi’s Agazi regime; a regime that is filled with untold injustice, contempt, humiliation and deceit.

When Meles vigorously supported the succession theory of Issayas while in the bushes, he had no choice as his only means to come to power was to initially cling on to EPLF and make all the EPLF-demanded concessions that came from his Godfather Issayas Afeworki fulfilled. And when we look at what Dictator Meles did to the Tigre speaking people both within Tigray and to those from Eritrea, it could be said that: Zenawi’s generous give-away of Assab and part of the Afar population to his mother’s homeland Eritrea; a country populated by nearly 4-million inhabitants; was part of such deal concluded in the 1980s. To us this malicious and nepotistic deal and actions taken there of by Zenawi is nothing but a matter of benefiting his affinity in the extreme North. But, what are the reasons behind such coercive political stand taken by Zenawi? The following are 3-key political cards Zenawi plays best with:

1. Obviously as promised to his Godfather earlier, breaking the socio-economic and political spinal cords (which Zenawi once boastingly spoke of as: Akerkariachewun Sebrenal) of the Amhara and the Oromo that are considered as potential threats and competitors for power was one mission accomplished. Likewise evicting that Eritrean Tigre population who are potential threats and competitors against those from Tigray is another mission accomplished.

2. Maintaining Assab outside the bounds of Ethiopia until the divisive policy dust settles well is mission possible that is still ongoing.

3. Until Issayas Afeworki is eventually replaced by a pro-TPLF leadership within Eritrea Zenawi will continue to support Eritrean opposition to simply soft-land and stand against Afeworki’s way; while Zenawi prepares for a major blow if and when Afeworki tries to flex his muscles against Zenawi’s army. Much so, the border demarcation and Assab utilization arrangements will remain pending as these are among the last resorts on which Zenawi can cling on to and use them for spreading further fear waves against anyone and all his opponents. Regardless of attempts by Colonel Gadafi, the current stalemate conditions between Afeworki and Zenawi depend on who holds tight the fulcrum to his advantage. So if anyone has the illusion that Zenawi’s stand on Eritrea is because of his principled belief for freedom that is not the case. In actual fact both Zenawi and Afeworki are 2 hydra nihilists who know who is who between the two of them.

Indeed, lack of knowledge is darker than night. An ignorant person is always a slave; and he works without knowledge; and he works uselessly. Hence, it is up to us the Ethiopian and Eritrean public to exploit the chances of forging long-run peaceful coexistence, economic-co-operation and mutual prosperity. After-all, Ethiopians and Eritrean kin and kits are fraternal brothers and sisters; and as the saying goes: “Blood is thicker than water”, so also the fate of these twp kin population tied with diachronically thick blood bondage.

Given that there is injustice, one such injustice concocted jointly by Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Zenawi is that of land-locking 80 million Ethiopians and keeping us imprisoned in Zenawi’s-amputated and restructured Ethiopia. In Eritrea, due to fear for Tyrant Afeworki continuous wave of exodus and dispersal of able-bodied Eritrean youth in all directions of the world is happening in recently. There is also heavy embodiment among Ethiopians and Eritreans by widely exposing the inner make-up of Tyrant Issayas Afeworki of Eritrea and that of Dictator Meles Zenawi. The opposition at home is left to be what Dictator Meles once called as Kin Tekawami; literally meaning ‘Loyal Opposition groups allowed only to soft land on political concerns’. But all these situations are for a reason. As the Chinese saying goes: “Every bad situation has its own good” and as the equivalent expression in Amharic goes: “Saydegis Aytalam” the current moment is becoming a golden opportunity for a new start afresh; for working out fresh, non-contaminated and strategically visionary and long lasting solutions by determined citizens both at home and in Diaspora.

On a critical note, Eritrea during its 1^st 7-years of the so called independence remained economically tied to Ethiopia. The only thing that changed since the 1998-2000 war is the aftermath during which time Meles decided to suddenly cut-off Eritrea from accessing beneficiary resources it enjoyed from and within Ethiopia. One may dare to ask: If tension with Ethiopia is Afeworki’s main reason for confining the Eritrean youth in plenty in his SAWA military garrisons, why is the conflict with Ethiopia more painful to him than those where he waged war against Sudan, Yemen or Djibouti? In the region, there are nearly a number of border disputes between several developing countries; yet none of them use dispute as a pretext to indefinitely lock their young and able bodied citizens in military camps like that of Afeworki’s SAWA.

The case between Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Meles is synonymous to a situation between 2-furiously angry and jealous lovers who subconsciously fight; but to return to one another eventually as each one can’t dissociate and live without the other. That is why peace, stability and economical prosperity will shrine in Eritrea only and only when Afeworki and Zenawi are ejected from power; and Assab seaport is left as Ethiopia’s legitimate corridor to the sea. No matter what comes may, Tyrant Afeworki will never stop broadcasting what he indoctrinated in the minds of Dictator Meles Zenawi and other TPLF cohorts; in fact, Afeworki will continue intervening in Ethiopia’s political and economical affairs even if we assume that Colonel Gadafi’s current attempt to forge border demarcation to be accepted by both Shaabia and Woyane regimes. The main reason for this is such that you can’t teach new tricks to an old dog; much so, Afeworki’s only professional expediency lies in hatching and concocting wars and conflicts. Ever since 1966 when he was in the Eritrean bushes, Afeworki continues stead-fistedly waging banditry and bloody wars against Ethiopia, Yemen, Sudan, and Djibouti; and lastly interfered in Somalian politics and war. Actually for Tyrant Afeworki Eritrea is too small to play with and quench his highly inflated ego. In order to cover-up his envious and inferior complexity egos created by the mounting pressure from his own disciple and junior comrade of earlier days, Dictator Zenawi (whom he trained and supported to come to power seizure in Addis Ababa), Afeworki is stubbornly refusing to settle pending matters. On the other side, knowing in advance that Tyrant Afeworki is not going to pardon him, contemptuous Zenawi decided to take advantage of the situation and inflicted grave injury on his Godfather Tyrant Afeworki by quickly transporting Tigrinya speaking people of Eritrea in the pretext of security back to Eritrea. This action included ejecting Shaabia’s extended arms whose mission was to spy and report on Zenawi and his Woyane regime movements. Since then, Tyrant Afeworki remains boiling with anger that has eventually aggravated ulcer in him; and he is nothing but a failure figure; isolated from major global leadership events by his own political choice and stubborn stands. For nearly two decades now, what the Eritrean public benefited from his leadership and the “independence dance and temporary euphoria” we know of is nothing but serfdom, wanton and war. Afeworki who fabricated a war condition after the other will not be ready to give up his war-mongering habit, which is his only profession at best; and as the notorious evil doer of the region, he is ever anxious in his divisive missions to see havoc and conflicts taking place in ethnically weakened Ethiopia.

In order to block Afeworki’s pathetic attitude and endless mission against Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Diaspora must carefully watch and avoid those who somehow associated themselves with Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Zenawi. When all is said and done, and when the Ethiopian public at large was angered by the conspired and brokered take-over of power by Zenawi and Afeworki in 1990, OLF and today’s Ginbot-7 founders were euphorically dancing along the two hydra-despots that ultimately shattered the hope for democracy in the region. This reminds us the Ethiopian saying: “Ye Kotun Aword Bila Ye Bibitwan Talech”. To add insult into injury and by turning their faces like a sunflower to where the sun-shines Ginbot-7’s Andargachew Tsige and Birhanu Nega have this time changed their previous Woyane platform positions of the 1990s for a Shaabia one. Tirelessly these two crisscross European and American cities to plant a revisionist attitude and stand in the minds of Diaspora Ethiopians by preaching to the latter that Tyrant Afeworki is Ethiopia’s ultimate savior and salvager not only to oust Dictator Meles from power but also to enable all allied opposition LFs to wage their succession from the rest of Ethiopia. We should guard ourselves not to join those who rally behind Tyrant Afeworki-tailored ethnically divisive self-determination up to succession motto; we should dissociate from these wolves hiding under innocent sheep-skin.

Instead we should be emboldened to workout and devise other alternatives that pave the way for toppling the Eritrean Tyrant and the Ethiopian Dictator from power as these two are cancerous to our fraternal, egalitarian democratic fate. The next step should be to outweigh the long run political consequences of keeping vast sea costal area under Eritrea while at the same time keeping 80 million people land-locked unlawfully. Indeed, keeping Assab within the bounds of Ethiopia is not a win or a lose option; but a critical necessity for Ethiopia’s security and a survival means for its economic interests. As the saying goes:”Anger does nobody good; but patience is the father of kindness.” Much so, there is still good chance for eventual reconciliation and negotiated settlement on Ethiopia’s access to Assab; create peace, prosperity and unity among the two kin-peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia at will once the evil doer Tyrant Afeworki and his misguided EPLF policy crumble altogether. It is said that: “There are three friends in this world–courage, sense, and insight.” So also the courage that we Ethiopians are bearing in mind these days is great. Ethiopia without Assab is a joke similarly Eritrea without Assab is nothing. So a win-win deal is ultimately possible for both the Ethiopian and Eritrean populace.

We should not forget how these 2-despots were actively operating during the late 1980s and early 1990s due to favorable circumstances they had around them; and due to the promises Zenawi made to Afeworki having no choice at that time. Particularly, between 1991 and 1993, Meles was more involved in Eritrean succession affairs than Isayas was until he realized the power sharing or power holding situation in which there can’t be two leaders with equal power within the Federal Ethiopian State that Meles was suggesting during his early days getting accustomed to holding government power. So instead of keeping himself in a junior position as deputy; and leave the driver’s seat as the Federal Presidential level to Isayas, he opted to cut-off Eritrea, give away Assab as a bonus and take full control of power in his amputated Ethiopia by one’s own choice; completely ignoring the Ethiopian populace whose socio-economic and political spinal cord he claimed to have broken once and for all.

Figurative or federative wise, Eritrea remains too small to the evil doer Tyrant Afeworki who is ever anxious; and not satisfied with the power he has thus far consolidated within Eritrea; and he keeps on flexing his Shaabia muscles confined at SAWA-military garrisons and momentarily breeding geo-political problems with neighboring countries. Suffice to mention the troubles he ignited with neighboring Sudan, Yemen, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and even his courage and deep involvement in the recent political war inside Somalia. Otherwise he leads people who seldom protest against him by exposing his malicious deeds to the outer world. If Afeworki wants his Tigrinya speaking people not to oppress the minority ethnic groups within Eritrea including the Kunama, the Afar, the Saho, the Bilen, Bejawi, Bin-Amir, and etc, he could have let these people to opt for self-determination up to secession. Instead, simply to keep weakened Ethiopia in check, he chose opposition groups coming from within Ethiopia to fight for their freedom from their Tigray oppressor, Meles Zenawi.

Regardless of the odd teachings coming from Afeworki’s camp, in actual fact, there is no political conflict between the Ethiopian Afar and Eritrean Afar population; rather the Afar unilaterally always wanted to remain as part of Ethiopia. The same holds true for the
Ethiopian Irob (Saho) and the Eritrean Saho population; the Ethiopian Agew and Eritrean Billen (Agew) population; the Ethiopian Kunama and the Eritrean Kunama that unilaterally always wanted to remain as part of Ethiopia. On top of these, the Ethiopian Tigre population and the Eritrean Tigre population have lots in common with the Amhara who were originally the same people by their roots until the coming and spread of Islam along the Red Sea Coastal areas. Ethiopians also have no problem with the Eritrean Naras, Bejas, and Rashidas.

In later years for a long while there developed deep sentiment of resentment and hostility between the Ethiopian Tigrei (from Tigry) and the Eritrean Tigrinyi population although both speak the same language and practice the same Coptic Orthodox Church in the majority. That is one reason why Meles found it easy to deport inhumanly an estimated 80.000 Eritreans in mid 1990s; most were Tigrinya speaking persons. This deportation action was done simply for security reasons in case Afeworki would opt to attack Zenawi’s regime; and at the same time to eliminate likely competitions between the two Tigre population for economic and political power. Likewise, on the other side of the isle, all Tigrian persons from Tigray who once lived and worked in Eritrea for generations were expelled in thousands from Eritrea by Afeworki in extremely inhuman and barbaric manner; by physically attacking and confiscating their personal belongings.

The reason why the Eritrean Tigrinya speaking population confined in the three districts of Hamasien, Serae, and Akle-Guzai remain hostile towards the population of Tigray is mainly for fear of being taken-over (dominated) by the latter. In Eritrea the Tigrinya speaking people of these 3 districts are about 1 million (35%) of the entire 4-million Eritrean population. The Tigrinya speaking population in Tigray is estimated at about 5 million of which an estimated 4 % are said to be other ethnic groups like the Kunama, Saho/Erop, Afar and Agew. Hence, if Eritrea and Tigray were to become united as a Tigray-Tigrini ethnic region, then the Tigrinya speaking population of Eritrea will obviously be swallowed by those from Tigray and lose its hegemonic dominance that it has been enjoying thus far within the confines of Eritrea. And if the Tigrinya speaking population of Eritrea attempts to become hurdle on the way of the power holders of Tigray, then the likely scenario is for the latter to allow other ethnic groups within Eritrea to opt for waging their mini self administration for own statehood. So Eritrea under Issayas Afeworki has turned into a military garrison where disgruntled amateur political opposition groups like Ginbot-7, Al-Shabab and other terrorists are given a safe heaven.

When all is said done, Ethiopia will be at disadvantage to be represented by Dictator Meles Zenawi as his heart is neither with Ethiopia nor with Tigray; but with Eritrea. Ethiopian voters should thus depose Meles Zenawi and his TPLF party once and for all during the 2010 election. Likewise, Eritrean Diaspora must dissociated from Tyrant Issayas Afeworki’s EPLF ties and replace this notorious regime by an amicable and democratic minded leadership within Eritrea.

Posted in Articles | Print | 1 Comment »