ELECTION THE INSTRUMENT OF STRUGGLE

24. September 2009 by Assimba.

Mankelklot Haile Selassie(Ph.D)  - September 22, 2009

BACKGROUND IN THE FORM OF PREMISE

1. The struggle in Ethiopia is a function of time:

The longer this treasonous group is left to rule Ethiopia, the more the effectiveness of the eroding factors, such as the division of the country along ethnic and language lines, on the unity of the people and the territorial integrity of the country itself. Therefore, the harder it would become to correct the situation when TPLF is removed. Factor in, the fertile lands being sold to foreigners into this territorial integrity treason. 

 

The division of the country along the ethnic lines is being used by TPLF as a vehicle to dictate the implementation of the revolutionary democracy, TPLF‘s political program. The methods and the means as to how to protect and defend its political interests and its business empire is thoroughly integrated into the revolutionary democracy. To give the educational institution as one of the examples, teachers, students as well as the school administrators, all over the country, are being forced to be members and put this political program into an immediate effect.

 

The Oromo political organization, the Amara political organization, and Southern People’s political organizations, that are part of EPRDF, are simply robots  whose existence is to protect and defend TPLF’s political interest and its business empire, by fully, without any question, implementing this revolutionary democracy.  Due to this treasonous collaboration effort by these ethnic political organizations, the impact on the unity and territorial integrity of Ethiopia would be far damaging unless resolved in time, hence, making the struggle in Ethiopia to be directly a function of time

 

2. The hands of TPLF leadership are drenched with blood

A formidable blood thirsty enemy is facing the country, the people, the opposition forces, and the committed and progressive democratic individuals. It is an enemy that came to power in 1991, by mercilessly  shading the blood of young and old Tigryans.  Here are what they did as succinctly told by Gebremedhin Araya:

 

1) Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega, Seye Abraha, Gebru Assrat and their collaborators designed  the murder of four to five thousands young, old and children in Houzin, a  weekly market in Tigry province where thousands come to exchange goods and services. Imagine, among the killed mothers, caring their babies on their backs. These murderers, systematically, and, deliberately devised a scheme where their fighters enter the market place, a day ahead of the market day,  in day light, openly, while people are watching them. And then they pulled them out in the evening, in darkness, where people cannot see them being pulled out. The information that many TPLF fighters are in the market place reached the intended target Mingistu Haile Mariam. This was how these murderers baited Mengistu Haile Mariam, at the expense of the Tigry’s young, old, children, and babies carried  on the back of their mothers, to mercilessly bomb the market.

 

It was like dousing those people who are in the market with kerosene or benzene, by Meles Zenawi, Sibhat Nega, Seye Araha, and Assrat Gebru, and then inviting Mengistu Haile Mariam to come in with the matches to start the fire and burn them alive. If these murderers had the heart to devise such merciless killings of thousands of young, old and children in this way, it is commonsense for one to imagine the putting of thousands of children, young, and old Tigryans inside a big house, built by these leaders of TPLF, for this purpose, and burn them alive. These are animals. It is really mind boggling how these people would do such unbelievable thing. Here, through this act only, one can easily see the vivid personification of Hitler, Stalin and Mussolini by these leaders of TPLF. I can’t tell you how livid I got when composing this segment of the article. I never new this secret before. I put the blame, as did some of my friends, fully on Mengistu Haile Mariam. How wrong I was.

 

The scheme for the killings of  innocent people, mostly farmers in the market included the buying of a number of video cameras to record the bombing by Mengistu Haile Mariam. What these murderers did not realize is that, in reverse, they were recording a concrete incriminating evidence of what they did to the people of Tigry. It originated and deliberately, without the other side knowing about it, collaborated and committed genocide. The irrefutable and incriminating evidence is all over the place for the international court of justice to put these murderers to jail for life. These people with this kind of track record were seeking the extradition of Mengistu Haile Mariam to Ethiopia and kill him. During Mengistu Haile Mariam’s  rule, 80% of the killings of young and old Tigryan  people was committed by Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega, Seye Abraha and Gebru Assrat. (Gebremedhin Araya)

 

2) The TPLF leaders, cold-bloodedly, orchestrated the killing of Tigryan elites, members of TPLF, but who opposed and protested the  reprehensible and destructive act of TPLF on the unity and territorial integrity of Ethiopia. They were against the separation of Eritrea. This heroic act, on the part of these Tigryan elites, emanated from the three criteria that specifically identified by the TPLF leaders to be used when recruiting members or fighters for TPLF. Here are the three criteriia roughly translated: a) completely accepting that Eritrea is the colony of Ethiopia, b) accepting the separation of Tigry from the rest of Ethiopia and establishing a Tigry Republic, and c) accepting that Tigry’s  backwardness, poverty and disease, were deliberately caused by Amaras to punish Tigry, and therefore teaching that Amara is the enemy of Tigry.

 

This barbaric act was also designed, systematically, and, deliberately by Meles Zenawi and Sebhat Nega. Of  course consulting the rest in the leadership. They wrote a letter full of admiration of their services for TPLF.  The letter was signed by Meles Zenawi and
Sebhat Nega and addressed to these individuals who protested. The letter addressed to these protesters were made to  reach Mengistu Haile Mariam. Mengistu Haile Mariam,
another murderer, grabbed the bait and killed these progressive, innocent Ethiopians without an iota of investigation.  

 

3) A progressive elite by the name Asmelash Assaye, a member of TPLF, who protested the destructive act of TPLF was led to his grave to be shot and killed. Sebhat Nega was standing by the grave while it was being dug. When the digging was completed, Asmelash Assaye, perhaps blind folded and his hands tied was, either forced, or, told to step inside his grave. He probably did it willingly. Sebhat Nega supervised the process leading to the shooting of Asmelash Asaye. The presence of  Sebhat Nega was to make sure that Asmelash Asaye was inside the dug grave and machine gunned. 

 

4) Over 80% of the murder committed in Tigray was by TPLF. In addition, as stated by Prof. Daniel Kinde, 20, 000 Tigryans, most likely the young ones, were sacrificed for the so called the liberation of Eritrea. Now look where Eritrea is standing. The sacrifices were in vein.

 

5) The leadership of TPLF did not limit their killings to the province of Tigry. They followed the Tigryans, who opposed and protested the sadistic actions being taken by TPLF, to neighboring provinces such as Gondar. One can easily assume the effortless murdering of Tigryans particularly in Sudan where they had a strong connection. By the way, according to Gebremedhin Araya, who witnessed the conversation, the deal to give the strip of land, about 1000 km, to Sudan was in the making in 1974. Meles Zenawi did fulfill the promise that was made to Sudan. I am quite sure Meles Zenawi and his collaborators were laughing when the rest of us were screaming when the land was given over to the government of Sudan by Meles Zenawi. .  

 

Now one can easily see that the memorial statue erected in Tigay by TPLF is to cover the cold-blooded murder committed by Meles Zenawi, Sibhat Nega, Seye Abraha, Gebru Assrat and their collaborators on the young and old Tigrians who resisted their actions. When these murderers are removed that statue must be obliterated to the ground. Unless the representation or its role is reversed in that the statue is in memory of those cold-bloodedly murdered young and old Tigryans by Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega, Seye Abraha, Gebru Assrat and their collaborators.. 

 

As the evidence clearly shows, TPLF came to power by shading the blood of young and old Tigryas.  I am quite sure the people of Tigry will get them for it. It is only a matter of time. In the mean time, it is holding to its power by shading the blood of young and old progressive and democratic Ethiopians from every ethnic background by using the killing system it practiced and the machines it used on Tigryans. Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega and their collaborators will continue to murder democratic and progressive individuals, as well as aggressive elements among the opposition forces to assert their power. The killing of 200 young and old Ethiopians after the election of May 15, 2005,  the killing of 430 young and old Anuk, attests to this shocking and senseless behavior of TPLF leadership. The numbers may appear small, but one should remind oneself that many hundreds unreported killings have taken place all over the country. What is shocking is the manner those Ethiopians were murdered, and the motives and the ruthlessness behind it. What Sebhat Nega did to Asmelash Assaye, is a good reflection of what the leadership of TPLF is capable of doing. The people of Ethiopia is being ruled by murderers and criminals who should have been in jail long time ago.

 

3. TPLF’s decision is to never lose any election: 

 

The oppositions are facing an extremely controlling political situation. It is extremely imperative to calculate ones political struggle against this openly declared objective. TPLF has openly declared in its political program, the revolutionary democracy, that it will not let the opposition parties win in any election. Based on this bold statement, if the opposition won they will be denied, as in the case of May 15, 2005. Here is what it stated in its political program:

 

…and only by winning the elections successively and holding power without let up can we securely establish the hegemony of Revolutionary Democracy. If we lose in the elections even once,  we will encounter a great danger. So, in order to permanently establish this hegemony, we should win in the initial elections …. In the subsequent elections, too, we should be able to win without interruption.

 

It is incumbent upon the existing opposition forces to reorient their strategies and tactics. They have to reorganize their political programs to challenge the regime and meet the need of the current demand by coming up with  an equally ruthless and decisive, at the same time systematic activities, where the society at every level would be fully involved. A program without specific activities and clear targets to meet the current social demand is useless. Of course this characterization of the program reflects the organization that developed it.

 

4. Blocking the indigenous entrepreneurship 

 

The present and the future economic development, hence the improvement of living conditions of the society at large, hence the eradication of certain preventable diseases, and further more, the development of science and technology, totally rests on these indigenous entrepreneurs. Independent, individual risk takers. The ruling party, TPLF, is trying its level best to destroy this backbone of Ethiopia’s economic development by stretching its business tentacles to the village levels, all over the country. One can see the impact on the activities of these indigenous entrepreneurs when the regime is the producer, the distributor and does the retailing aspect of its businesses.

 

It frustrates them by raising business taxes to the level where they cannot survive but
To abandon their businesses. It deliberately discourages them from pursuing productive and beneficial projects by using its effective machinery, the bureaucracy. Had the regime’s ultimate interest was to lay down strong foundation for future economic development of Ethiopia, they would have first invited the indigenous entrepreneurs to develop the selectively offered fertile lands to the foreigners long time ago. No, TPLF’s leadership main interest was and still is the kickback they would be offered, and, for sure, also the sharing from the profits. These are the guys who, according to Gebremedhin, did not care even if Sudan takes Gondar. Therefore the longer Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega and their collaborators are left to rule Ethiopia, it is giving them green light for the literal obliteration of the indigenous entrepreneurship.

 

HOW TO PROCEED WITH THE STRUGGLE?

 

Given the above political situation, it is extremely important, always to be aware of the fact that time is an essential factor in the struggle in Ethiopia. It should be the linking thread, all the way, when designing the strategy and the tactics of removing the current destructive regime.  It is the responsibility of the existing opposition forces, particularly those who are in the field using the “legal forum” to cease every opportunity that comes along and use it relentlessly.

 

Those in Ethiopia, in the field, where the struggle is taking place, have no choice but to participate in the coming election of 2010. I argue that for those who are struggling under the “constitution“ of TPLF, the only instrument at their disposal to remove the regime is election. If not using the only instrument they have, then what? The stumbling block, between the opposition and the reaching out to the society, hence the full participation in the election, has to be removed by using any method necessary. It is up to the opposition forces to create the device to overcome the stumbling block. It is a fact that the regime’s position is not to let the opposition forces win. TPLF is blunt about it. It is saying if the opposition won the election then they have to be denied. This position of TPLF has to really sink well with the opposition parties. I am going to repeat what the regime openly stated in its political program, the revolutionary democracy. “If we lose in the elections even once,  we will encounter a great danger. So, in order to permanently establish this hegemony, we should win in the initial elections …. In the subsequent elections, too, we should be able to win without interruption.” The opposition forces are facing a formidable challenge. Accept the challenge and go through it or totally remove oneself from the field. There should not be any excuse for not participating in the election. If not election then what? They have to answer this question unambiguously. 

 

There are two instruments at the disposal of the opposition forces for challenging this formidable power. I inserted the revolution of Iran for the purpose of emulation, or imitation. The instruments of struggle are: a) Rebel before election, b) Rebel after election, and c) the lesson from Iran’s revolution that took place after the election, as an example and perhaps as an inspiration. Intending to pursue these actions strongly suggest the use of election as an instrument of struggle. Election in Ethiopia should not be simply to go the processes of election just for the sake of election. No, it has to be a deliberate function, the ultimate goal of which is to remove the regime and empower the people of Ethiopia. So, here are the instruments. 

 

a) Rebel before election      

 

Once an opposition force(s) is determined to challenge the ruling party TPLF, at any sacrifice, start with the demand for the regime to fulfill all the requirements that satisfy the election process. The election process encompasses activities from the very beginning of the preparation to the last day of the election. The demand should also suggest the process to be peaceful and to go smoothly. The demand aught to be for unfettered election process. Let the government and non-governmental international organizations be aware of the demand submitted to the regime. If the ruling regime does not comply with the demand, particularly with the non-negotiable demands that have to do with the right of the opposition forces a must to have, then the opposition force is in its right-full position to call for demonstration whether it is legal or not. Here, the demonstration to be effective, it has to continue until the demand is satisfied. That is why it is called Rebel before election.

 

b) Rebel after election

 

Let us assume, either, a) due to the Rebel before election, or, b) due to accepting the demand submitted by the opposition forces, the regime fulfilled the democratic requirements  before the election and the election took place. Let us also assume the opposition parties won the election as in May 15, 2005. Based on what the TPLF stated in its political program, it will not give in. It will repeat what it did in the election of May 15, 2005. Then, this will be the time to use Rebel after election. Here too, once people started to protest by coming out to the streets, it has to continue until the regime surrenders. Perhaps, if the intensity overwhelmed the regime, then there will be a good opportunity to remove it by people’s power. The intensity refers to persistency and the high number of participants. Let us not forget the three million that came out to demonstrate on May 9, 2005. So, there is the potential to repeat it. Of course this would be  the critical juncture where determined leadership is required. Perhaps, what we do not realize is that a war is going on in Ethiopia today, between the regime, which should be considered as an invading power, and the people of Ethiopia. In a war the primary concern is how to fight with the right strategy to win the war, not the sacrifices, inevitable to follow, as it is part and parcel of any war.

 

It is an occupying enemy because of the items discussed under background. If one red those items carefully one would find that the leadership of TPLF is not “of” and “for” the people of Ethiopian, nor, “of” or “for” the Tigry people either. It is amazing. The more the leadership of TPLF is exposed by the insiders, this characterization, that is being an occupying power, the more it is clearly becoming the reality. Then who are they? They are killing machine invaders, organically disassociated from the society, probably from the values and the norms of human beings at large, completely.  Because of this discernible characteristic, they have the potential to be bought, that is the TPLF leadership as a group, by other countries to do for them what they did to Tigry people and still doing to both Tigry and Ethiopian people. An organized ruling political party turning into mercenaries, ready for hire. The extent of their detachment from the society indicates the potential for them to become mercenaries. Their detachment from the society has the potential to this extent. It  is organically detached from the Ethiopian people. It appears that it is so isolated, no community anywhere in Ethiopia, including in Tigry would come to its defense.   

 

c) The lesson from Iran’s revolution after the election

 

There were two phases of protestation that took place in Iran. The first phase was to continuously coming out to the streets. They did it for eight consecutive days. They are still doing it on and off. It is alive and burning in their hearts. During the demonstration 30 people were killed, as confirmed by Iran‘s government. The supporters of Mr. Mousavi, the challenger, put the death to 69. Many were jailed, including reformist religious leaders.     

 

In phase two, street demonstration was stopped and resorted to tactics such as :
–the boycott of goods advertised on state-controlled television
–attempting to deny power to state-run TV evening news
–“blitz” street demonstrations just long enough to chant “death to the

    dictator” several times but not long enough for security forces to   

    arrive
–identifying paramilitary Basji vigilantes linked to the crackdown  

   and putting marks in the opposition color green, or pictures of  

   protest victims in front of their homes
–scribble anti-regime slogans on money
(Sources: CNN, Wikipedia and Telegraph of UK) 

 

There are lessons the opposition forces, as well as progressive and democratic individuals in Ethiopia can learn from Iran’s revolution of June and July 2009. Here I might add, that, perhaps, the saviors of Ethiopia are among these progressive and democratic individuals that would come out, come together, and spark the REBEL. Coming back to the revolution of Iran, first it was a well structured and well organized demonstration. Second, the effective use of technology and creativeness was astonishing and very admirable.  Third, the open participation and the daring involvement of the religious and reformist leaders was also admirable. Fourth, the firm determination of the society who strongly believed there was an election fraud demonstrated continuously in the face of death, beating, and imprisonment. According to CNN over a hundred of them are still in prison. This type of determination both by reformist leaders and the society at large, particularly the young segment of the society, aught to be emulated by the leadership, and, particularly by the young and progressive segment of the Ethiopian society, including the students.

 

IS THE TIME SHORT?

 

No, it is not. The question aught to be what were the opposition forces doing at least for the last three years? Given the concrete political, economic and social situations itemized as the background for this article, how can they sleep or seat idle folding their arms on their chest, without doing anything? They would be accountable for the killings that took place, and, for the treasonous act committed by TPLF’s leadership. Imagine this. Had it not been for the rock-solid and unyielding unity of Ethiopian society, the country would have been disintegrated under the eyes of the existing opposition forces, both inside and outside of Ethiopia, long time ago. What is amazing is that, it had never occurred to them that the longer Meles Zenawi and his collaborators remain in power the more the country would be in a very serious danger.

 

I strongly argue that, given the only means at their disposal to remove the occupying regime is election, then it is their responsibility, no matter what the political environment would be, to go through it with the determination to win. At any cost.

 

IS THE ELECTION WINNABLE?

 

Is the 2010 election winnable? The answer is unequivocally yes. In Ethiopia, the struggle is well delineated. It is between the people of Ethiopia and the invading enemy. It is not between opposition forces. It is the people of Ethiopia against its enemy. I argue that as long as TPLF is in power, with its determination to stay in power, irrespective of any thing, and suck the blood of Ethiopian people, any election held in Ethiopia is winnable. The election of May 15, 2005, as far as the people are concerned, is repeatable. Because, the 26 million, if not more this time, that came out for the election, and the 3 million that came out in May 9, 2005 in support of the opposition forces,  are there. Add to this potential the level of the consciousness of the society are there, intact, if not better. Given this situation, whatever deceptive maneuvering  the TPLF leadership applies, the Ethiopian society will not surrender its will and its power. It will demonstrate it when the election comes.

 

Part of the winning of election of 2010, that is, going to the election cite and voting would be done by the people. That is the responsibility of the society. In a democratic system where the rule of law is respected that would have been the completion of the process. Power would be transferred smoothly in favor of the people. But in Ethiopia that would not be the case. Here is the crux of the issue. The part played by the society, which is the determining aspect of the process, completes 50% of the process. To complete the

remaining 50% is fully the responsibility of the opposition forces who are intending to participate  in the election. Whether the “Rebel after election,” is needed or not, is for the opposition forces to determine. From the experience of May 15, 2005 election, the people were ready to defend and protect its vote. Unfortunately leadership was not provided then. In fact, the leadership of the opposition party left the people behind and started to deal with the regime.

 

On 8/18/2005 I posted an article titled “IT IS CONSPIRACY.” The target of the article was the Proposal prepared by CUD and UEDF and presented to Meles Zenawi. Of course Meles Zenawi rejected it. Here is what I stated in the article under the sub-topic, Fully accepted the election results as dictated by the regime: “The third main feature of the new political arrangement is the establishment of a government structure based on power sharing…. The new government shall be structured in such a way that cabinet posts and portfolios are shared equitably among the three major parties IN ACCORDANCE TO THE PROPORTION OF THE VOTES THEY RECEIVED AT THE MAY ELECTION.” Emphasis mine. Do you see how the opposition leadership completely sidelined the people and sold out their voters? They shamelessly used the votes as the negotiation factor. This was done totally against the cry of the people. I am quite sure every one remembers what the people was demanding then.  

 

FORMING A COALITION 

 

Finally, how about forming a coalition by those who are intending to participate in the election? It has to be a one shot cooperation. The type of coalition formed by Kinijit. The main and the only purpose is for winning the election. After the election each will go back to its previous position and wait for the result. Once the coalition is formed it should fully adopt, in detail, the procedure followed and the steps taken by Kinijit. Just to point out few relevant points. Kinijit won in the election because of the negotiation and the compromise made between the organizations in the coalition. The coalition agreed to identify one representative,  instead of two or more, capable of beating Meles’s representative. In fact, this was exactly the point for forming the coalition. This procedure can be repeated in 2010 election and will be effective if the coalition is formed. For that mater, this method can be repeated in any election as long as TPLF is in power.

 

Mankelklot Haile Selassie(Ph.D)

 

September 22, 2009

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Re-defining or Re-drawing Ethiopia!!!

23. September 2009 by Assimba.

By Wolde Tewolde

Sept 23, 2009

Two approaches and two proposals for redefining or redrawing of Ethiopia’s future either by cartography or planning.

On the one hand, there is Ato Zewge Fanta who has written two articles the first one was entitled “Liberators coming north or South” and the second article entitled “Building Democratic Ethiopia: Nation of Individuality”, This author, has vehemently objected not only the need but also the idea of help coming either from the north or south of the main stream Ethiopia. He emphasized that Ethiopians do not need liberators. As a solution, Ato Zewge Fanta proposed models (via diagrams and maps) depicting on how Ethiopia could be redrawn for administrative or political purposes.

While on the other hand, Obo Arada Shawl has been proposing via his articles entitled “Solutions with DEBTERAW” indicating the dire need of DEMOCRACIA which is still hanging on the neck of Tsegaye G. Medhin, alias DEBTERAW. Obo Arada Shawl’s model for re-defining Ethiopia is based on intonation of spoken and written languages.

Ato Zewge, on the one hand, is a cartographer by profession as such he had access to top secretes of

• Re-Settlement and development programs in Ethiopia,

• Land Reform, and

• Border issues with neighboring countries such as the Sudan and Eritrea.

 

Obo Arada Shawl, on the other hand, was an economist by training and a transport planner by profession and as such he had

• Planned and programmed transport infrastructures

• Participated in various transport and communication sector studies

• Participated in the inventory of Ethiopia’s socio-economic and materials for construction

Zewge believes that the Kilil administrative imposed by the Woyane regime had created insurmountable economic and social hardships to all Ethiopians. It is recommended for readers to read Ato Zewge Fanta’s articles on how he arrived to this conclusion. And also, it is necessary to examine his models for reform. I suggest to the readers of this article to compare and contrast Ato Zewge’s model with that of Daniel Kinde’s proposal of Ethiopia’s administrative structure.

Unlike Ato Zewge, Obo believes that the concept of Kilil per se is not bad in terms of physical geography as inasmuch as it is against the freedom of Movement for Ethiopians. The Woyane groups have just repeated the concept of infringing on people’s individual freedom that was created by MIESON with the approval of the DERG. The creation of Kebele was a terrible mistake and now, it is perhaps ten times greater a disaster to be used by the current regime. For Obo Arada Shawl, Kilil is interchangeable with Kebele in terms of destruction and harassment.

Both writers could not agree more on the Kilil issue. It is a devastating concept no matter how the current president attempts to convince the world that ethnic federalism works.

This writer aka Obo Arada has proposed to re-define Ethiopia not in terms of physical geography based on cartography or virtual demarcation but by naming names, by inclusion and by honoring titles. That is, call me by my name, call me by my address and call me by my title (NAT).

 

My name is the letter E, my address is MAKK and my title is a civilian titles and not professional titles. We can discuss and debate on these Names, Addresses and Titles in order to comprehend, communicate and reconciled. This is what I call the Eway Ethiopia.

In other words, this writer has a history of building bridges between the head, the heart and the hand. If these three Hs are connected, there is definitely a solution to our perceived problems.

As to - from the outside to the inside - the 3Fs of, Flag, Fidel and Freedom have been presented to the readers.

DEMOCRACIA or democracy?

Ato Zewge Fanta defines democracy as follows.

“Democracy is a principle by which to fortify and build, not divide societies. The people of any region have democratic rights not to be excluded and barred from sharing the heritages and resources that the nation is endowed with. Similarly, it is the right of the nation to protect the interests of the whole and to prevent the partition or separation of any region away from the rest” (Zewge Fanta, 1993). According to Ato Zewge, kilil is a colonial dogma and he wrote “the purpose of kilil was to partition Ethiopia into several tribal homelands with ultimate goal of creating several nations within a nation.” This according to Ato Zewge is an anti-thesis of democracy.

Democratic right is one aspect of DEMOCRACIA. “The rule of the majority and the right of the minority should be considered” in the case of Ethiopia without delay.

DEMOCRACIA is the rule of the majority but in Ethiopia it was and is the rule of the minority. In other words, there are too many minorities to count. That is what the ethnic federalism is about. The foreign powers do not want the rule of the majority for there is no way to control the majority and as such there is no benefit to gain from such support of the rule of majority.

In the case of Ethiopia, foreigners have been searching for the real minority. They had found in the five hundred nobility of Moja and Asdge families and when these five hundred members of nobility could not be useful any more, then they began to search for few educated elites in the country, they failed to find or to pin point some, then they searched among the military elites again they failed. The Eway Ethiopian Revolution via DEMOCRACIA raged on unabated.

As the Eway Revolution was coming to a close, foreign powers have intervened with a new brand of recruits to halt the oncoming victory of the people and they found in some elements in Diaspora. Again many of them failed to hold on to power as a minority. For few years they seem to give up hope and only concentrated in exasperating the regional conflicts. This time around, still to build a minority of bourgeois class who can be a minority to be controlled and maneuvered by foreign powers is on. That is the dilemma we are in.

Are Ethiopians going north or south to be rich or to be liberated that may be the question at hand? Are these groups going to be rich by corruption? Or is Ethiopia is going to be wealthy by selling or leasing its land to foreign countries? The answer lies within each of us.

Conclusion

Zewge Fanta has attempted to redraw Ethiopia’s map via cartography based on nationalism and patriotism whereas Obo Arada Shawl, has been proposing to re-define Ethiopia via the concept of planning, programming and budgeting if not by name, address or title. Let the discussion and debate begin.

If Ethiopians cannot prosper by the concept of DEVELOPMENT, it is better for them to PRESERVE their natural resources. By natural resources, I do not mean, minerals, agricultural produces but also their cultural history, religion and climate.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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It is more of the same

22. September 2009 by Assimba.

By Seifu Tsegaye Demmissie

The Tigray People`s Liberation Front (Meles/TPLF) and associates have devised and are implementing yet another scam to fleece farmers and amass wealth under the guise of the Ethiopian Commodity Exchange. Commodity Exchange is trading in agricultural products and their derivatives. It requires a mechanism or system which supports and promotes free trading to thrive and benefit all the would be actors. These indispensable elements are lacking in Ethiopia under the grip of Meles Zenawi and it is clear to see the actors and forces the so called Ethiopian Commodity Exchange has intended to benefit. The TPLF is an inherently ethno-fascistic, discriminating and exclusionary political force imposing its wills on all spheres of life including the economy. In general fascism does not allow the emergence and functioning of a free economy which opens up possibilities and opportunities for all citizens. Still worse with ethno-fascism as we see it in operation in Ethiopia, is the ethnicization of the economy and concentration of wealth in the hands of Meles Zenawi and his kith and kin. As the supreme ethnic leader, Meles Zenawi is discriminating against and practically excluding Ethiopians who do not belong to his ethnic group. Unlike many robbers in power, Meles Zenawi Zenawi and associates own and run parasitic business tycoons registered in the name of their front as endowments and ethnic collective ownerships. In other words, the TPLF and people of Tigray are nominal owners and the covers Meles Zenawi and his associates use to pillage the country. These parasitic mega businesses are receiving preferential treatments, engaged in unfair trade practices, pushing industrious citizens out of business and stifling the emergence of a competitive and free market in the country. The ethnic homelands or barriers he has erected are hindering the free movement of capital and skills in the country. Despite preaching the importance of a liberalized economy, Meles Zenawi and those in his inner ethnic circle are virtually in control of all the profit generating sectors of the economy including the supply and distribution of artificial fertilizers. Besides, the ethno-fascistic regime is abusing its ownership of land to maintain its grip on power by preventing farmers from exercising their basic human rights. Government ownership of land is considered to be the major factor depressing production and productivity in the agricultural sector.

Thus Ethiopians have every reason to distrust Meles Zenawi whose records are full of deceit, manipulations, treason and advancements of anti-Ethiopia agenda. That is why we can not take the economic and political institutions his regime creates at their face values. They have all proved to be superficial and intended to implement and promote his economic and political

agenda which are harmful to the national interests of the country. Meles Zenawi and his associates are also in the business of selling the country’s fertile farmlands to foreign bidders. Thus this latest and apparently refined dishonest scheme or the Ethiopian Commodity
Exchange heralds the expansion of Meles Zenawi`s business empire into the agricultural sector of the economy. The so called Ethiopian Commodity Exchange can not be taken at its face value and regarded as a platform for free trading in such an economic environment controlled and manipulated by Zenawi`s crony and parasitic capitalism. This can be substantiated by drawing a parallel with the privatization agency, which was found out to be a scam. The privatization agency was established as part of the economic liberalization or reform measures prescribed by the western financial institutions, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB). Its stated objective was to privatize public owned enterprises in a fair and transparent manner but what ensued were corrupt practices which led to misappropriation of public property. It appeared that the World Bank had not monitored and overseen the privatization process. It is to be recalled that Meles Zenawi himself had accused one of the top officials of the privatization agency of corruption and thrown him into prison in the aftermath of the split within his TPLF. This is an indirect admission of corruption and misappropriation on the part of Meles Zenawi who uses corruption as a political weapon against dissidents within his front.

The western financial institutions require privatization as one of the preconditions to be met if a given poor country is to be eligible for gaining access to their credit facilities. The economic policies of the western financial institutions are not pro-poor and partly responsible for the deplorable economic conditions in Ethiopia. The outcomes of the so called structural adjustment programs of the World Bank and which require cuts in public expenditures have had devastating effects on the livelihood of the poor.

Despite reneging on the economic and political reform needed to stabilize the country the regime of Meles Zenawi is enjoying access to these facilities. This proves that economic and political reforms (including human rights) do not matter and are subordinate to clientship and serving the interests of the big western powers.

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LAUGHTER IS THE BEST MEDICINE

15. September 2009 by Assimba.

By Hama Tuma

Africans may be miserable and subjected to poverty but they are on the whole nice people forever thinking of the welfare of others even in crazy times when they may be forced to indulge in a genocide or cut arms and legs with machetes. It is a dour and grim world we live in and so the Africans’ untiring attempt to make us laugh now and then should be appreciated.

From the land of the Sudan, where once idle chiefs ordered a man to marry a female goat and warmed the heart of may a racist, came the indecent trousers show. A Sudanese woman, Loubna Hussein, working as a journalist wit the UN was arrested because she was wearing a trouser in public and it was deemed indecent. The world which did not know that the stiff necked fundamentalist regime has been flogging women on the basis of their clothes was surprised at first and then amused. What makes a trouser indecent? Tightness? Colour? What? We all know the Sudan has grave problems in its hands. The regime has to make sure its killing spree continues in Darfur and that does require effort (not every lazy regime can handle a genocide!), that the impending secession of the South does not materialize, that the starving millions get enough food–huge tasks, big priorities. But, the generals took time out to give us the trousers show, dragging a brave woman to court and sentencing her to prison or fine (flogging left out this time–too much world attention). The dynasty or succession show presented to the world by Syria and North Korea was justifiably taken away by Africa for the enjoyment of all. Eyadema of Togo left power to his son, Kabila senior to Kabila junior in what was Zaire and now Ali Bongo of Gabon is succeeding his corrupt father. “Monarchy– republics” are in vogue and up North Mubarek is coordinating his own similar show and Gadafi may very well leave his place to Seif Al Islam, his son. Funny shows.

Talk of Gadafi and the showman in Tripoli held a big bash to which African “kings and chiefs” in their colourful dresses were invited over to declare once again Brother Moamar Gadafi the King of Kings of Africa. He was given a throne as a gift (among other offerings) and he wore huge gold rings and a necklace. After a heavy meal quite a few of the tribal chiefs and so called kings napped as Gadafi spoke, but no the show still went on and tried to surpass Bokassa’s coronation as a central African Napoleon some decades back. The funny show aside, Gadafi is no fool. He has used his oil to buy the old British Empire and to make it bend to his wills, to release the alleged Lockerbie bomber and then to ridicule itself by claiming it did that on humanitarian grounds only. From Somalia, we got the funny event of terrorists of Al Shabab buying arms from the alleged enemy, the Transitional government led by Sheikh Ahmed. The arms come from Uganda bought and paid for by America. Once again our wily neighbours are being supplied with arms by their own enemy, Washington, and the naivety of the often arrogant American officials makes us laugh. In Ethiopia, the often unfunny despotic regime of Meles Zenawi came up with its own Orwellian joke banning the word cholera and baptizing it instead (very many thousands even in the capital are afflicted and hundreds are dying even in the capital Addis Abeba) as “Atet” or dangerous or fast watery diarrhoea. No doctor can use the C word or would face jail and the routine beating. This has given ideas to other tyrants to re baptize killer diseases and make them appear benign or innocuous. Ugandans used to call AIDS “slim” but some are now considering calling it “severe diet syndrome (SDS), giving the idea that the loss of weight is linked to fanatical dieting “like the ones engaged in by some models. Malaria can be renamed Saturday Night Fever and so on.

Cameroon’s Biya spent 400,000 US dollars per night for hotel rooms and services fee

(the average Cameroonian earns a dollar a day) but his spokesmen retaliated with a

“he has been allocated the money and he can spend it as he pleases” thereby making everyone–including Cameroonians–laugh. Don’t be jealous! Who gave him all this money to spend? Bad question, just laugh and enjoy the noble gesture of our tyrants who spend so much money to maintain our prestige in foreign lands (where God knows why they still think we are poor and begging for help!) and give us the chance to enjoy by proxy. The latest joke on the streets of Addis Abeba is that the tyrant Meles will win the 2010 general election hands down ( he lost the last one but stayed in power killing and jailing those who cried foul) because of millions of hens and chicken will vote for him as he raised the price of a hen to 80 Birr (they used to cost less than ten Birr in the past) and millions were not able to afford them for the kill come the Ethiopian new year (September 11) and the chicken and hen folk are elated. A South African boy, who did not know of Idi Amin who had at least 33 children, answered the question “where do babies come from?” with: “they come from Jacob Zuma” (who has 18 children by the latest count). The problem with Africans, if you want to call it that, is that they are an open book, not hiding details of their personal lives. Many a European and American have concubines and very may children out of wedlock but silence is the edict on the fact. Not Africans who flaunt their peccadilloes. Idi Amin paraded his wives and very many children, the old Mzee Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya dragged his wife, Mama Ngina, to a public forum so that she can testify he may be old but was as active as cock It was all before the blue pill). In all cases, we supplied the fun; we let those who think we are savages and bizarre have the laugh at our expense. We told the world we married goats, believed in traditional witch doctors (who consulted bones instead of the computer), declared an arrogant Arab colonel king of kings, denied diseases their existence by giving them benign names, ignored the existence of famine, elected again and again pour own tormentors, like to slaughter one another for nothing, and that our riches are there for the taking. The world laughed at us. We were useful, we are useful.

An acquaintance of mine I shall call Professor Mendal (a combination of the names of there educated Ethiopian fools) suggests that Africans can get back at their tyrants by laughing at them. The run of the mill African dictator takes himself very seriously and has very many laws dealing severely with any lese majeste. You cannot laugh at he tyrants who can only laugh at the Nation at will. The practice of laughing at the tyrants, of not taking them seriously at all, of ignoring their edicts, of roaring with laughter at their endless antics will surely drive them crazy. Idi Amin stole the people’s laughter and enjoyed his won fun and aggravated the misery of the people. Take our constipated looking tyrants ranging from Kagame and Meles to Ngueso and Dos Santos and imagine what being laughed at or being ridiculed will do them. We can also laugh at the opposition and give them a taste of reality. Back in the early and mid seventies Algeria’s Boumedienne (he hardly ever smiled out of choice and not he had crooked teeth) played at being revolutionary and invited dozens of self declared liberation fronts to Algiers. One of these was a self declared Ashanti prince who brought over a political program which had an introduction, his photo, other books written by the author and a long article on the personality of the “prince revolutionary” with a final call foe the then president of Ghana, Busia, to resign (because “you are a sophist”) and concludes by stating if Busia does not resign the Ghanaian army should overthrow him via a coup d’etat. A curious political program in which the self declared prince states that he met Busia and the [president suspected he was a roving agent of Nkrumah (”which I was not”) or a “big personality disguised as a common man”(”which I was”). Such funny “rebels “and “Marxist- Leninist- Lumumbist ” con men from the Congo are no longer around. Politics has become boring and the politicians humourless. That is why the African should laugh at those oppressing them and at those who declare themselves their liberators but are caricatures of those in power. Laughter is indeed the best medicine.

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A Commentary and a Proposal on Eritreans versus Ethiopians: Choosing Sides? - SOLUTIONS WITH DEBTERAW: XIV

15. September 2009 by Assimba.

Call me by my name, address, or title (NAT)

By Obo Arada Shawl

September 13, 2009

Our Revolution is based on nurturing the SEEDS, whereas the revolution of MIESON groups and all other subsequent groups and fronts was bent onto the destruction of the seeds

W. Kassa M.

By way of Introduction

Many individuals representing websites, magazines, and political organizations have presented their pros and cons whether to ally with the leader of Eritrea, Isaisas Afeworki. In my previous article of Eritreans versus Ethiopians: choosing sides?, I have promised my readers that I would comment on the views and opinions of the pundits and advocates for Ecountries (Ethiopia and Eritrea). It is to be recalled though that most of them have dwelt on the relationship solely based on President Isaisas’s open statement without the wishes and value of liberty for the Eritrean and the Ethiopian people in general.

Neamin Zeleke has produced a piece of article entitled “The imperative for Ethiopians dealing with Eritrea” that became a precedent that ensued with a snowball argument and counter-argument among rivals and enemies without dealing with the issues and problems that put us all simultaneously into these messes and progresses – contrary to many activists and protesters claim, I believe that the Revolution in Ethiopia and the war in Eritrea were not a zero-sum game.

My view is based on these individuals’ opinions and views; it is not targeted against their personalities. It is rather focused on the issue of struggle of INDEPENDENCE for Eritrea, on the one hand, and on finding the “uncomfortable” TRUTH that was historically and politically based on the Eway Revolution. Eway is my way of explaining what actually took place and is taking place in both Eritrea and Ethiopia to people who once were and still are “outside the realm of change aka Revolution”.

In the early 1960’s, Ethiopian elites were fed up with the status quo. Berhane Meskel Redda (BMR), a prominent founder of EPRP who later turned against his own party used this phrase “the revolution will not be televised” as frequently as he can. It was a song written by Gil Scott-Heron in relation to the then ‘eroding democracy’ in America. That “silent revolution” spearheaded by the “Crocodile group” of the Addis Ababa College has continued to the present day albeit moving at a faster rate via the engine known as the “Animal Group” of DEBTERAW. Both groups were basically known for their covert and overt operations respectively. And their followers include ዝገብር ነዲኡ ነይነግር

(A doer does not tell even to his own mother) ሞያ በልብ ነው (action lies within the realm of the heart).

In conformity with an Orthodox method of operation, ግራ እጅህ ያደረገውን ቀጙ እጅህ አይወቀው - the Eway Revolution went underground በሕቡዕ Be’H’buEE in the initial stage but later on, many revolutionaries came out in the open defying any regime that does not stand for Eathiopian Security, liberty and Justice. (Notice that EPRP’s official slogan was unity, democracy and peace). In other words, in EPRP’s parlance

Security = Unity

Liberty = Democracy

Justice = Peace

Not dealing with these three pillars of value in the order given will tear Aethiopians apart to the core. It is time to deal with these Truths if we desire to move forward and not backward, as many activists and protesters in Eritrea and Ethiopia seem to suggest.

The Eway Revolution is a change in thinking, changing of hearts and minds of Aethiopians. EPRP did not televise the Ethiopian Revolution for it is a concept about national security, communal liberty and individual justice not readily recognizable by millions of Eritreans and Ethiopians.

In a nutshell, the confusion among the majority of Eethiopian readers arose simply because of the lack of information that took place between the years (1974-1991). This particular period was not only blurred for a lot of Ethiopians but also, to a large segment of the Eritrean elites. Currently, these “lost” Eritreans are either searching for the “Hafash’s” ሐፋሽ political power base or seeking revenge for being misdirected by “EPRP” now turned into PFDJ. For this reason, their struggle is deemed to continue by any other means necessary for democracy and justice.

As far as the sequence of Eritrean Independence is concerned, I have presented my case scenario in http://www. debteraw.com/, although it was written a decade ago, which I still believe is valid. The majority of Eritreans got what they wanted (Republic?) though the elites do not seem to embrace it for lack of DEMOCRACIA.

As to the “uncomfortable” Truth in relation to the Ethiopian Revolution, here is what I have to say.

Journalists or advocates for a cause

We all know by now why and how the “stalemate situation” between Eritrea and Ethiopia that was primarily caused by the two autocratic leaders is nearing ten years. We also know that both leaders were allies for a little over a quarter of a century. This may seem a long period of time for those individuals who did not participate in the political affairs of either Erithrea or Ethiopia. But they should be consoled by the dedication of those individuals and political groups who had waited for almost half a century in order to bring justice and respect for all Aethiopians irrespective of their nationalities.

As at today, there is neither individual justice for Eritreans nor collective respect for Ethiopians – the basis of our social history.

It is in the context of socio-political history that we should be able to delve into partnership with either leader of Eritrea or Ethiopia.

As per the current discussion and debate, two assumptions seem to prevail:

1. If the government of Isaisas fails, Eritreans will automatically rejoin with Ethiopia

2. And if Meles’s government collapses, Ethiopia will be able to restore Eritrea as its province.

The above arguments are not only untenable but naïve at the core.

However, I have no reason to doubt the sincerity of those who want to ally with the president of Eritrea or distance themselves from prime minister of Ethiopia. But the rationale for dialogue should not be construed as a negotiation that would be based to be a pawn in the game of the instability of the REGIONS of SEEDS (Somalia-Ethiopia-Eritrea-Djibouti-Sudan). EPRP’s motive force was and still is to nurture seeds as opposed to the destruction of SEEDS. (It is to be recalled that some circles had perpetually accused EPRP for sabotaging the wars against Somalia and Eritrea.)

Don’t we remember when the Ogadenis became victims of an experiment for T- 60 (driverless tanks) supplied by the Soviet Union and a dogfight between an American jet F-5E and a Russian MiG-21MF? Don’t we know now that the Ethiopian regime is sending troops to Somalia and that the Eritrean government in turn is shipping guns and ammunitions in retaliation? What is the purpose? I do not think it is about planting the seeds for harmony and cooperation but rather of destruction of the SEEDS.

Now, the former Italian Somali-land is again a victim of the proxy war of the “mini powers” of Eritrean and Ethiopian leaders. What a tragedy for all to see? Don’t we learn from experience? As a footnote, we should be able to have learnt from our experiences - only the bad side of things - so as not to repeat them. But it seems to me that the so-called Abyssinians strive to learn positive things from their bad experiences – there is no need to learn the “good”- there are role models and mentors to emulate. In Aethiopia, elders, academicians - ጽንሐተ ምሁራን, civilians (the honorable ones), religious (the faithful one), military (the professionals) and revolutionaries (public servants) are our role models and mentors. We follow their footprints and we learn from their mistakes. These should be our new guidelines.

We had enough of conspiracy and secrecy from the so-called “Abyssinian” community. That methodology is one good reason why the opposition groups are not succeeding to achieve their goals whatever it is. The lack of professional journalists and the lack of trusted and credible educators is hurting Aethiopians more than ever before.

Let us examine the pros and cons for cooperation or confrontation as proposed by the journalists and advocates. For convenience let me categorize the groups of discussant into the followings:

GROUP A: Includes Dawit W. Giorgis (Agent) Neamin Zelleke (publisher) Elias Kifle and Hassan Umer Abdella (journalists) and the others who support the idea of becoming an ally of President Isaisas of Eritrea. Their proposal seems to emanate from Neamin’s article as well as from Elias’s interview with president Isaisas.

In the article authored by Ato Neamin Zeleke “The imperative for Ethiopians dealing with Eritrea“ was written on June 12, 2009 and entailed these main points which is quoted as follows:

“Ethiopia’s national salvation could only be a reality if Ethiopian patriotic and democratic forces have a base, and outside support to wage their multi-pronged struggle. The requisite is for a sovereign country to become a trusted ally of Ethiopian opposition forces and provide them all around support.”

Ato Zeleke seems to argue that just because the opposition needed a base, they should sell their freedom if not their soul. His statement is ridiculous. Only cowards or foreign troops need a base. The mountains of Nakfa, Aasimba, Tulu or Dedebit bereha, Chercher, Simien mountains or the valleys of Awash, or the deserts of Afar have been used as bases for those he calls ‘patriots and democrats’. The people are the bases. Mercato was the base for EPRP. The palace of Minilik was the base for MIESON and that of Asmara was a base for ELF. First, Ato Neamin should believe in what he wants and then act upon it in order to find a long lasting solution (Ze’LLeKE!!! Call me by my name). It is high time for all of us to find other plausible excuses for our dealership and trust-ship.

While endorsing Neamin’s proposal Shaleka Dawit has said a lot of things in his article of June 29, 2009 “the way forward for Ethiopia and Eritrea. Here are some of the highlights:

• “Not relating with the Eritrean government is a misguided position”

• “Despite the fact the process of uniting Eritrea with Ethiopia was flawed with technical and strategic errors, the people of Eritrea believed sincerely and sometimes manifested in extreme ways that I have not seen anywhere else in Ethiopia”

• “I am the only one survivor from the pioneer group”

• “The flag and unity of Ethiopia” is paramount

• “I was an active part of the revolution”

• “There is some evidence to the claim that the student movement unwittingly allowed itself to be used by forces that had inimical agenda to Ethiopia’s interest.”

Shaleka Dawit is a narcissus. His own writing style says a lot about him. He writes I and my colleagues; I and I, instead he/she, they and I. All the above quotations made by Shaleka were either shallow or dishonest statements. I don’t need to go into details.

According to his personal stories, Shaleka Dawit was not involved in the interests of Aethiopians. In fact he testified that he was

1. A soldier of fortune

2. A foreign minister and

3. A governor for a province that was claimed as “colonized”. Dawit has never considered or imagined himself as an administrator or as a public servant but only a governor (colonizer)!!!

Sheleka’s positions had nothing to do with the welfare of Aethiopians. The only time he was appointed to serve the Ethiopian refugees was the time when he runs away from the action of relief on the pretext that colonel Goshu Wolde became his immediate boss in lieu of Menghistu.

Shaleka Dawit’s claim that he had been on college campuses at home and abroad that might have qualified him to be a knowledgeable and an authoritative person. But that alone wouldn’t guarantee him to be an expert and give advice especially when he is not asked by the victims let alone by the victors. I think it is time for him and me to give way for the Eway generation of Eritrea and Ethiopia.

An article by Hassan Umer Abdalla entitled: Ethiopia and Eritrea: the imperative to be clearheaded in order to find our way forward. Here are the highlights of what Mr. Abdalla has written.

“As I used to point out repeatedly in my Tobiyya articles it is a reflection of the anomalous eccentricity of yal teTenTaqeqe Fichi Yal Tesaka Gurbtinna l“a sort of “unconsumed divorce and impossible neighborliness” between Ethiopia and Eritrea,”

Mr. Abdalla may have written hundreds of articles on Tobiyya about እስጦጵያ but he seems to have been in the fringes of the nature of Revolution that liberated us from our social, educational and religious feudal mentality. Ours i.e. modern politics is about relationship in whatever form to bring peace, harmony and prosperity. (Concepts for politics are available within this article).

Mr. Abdella by quoting the journalist Tesfaye Gebreab “an anecdote of an Asmara lady with a koboroo dancing dazzlingly the traditional Guaylaa on occasion of Eritrea’s Independence Day in the streets of Asmara” As I used to point out repeatedly in my Tobiyya articles it is a reflection of the anomalous eccentricity of yal teTenTaqeqe Fichi Yal Tesaka Gurbtinna l“a sort of “unconsumed divorce and impossible neighborliness” will not in any way move us in the right direction between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The story goes by a journalist who asks her  “Adiye; why are you dancing so passionately?”Oh, my son, we are celebrating the glorious day of our freedom from the Ethiopian occupation” She replies. The reporter asks her further, “by the way, can I have your name” and the good old lady retorts back with apparent and unfeigned innocence “my name is Ityobiya”.

Was this anomaly in the minds of the lady or in the journalists’ vocabulary? She was perhaps liberated from her own name, I would not know. What is in a name? Call me by my name are two different things. Harnet and Nazanet though interrelated are two separate concepts.

Mixing up her name with that of a country Ethiopia does not make sense. Her given name was ኤትዮጵያ and she got what she wanted. I don’t see the reason why journalists like Tesfaye and Abdalla cajole the lady’s name with her feelings. Come on Mr. Abdalla, (call me by my name, what is my name?). The Eway Revolution was meant to decrease if not erase such petty things of belittling the common people. I don’t believe you are taking revenge on Umer or Omar. Do you?

The above journalistic approach is killing the nation of Aethiopia in as much as the DERG cadres had diminished it to nothing with revolutionary phrases.

Mr. Abdella continues to write

“There is no doubt that the Ethiopians have to deal with and engage Eritrea as state and the Eritrean people both as individuals as well as organized entities whenever the opportunity offers itself. It is inevitable that the Eritreans and Ethiopians, by simple logic of geography, if not history will live, side by side as neighbors of two states or as citizens of one state as they used to do just less than two decades ago. One need not be a futurologist to understand that. In politics both geography and history are constant variables. But the most constant and permanent seems to be geography.”

Mr. Umer Abdella again writes on

“Again, if my memory comes to my aid, the United Nations General Assembly in its 1950 deliberation on the disposal of Eritrea enumerated the following three main justifications for the resolution it adopted on the establishment of the federation between Eritrea with Ethiopia:

1. The historical ties between the two peoples

2. Ethiopia’s need for a sea outlet

3. The peace and stability in the region

I am not so sure the whether non viability of Eritrea as an entity was also taken into consideration as a factor for affiliating Eritrea with Ethiopia in an unequal federal arrangement that ever body today, concedes was doomed to fail from the beginning”

The third choice seems to discuss and debate about Regions. That concept has had its days too. We are on a higher level of politics of cooperation or confrontation. We all have choices which way to go.

 

What is geography and history for Mr. Umer Abdalla? Is he referring to physical geography or political geography? What is history for Mr. Abdella? There are hundred types of history. Which history is he referring to?

Mr. Abdella’s main contention seems to rest on UN Resolutions. Even then, he is not referring to economics, social, cultural, religious or political nature. We have come a long way to where we are.

Ethiopians and Eritreans are demanding the nature of our leaders, whether they should be FEARED or LOVED. In other words or in modern terms all EE people are after the rule of law, democracy and freedom. It is not even about peace and stability in the region. It is rather a question of LEGITIMACY. Is it the power of the gun or the power of people? That is the question. Let us wait and see who will win. As a professional journalist, Mr. Abdella should have lead the other journalists in reporting what has been said or seen and not to give judgments with whom to ally or not to ally. Inasmuch as the cadres of the DERG have withered away for lack of clarity, it is also inevitable that the journalists of the current regimes will wither away for lack of integrity.

GROUP B: includes Saleh Gadi (webmaster) Mintesnot (political observer) and Ayalsew Dessie (Ex-member of EPRA), Mersha Yosef (ex-member of EPRP collective leadership)

“But, the real debate has to start in earnest. It has to also be realistic. Although the focus of the discussion is the way forward we must be forced to frequent the recent past again and again. It not only geography that we must deal with but also we must come to terms with our recent past history as well.”

The above quotation is from Hassan Umer Abdalla’ article. This quotation would have elevated Mr. Abdalla to the Group B or C if he had been sincere about the Eway Revolution. The recent past may not be well understood by Mr. Abdalla.

“More of Red Tears” written on July 2, 2009 by Saleh (Gadi) Johar and posted on Awate.com Mr. Johar responds critically to Shaleka Dawit’s proposal on relationship with Eritrea. According to Johar, Shaleka Dawit is a career soldier, a politician, a leader and an intellectual, which scares him to death. According to me Shaleka Dawit is none of the above (see my comments on Shaleka).

It is an axiom that people are afraid of the things they don’t know. Mr. Johar would like to be a history teller whereas Shaleka Dawit is a history writer. Both desires are at a loggerhead especially these eras of deception and lies. No one will win the argument. What I can say about these two individuals is that both have nothing in common as their point of reference is only religion, which is in turn a private matter. I hope in the future both individuals participate in the discussions and debates about politics of Erithrea and Ethiopia together or solo. As of now, Woyane has opened the Pandora box of ethnicity and Shaebia has closed the freedom of religious practice. Both actions are dangerous.

At this juncture, I want to point out from Saleh’s article for my readers.

“I was once talking to an elderly and respectable Amhara neighbor. In the course of our conversation, I mentioned a friend and tried to describe him to my neighbor. I told him that my friend grew up in Addis Ababa and that he is Amhara, and that his name is Omer. My neighbor wrinkled his forehead and snapped his head up in surprise: someone with a name like Omer cannot be an Amhara; he is a Muslim!”

Saleh continued to write

I don’t want to bore you with that surprise lesson I learned from my neighbor.

It was easy to remember Haile Sellassie (and his predecessor’s) policy of building a nation state: an Ethiopia centered on the Amhara nationality and the Orthodox religion. The rest, if they were not willing to assimilate and shed off their identities, would practically be relegated to second-class citizens, if not worse.”

As far as names are concerned, I have been writing why and how we got our names and further challenged my readers whether they are tuned to their names. I leave the answer to my readers and to Dawit himself whether he is living the life of king David. As far as I am concerned, he is not. There may be a change in his final part of his life, I cannot predict but I hope he does.

As to Haile Sellassie’s desire of a Christian state, I do not see any problem with that wish. Many nations were Christians let alone Ethiopia that have embraced Christianity long before Christ was born. Am I to oppose if a nation wants to be a Muslim nation? The answer is no.

The saddest part of our groups, such as Mersha and Ayalsew, is the unexpected and unwarranted reaction to the suggestion of Zelleke, Shaleka or Elias to be an ally of Eritrea. These ex-members of EPRP should have known better than the rest of the ordinary members about the relationship of EPRP with EPLF and ELF in the same way that EPRP had relationships with MIESON, at least in the initial stage. It was only when fundamental issues of value changes that EPRP had parted company. The first question that should have come to Mersha and Ayalsew was to ask what fundamental change has cropped up for EPRP to be an ally with the leaders of Shaebia or TPLF. The famous reminder of Mersha to EPRP members was በሬ ከአራጁ ይውላል ወይ? Is there any change of heart or mind that comes from president Isaias or Prime Minister Mellese towards the value and struggle of EPRP? I did not see it coming either from Ayalsew or Mersha about personal relationships and vendettas. (NB. Ayalsew versus Dawit; Mersha versus Iyassou – check their writings and listen to them on radio interviews)

GROUP C: Iyassou Alemayehu (member of EPRP collective leadership),Tsegaye Kassa “collaboration with Eritrea is betrayal of the Ethiopian nation” Fanta Zewge and many others dwell on the issues to be addressed as opposed to be simply an ally.

It is within this group that I want to elaborate, and perhaps convince that the correct position lies within this group for certainly the solution lies in here provided that we soberly and critically use our voices of reason and our common sense.

The most important piece of writing from this group is that of Fanta Zewge and so I chose to dwell on writing in the hope that it is inclusive for the other members of the group. Here is the quotation from Zewge’s article entitled ‘the liberators going north coming south’

Certain Political Figures from the wide field of Political Parties of Ethiopia are considering some sort of armed struggle. Their main objective is to remove the dictator who is reportedly preparing to step down. The armed struggle is a noble mission so long it is to free the people from an oppressive regime. However, the implications of the armed struggle are complex to be left to the actors and Engineers of the armed struggle. First, it must be realized that the armed struggle powered by EPLF that helped TPLF to grab power in 1991 is a sticky issue by it. Objections to the plan are mounting. Second, the armed struggle is seen as a back door to power, and so, a mission to replace a dictator by another. Third, the idea that a dictator of a tiny state, a province of Ethiopia for decades and centuries being consider as a liberator to the proud Ethiopians has become a shameful and humiliating experience. The author explores these issues. With or without armed struggle, the Ethiopian people will free themselves and the dictatorial regime with its “Ethnic Federal System” shall come to pass. Anticipating new era, the author has presented conceptual models by which to establish Economic and Political Administrative regions based on the natural and cultural features of the country. Ethiopians have to undo the damages and restore the nation to its original conditions. And to modernize the country, modern systems must be adopted. For that purpose, the author has presented conceptual models of Economic Regions and Political Administrative entities. These shall give an idea of the framework for establishing a new Federal System of Government.

Armed struggle: Ato Zewge on armed struggle, writes “ the armed struggle is a noble mission so long it is to free the people from an oppressive régime. However, the implications of the armed struggle are complex to be left to the actors and engineers of the armed struggle.” This is well said. (Compare and contrast between nationalists and revolutionaries.)

And I plead with Mr. Zewge to find out by the historical differences among the armed guerrilla fighters how they had been conduction their field operations. i.e. the relationships between educating-organizing-arming.

Original conditions “Anticipating new era … Ethiopians have to undo the damages and restore the nation to its original conditions”. What is the basis of origin? Physical or mental origin, there will no be original condition for a new era. That is against change or revolution.

“Modern systems must be adopted to modernize the country,” Is this not a contradiction, Ato or Mr.? How do I know with which title you would like to be addressed, the original title of Ato or the modern of MR or no title at all?

Political entities The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia do not distinguish physical geography from political geography, since professor MWM did not teach them. Instead Enver Hoja or Mao’s theory of isolation guided both leaders. Besides, Ato Fanta seems to have the belief system of hatred towards these leaders since he wrote, “For Ethiopians there shall be no worst insult than being ruled by hordes of High School drop-outs”

Honestly, both leaders are articulate and knowledgeable. The problem with the leaders is that they are using their talents and skills for the wrong cause. They have played hide and seek in Sahel, they have played hide and seek in Badme war and they are playing cat and mouse in Somalia. Don’t tell us they are dropouts. They are cunning and clever at the same time. Besides, there are thousands of dropouts from high school who are ready to lead the country. Graduates from High school would have been enough for a population with over 80% illiteracy.

An economic region Mr. Zewge whether out of conviction or anger believes that, and I quote, “Eritrea is not an important land by itself. What makes Eritrea important is Ethiopia. Eritrea is not a factor to Ethiopia’s progress” If that is the case, why do subsequent leaders of Ethiopia always link with Eritrea? Was it for gaining benefits or for scapegoat? Mr. Zewge not only is stuck with the old economic models based of sea transport and raw materials. Mr. Zewge and others are advised to grasp the triple resources of ‘SSS’ as economic model for the 21^st century and beyond.

If Ato Fanta’s concept of importance is out of conviction, it will be a milestone for many Ethiopians not to squander their time, energy and resources on bringing Eritreans to the table. I will be one of them, as I will watch you on how you will implement your Federal States based on your conceptual model of diving the thirteen provinces roughly into two.

Let me tell you an event with how Menghistu H. Mariam decided to divide his Ethiopia for the purpose of planning. The experts came up with two alternatives for discussion in planning commission. Before the discussion commenced, the three experts showed to Menghistu alternative proposal to be presented to the Council of Ministers and their experts. Instantly, Menghistu decided on the spot that the Planning Regions should be formed into seven regions (the two alternative proposals were to divide Ethiopia into 5 or 7). And so the Dictator’s decision was done. Many of the attendees were puzzled why the Dictator decided the way he did. A joker and a thinker by the name of Osman clarified Menghistu’s calculation that dividing the fourteen provinces by two instead five was much simpler.

I wish good luck to Ato Fanta since nobody is coming a liberator either from the north or south. Ato Fanta’s ideas of economic regions and political entities may work but only in Godjam region – as model for the rest of the country.

In order to be clear with the past and move on to the future, it is proper to remind once again the long and arduous struggle of EPRP for it will not only liberate the minds of its members and supporters but also it will help others to liberate their minds and hearts so as to be free in life and in death.

I find it necessary even at the expense of repeating of my past articles. The following part should be used as a reference guide in conjunction with my commentary. It will be useful for any person who wants to know and understand the history of political revolution in both Ethiopia and Eritrea as depicted in the following pages

A little bit of Revolutionary History in Ethiopia

Independence for Eritreans

On the onset of the Ethiopian Revolution, intellectuals representing various academic domains came up with their version of what the people need and want. Apart from their wishful thinking of progress and hope, most of them were not qualified to analyze the urban problem with which they were associated let alone to assess the needs and desires of the rural population.

However, two schools of thought emerged, dominant among them were EPRP and MIESON.

To recap the history of the Ethiopian Revolution, there were three major enemies to be tackled by all progressive revolutionaries. These were

1. Feudalism

2. Bureaucracy and

3. Imperialism

In order to combat these enemies of progress; the following slogans were devised,

1. Land to the tiller (in relation to Feudalism) meret la’Arashu መሬት ለአራሹ ተዋጉለት አትሽሹ

2. Combat the pretenders (in relation to Bureaucracy) ኣስመሳይ ምሁራን ይጋለጡ

3. Imperialism: Paper tiger የወረቀት ነብር ነው (EPRP’s slogan) (Man-eater system) ሰው በላው ሥርዐት ነው (DERG’s slogan)

Although both EPRP and MIESON organizations had similar ideological background on the above issues, MIESON had a better understanding of political theory in terms of philosophy. EPRP was not only equipped with revolutionary history but it had the added advantage of spelling out clearly and simply the demands and wishes of all peoples of Ethiopia.

It is to be noted though that the nationalists of ELF/EPLF and TPLF use slogans against Feudalism and Bureaucracy in the following manner - “Amhara” in relation to Feudalism and “opportunists” for the Bureaucracy. It was and is ironic for these nationalists to claim to have fought against Imperialism of the West and East. The end result for these groups concerning capitalism and socialism (both types labeled as Imperialism) is nothing but confusion. The current governments of both counties are either scared of globalization or enamored with it. As in the past, there is neither clarity nor basis for their actions of policy in both countries.

What were the Issues that drive MIESON and EPRP apart?

The basic questions that divided the intellectuals of MIESON and EPRP were the following:

1. Who will replace the Throne of Haile Sellassie I, the crown prince or a political party?

2. What is the nature of the military vis-à-vis the objective condition of the nation of Ethiopia?

3. When and where is the question of nation and nationalities resolved?

4. Why?

5. And How is the question of DEMOCRACIA i.e. SEA (freedoms of speech, expression, assembly) is applied?

Legitimacy: MIESON’s choice as an answer to the question of who was the Military Junta. EPRP rejected the idea of supporting the Military known as the DERG to take over the responsibility of leading the Revolution. EPRP’s argument was based on the assumption that the DERG could not be a Revolutionary but only a Fascistic group. The DERG has ruled Ethiopia for seventeen years and MIESON, the advisor of the DERG collapsed on its own merit. As a result of the first mistake to the first question of who, the second follow-up of the nature of DERG became irrelevant. These fatal mistakes caused by the MIESON group has taken place simply because the group had no clear understanding of the conditions and facts of Ethiopia on the ground.

As to the third question of nations and nationalities, MIESON’s stand was correct in the sense that there was only one nation, politically speaking. EPRP’s stand on nations and nationalities were based on Revolutionary concept of using family as a model of explaining conflicts. EPRP used to argue that the unity of a family is not only essential to any conflict resolution but it is also necessary. EPRP continued to argue further that if either of the parents has unruly and unholy behavior towards the marriage or the family, divorce is recommended, for the sake of the children, but education (consciousness) always should precedes, argued DEMOCRACIA, the mouthpiece of EPRP.

Take for instance, the case of my first cousin who was married to a poor teacher albeit from her native village. Despite their disagreements, the couples have been making babies without interruption resulting in bearing seven children. The parents have stayed together for almost thirty something years. But as far as I remember, there was no peace in the family. Their life style was not a disagreement in content but in intent. The mother speaks vocally and upfront while the father was a silent ‘killer’. For this style of life, the outside world including me was wondering how the children were living under such conditions. In today’s parlance, both parents abused the children. It was a horrible condition for the children especially when extended families are involved. I know this was not an isolated family and that was why the culture of oppression and exploitation had to stop. When such oppression takes place even at a national level, the gifted and the humane section of Aethiopians were forced to support at least in theory the divorce of the families. EPRP was not an advocate either for divorce or separation unless it was absolutely necessary. It was in this context that the party is considered as a pioneer for disunity. Exercising unity on the one hand, while opening eyes of freedom of choices in case of dire needs, on the other should not be a basis for condemnation against EPRP. On the contrary, there should be a commendation for this political party.

Truth for Ethiopians

If we really want to distinguish between the struggle for independence and the truth of how we reach to where we are today, one has to examine and understand the following methods of struggle. For here lies why and how neither all the liberators for Ethiopia, Eritrea, Oromia or Somalia or any nationality could neither Cooperate nor Coordinate (CC) their struggle for a common cause.

STEP ONE: Know Your Enemy ንቃ፤ ወዳጅ ከጠላት ለመለየት

STEP TWO: Get organized ተደራጅ፡ ውጤት ለማስገጝት

STEP THREE: Take Arms ፍላጎትህን ለማርካት Tatek alamahn lemasakat

The only organization that has followed these three steps was EPRP. The rest started with arming the people without identifying their true class enemies. In other words, their struggles were carried out in the reverse order i.e. mastatek-maderjet-mankat. Due to its credit, MIESON did not reverse the order of struggle but isolated and categorized them, which was equally fatal to the real way of struggle for change.

In other words, for MIESON everybody and everyone should be in the same level of education, same level to be organized and the same level for being armed.

EPRP rejected this idea of first, second and third. For EPRit the people will be organized as they get conscious (educated) and they will bear arms, as they are organized እየነቃን እንደራጃለን እየተደራጀን እንታጠቃለን . This process was the last straw that killed the back of the camel so to speak that separated EPRP from all organizations. It was the correct way and it is still the right method alias known as the Eway Revolution.

Who would show us or convince us if those armed without being educated can be re-organized for a civic duty other than banditry. That is the dilemma we are in. Civic and civil societies that lasted for thousand of years have now become militarized. Aethiopia was not and should not be societies of “Uniforms.” We seem to forget the CONCEPT of ZEMETCHA!!! Mobilization for collective security for Country, God and Family as told by oral history.

Anyhow, in as much as the false statements about the reconciliation between MIESON and EPRP have bombarded us, seemingly the same argument is circulating about the reconciliation between EPLF and TPLF. As far as I can understand, the reconciliation between MIESON and EPRP was totally wrong. In politics, it is not about personal vendetta, it is rather about public issues and values. EPRP and MIESON have agreed to work together simply for the following main reasons.

1. That the DERG failed to be a true Revolutionary contrary to MIESO’s conviction

2. That national question of Eritrea and nationalities of Ethiopia went astray due to fault of either MIESON or EPRP

3. That MIESON’s stand on limited Democracy (የተገደበ ዴሞክራሲ) has been abandoned.

4. That the slogan for PEOPLE’s PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT as proposed by EPRP is still desired by many political organizations including, of course, MIESON. Is this not the burning and current issue for both sides of the aisles so to speak!!! Both organizations cooperate together on matters of issues not for reconciliation per se. And I believe the same will apply to Shaebia and Woyane.

Current State of Affairs

Eritrea: a Language based state

When we speak of history, we are not speaking of social history, cultural, economic or religious history of Ethiopia. We are referring to our political history via revolutionary path.

What is history? I would like to quote a famous slogan of history from And Ethiopia Radio “ታሪክ ምስክር ነው ኢትዮጵያ አንድ ናት!!! What kind of history, A’ND Ethiopia? That kind of slogan has helped Shaebia and Woyane to claim their base on languages and ethnic respectively. We should not use the same language that failed us while MIESON was within the power base of the DERG. Even Shaleka Dawit, a once Dergist has abandoned this slogan though with no remorse.

The stand against each other of shaleka Dawit and comrade Ayalsew is from military point of view. That of Shalleka is from the point of the DERG and that of Ayalsew is from EPRA (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Army).

As far as military is concerned, the EPLF defeated the ELF army, the TPLF has defeated the EPRA (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Army.) Militarily overall – the DERG has lost its military power although with all the resources of Ethiopia at his disposal, should have defeated any organization in war. Menghistu and his cronies were not aware of People’s War.

In Ethiopia or Eritrea, it is somewhat stupid to talk about military power. How can we as (Eritreans and Ethiopians) boast about military prowess, when we don’t produce bombs, guns, or tanks to talk? We manufactured no hardware to boast about. We buy them from foreign countries with hard currency – hard currency that comes from the labor and sweat of Eritreans and Ethiopians. So it is better to ask what was the motive for the people to fight or sacrifice life, money or hard labor. The soft powers of Aethiopians are much stronger than the hard ware stuff.

“Eritrean Independence: Is it worth all the sacrifice?” Written by Yosief Ghebrehiwot and posted on July 16, 2009 has stirred arguments and counter arguments. The argument of Yosief and Saleh does not seem to touch base for Yosief asks the wrong question and Saleh responds with a wrong answer. Why don’t they let the experts speak from their expertise? If Mr. Saleh and Yosief want to touch base with their readers – let us hear from them about politics of government – power base. Is there a power base in Eritrea apart from the one-man show or do you have an alternative? Readers want to listen!!! As far as answering Yosief’s question, we may soon hear or read a Cost-Benefit Analysis (quantified in figures) about Eritrean Independence.

As to the language based state of Eritrea’s formation, it is totally wrong. Eritrea with nine languages!!! This is not only untrue, but the basis for independence is totally wrong. ዓለም መሊኣ ዓሰርተ ሕጅስ ትኽይድ አላ ናብ ዓሰርተው ሐደ

Ethiopia: an Ethnic based nation

They call us Orthodox Christians for nothing. Orthodox is attached to Nature. Of course every other thing or history has origin. Having Arts developed socially, economically, politically and culturally in Aethiopia at a high end of scale, it was transformed to Europe and Asia as a science and further developed in America to become Technology – the application of science.

Now what? As human beings continue to travel to live on Mars or the Moon, it is necessary to go back and revisit the origins of Arts or Natural societies with symbols and written languages, where socially, culturally, and philosophically they can be observed “live”.

I have written articles on the problem that challenge us all and suggested some provocative alternative solutions for the leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia.

What is the problem then? It is the land and the language problem. Or is it?

The leader of Eritrea sticks to a land question while that of Ethiopia dwells on language differences. Both are wrong, there is neither shortage of land nor desire for language differences.

Aethiopia: Political based nation-state

There is an old adage, which says “political science without history has no root; history without political science has no fruit.” To make myself clear as far as politics is concerned, politics at its best will perform the followings:

1. Politics can preserve peace

2. Politics can protect human rights

3. Politics can advance economic well being

4. Politics can encourage excellence in arts and sciences and

5. Politics can change or remove the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea

At its worst, politics can do the followings:

1. Creates tyranny

2. Encourages war

3. Cause economic ruin

4. Bring barbarism and

5. Destroy or silence the losing side of the struggle for power

Politics is a civilizing activity when it is at its best. But in our case, it was not and still is not a game. If politics were a process, within or among political communities, there would have been a platform where public values would be articulated, debated and prescribed.

In EPRP’s politics the stakes involve the following five choices in the order of priorities

1. Life or death

2. Freedom or fear

3. Peace or war

4. Order or disorder

5. Prosperity or poverty

The above five factors operate in reverse order for Woyane and Shaebia, life or death comes at the bottom while at the top of their agenda comes prosperity or poverty.

Concluding Remarks

Another shot at coup d’etat መፈንቅለ መንግሥት or continuing the ongoing Eway Revolution?

It seems that the elections of 2010 as scheduled in Ethiopia and 2011 (as rumor has it) in Eritrea of unknown type of election gave a boost up for all the pundits and advocates participating in these seemingly unpopular elections. By the way, election is a small part of DEMOCRACIA.

Of all the nations that have passed through the three types of revolutionary path, coup d’etat, insurrection and guerrilla warfare simultaneously should not easily succumb to merely elections. (See Solutions with DEBTERAW).

We have witnessed these with COPWE, we have seen this with Ginbot 7 and we are going to see more of the same. Many developing nations dwell on Election Day and ended up in disaster. Aethiopians should expect more than mere elections.

It is in the areas of

1. Land Issues in lieu of Feudalism

2. Governance in lieu of Bureaucracy

3. Free Market in lieu of Imperialism

That the journalists or the truth seekers update their stories about Ethiopia or Eritrea.

First things first though, we all should collaborate in order to force Shaebia and Woyane leaders to meet the following demands.

• Locating the whereabouts of prisons and prisoners

• Releasing all political prisoners

• Allowing free speech, free press and free assembly

We are basically a civilian society with no uniform. The uniformed men of the DERG destroyed us; the guerrilla military are posed to silence us. It is in this context that we should or should not ally with either the leaders of Eritrea or Ethiopia. There should not be an alliance for some individuals or groups’ convenience. We should be in the business of saving Humanity (HC) from dictatorship and tyranny. That is the weakest link of all dictatorships.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

Happy Meskerem for New Season and Year

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

PROPOSAL

These are the political truth that should be accepted in order to move forward.

Consider the letter E and the number 3 coming together as Ethiopia = 8 = Erithrea = ኤትዮጵያ

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. 1. By way of Introduction

   2. Journalists or advocates for a cause

   3. A little bit of Revolutionary History of Ethiopia

      1. Independence for Eritrea

      2. Truth for Ethiopia

   4. Current State of Affairs

      1. Eritrea: a Language based state

      2. Ethiopia: an Ethnic based

C. Aethiopia: political based Nation-State

1. 5. Concluding Remarks

   6. Proposal

A. Name change: ኤትዮጵያ

B Address change: EMAKK

C. Title change: local titles

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TOO LATE, TOO SUPERFICIAL (A Brief Comment on the ICG Report on Ethiopia)

11. September 2009 by Assimba.

Hama Tuma

 “The ideological identikit of some of the rebel forces is alarming. The TPLF, for example, are considered as ferocious local replicas of the Cambodian Khmer Rouge”. (Domenico Quirico, La Stampa, Italy, 26/4/1991) 

 ”Ethiopia sadly is one of the most politically repressive countries in the world”. Makau wa Mutua in Ignoring the Lessons of History, December 1994

 “Tribalism is an atavism, retrogression back to the embryo. Tribal thinking is extremely primitive.” (Mwalimu Julius Nyrere, September 1994)

 “I am convinced that there are better ways to address Ethiopia’s ethnic problems without giving ethnicity primacy above all issues in the political system. The danger of an ethnic based system is that it encourages disunity and hostility, especially in a country such as Ethiopia“, (US Senator Harry Johnstone, September 1994).

 The Ovambos of Southern Africa say the fool laughs at himself.  Some present day Ethiopians seem to enjoy doing just that. A number of Ethiopian web sites of the Diaspora have recently posted a September 4 report by the International Crisis group on “Ethnic Federalism and its Discontents””. None of these sites have ventured a critic on the 45 pages report but it is safe to assert that they seem to be delighted. Not surprisingly though, the clique in power in Addis Ababa has cried foul because the ICG criticizes it though it gives it credit that it does not deserve at all (see Aiga Forum article on the subject). However, this report of the ICG is too late and very confused and superficial and therefore one more evidence of how and why such so called experts and the US administration have failed to understand the reality of Ethiopia.

An objective appraisal of the Ethiopian situation has been lacking for long from foreign quarters. Their premises have often been flawed and their conclusions quite mistaken. The International Crisis group had in the past an analyst/member called John Prendergast (now with Enough Project) who was a State Department official at the time when the Tigrean front took power (1991). He backed the repressive and ethnic chauvinist Tigrean front to the hilt and wrote, with the Meles Zenawi advisor Paul Henze (former CIA and Rand Corporation employee), articles attacking as “Amhara chauvinists” those who stood against the TPLF.  Here is what Prendergast and Henze wrote back in September-December 1993 (Ethiopian Commentator–a TPLF funded magazine):

”Heated rhetoric is raising the political temperature in Addis Ababa. Through the deceptively named All Amhara People’s Organization and the Coalition of Ethiopian Democratic Forces, this possessed elements who have vested interests in the maintenance of the Mengistu regime, are baiting the new government with racially and religiously divisive rhetoric. They are being funded and encouraged by exiles abroad, some of whom were collaborators with Mengistu. They hope to provoke violent reactions which will lead donor governments and agencies to cut off aid to the Transitional government and to isolate it diplomatically” (p.58).

Racial rhetoric? What does that mean? The apologists of the repressive regime ( it is being provoked) do fail to mention (as they lie shamelessly)  that the All Amhara People’s Organization was formed after the TPLF takeover and worked legally in the country while the Coalition (COEDF) was made up forces like the EPRP, the EDU, and others who had for years struggled against the Mengistu regime.

That bias and prejudice seem to have lingered on within the ICG. While the ICG report does criticize the Meles Zenawi regime, it should be said that the basic criticism is superficial and confused and continues to echo the TPLF’s insidious assertions and fallacies. The ICG report is soaked with the TPLF’s Amhara oriented prejudicial conclusions. The report states that Amhara elite opposed ethnic federalism because it goes against and impedes, in their view, a strong unitary state. The conclusion is that the opposition (designated as Amhara in the ICG report) wants a “strong unitary state “and is opposed to ethnic federalism on this ground. This is totally baseless and false. The Ethiopian opposition with the EPRP included called for years for decentralization. In fact, almost all the programs of the EPRP advocated for a federal system. The EPRP also proposed a federal solution for Eritrea, a stand for which both the TPLF and the EPLF (Eritrea) attacked it as chauvinist and more.  The ICG writers could have made some research before making such a fallacious assertion. The ICG report shares so much of the TPLF prejudicial positions against Amharas that it concludes that “the 2005 elections were shaped by Amhara and nationalist discontent with the loss of Eritrea…”  Shame on the writers of this report! At least one should research, try to get an objective appraisal. Let us briefly deal with the mistaken assertions and conclusions.

The 2005 elections were historic in that the majority of the Ethiopian people confronted all odds and cast their vote against the TPLF/EPRDF. It was not an Amhara nationalist affair at all. The assertion that all opposition is Amhara is a basic line of the Tigrean ruling front and it assumes that the Amharas, as a people and/or ethnic group, ruled over Ethiopia and benefited from it. This is just an echo of the anti Amhara propaganda of the ethnic fronts and secessionist forces who tried to rewrite history through their skewered ethnic prism (their fantasy of Ethiopian colonialism, Abyssinian settler colonialism, etc). Any decent research would show that the majority of Amharas (poor peasants like most other Ethiopians, suffered from the repressive regimes and if truth be told the Amhara peasant of rural Shoa and mountainous Semien/Dashen was worse off than the peasant in Tigrai or Eritrea. The ICG report goes on to refer to the Diaspora as dominated by Amharas and Amharanized urbanites. Take it this way, read it in any other way, the ICG reports strongly asserts, directly and otherwise, that the Ethiopian people’s opposition struggle is Amhara or Amhara dominated and we all know that these ‘devilish Amharas exploited and oppressed the vast majority and are now furious because they lost their privileges’!!! It smells of Henze and Prendergast doesn’t it? No wonder the ICG report quotes the likes of John Young who were pathetic TPLF scribes.

The 2005 elections in which the opposition CUD and UEDF were able to mobilize the majority against the TPLF was a historic occasion whose dimension and impact has escaped the ICG report writers. Millions of Ethiopians of almost all ethnic groups took part in the election and the EPRDF was resoundingly defeated. Even thousands of Tigreans in cities like Addis Ababa voted for the CUD and unless the ICG calls them Amharanized urbanites they hailed from the birth province of Meles Zenawi. The loss of Eritrea was not the main and biggest issue of the 2005 election–the repressive and ethnic discriminatory rule of the TPLF was. By the way, the ICG takes the EPRDF fiction as fact and refers to the satellites of the TPLF gathered within the EPRDF as TPLF -friendly forces. The reality is that there is no EPRDF (in fact some even argue that the TPLF per se does not exist) as a bona fide front made up of independent organizations. During the 2005 elections, the Ethiopian people rose as one to defeat the TPLF at the ballot box and it is grossly unfair to designate this event as “shaped by Amharas and nationalists”.  Who are these nationalists if not the “damned” Amharas? Amharanized urbanites? The ICG shames itself!

The ICG report is also flawed in its analysis of the pre 1991 situation. Its reference to EPRP and Meisone as “student organizations” is  surprising to say the least; though it is true that both organizations emerged from the student movement and intelligentsia they were by mid seventies mass based parties in opposite camps. The defeat of the Derg regime was not the work of the TPLF alone either as the report bluntly asserts. The ICG report states also that by mid 1990s the only party with an identifiable program was the EPRDF. Really? What happened to the OLF, the EPRP/COEDF, and the legal opposition groups? None of them had a program or was it all invisible? A certain kind of myopia, heavily influenced by the TPLF and the ethnic groups, seems to have afflicted the ICG personnel who wrote this report. Their appendix on rebel groups presents the history (and formal and superficial at that) of only the OLF and the ONLF. Are there no other rebel groups now? Were there not then during the time of the Derg? The ICG tendency to assume as true certain TPLF assertions goes as far as taking at face value the present TPLF/EPRDF claim that it now has 5 million or so members and the Meles resignation charade (he wanted to step down but has been pressurized to stay is how the ICG report presents it with no desire to be funny). But this is not the only problem.

The ICG reporters start out seemingly with a desire to criticize the ethnic federalism of the ruling Tigrean clique but they end by doing the opposite. They credit the TPLF/EPRDF with “radically transforming the political system” and assert that it was not the principle of ethnic federalism per se that has proved problematic.  This is how they elaborate on it: ethnic federalism has dramatically enhanced service delivery as well a rural inhabitants’ access to the State allowing the EPRDF to extend its authority deep into the countryside: Are these experts writing about Ethiopia? What extension of services? All existing services are actually in the pits. The rural population having access to the State can be read as fiction. The ruling group has spread and extended its authority mainly based on and through its repressive power and apparatuses. For anyone who has any inkling of the Ethiopian reality the above assertion of the ICG report jars and offends. They go on to claim that “economic growth and expansion of public services are to the regime’s credit”. Such wild statements make their declared attempt to be critical of the regime and objective a sham.

The ICG report is, despite claims of on place interviews, a tattered piece which gives more credit to the repressive regime than criticizing it. Moreover, the focus and sympathy is again on other ethnic groups and not on the right or struggle of the Ethiopian people as a whole. That ethnic federalism is bankrupt and the base of the whole problem of bad governance has been denied by the ICG report which tries to blame the alleged Amhara yearning for a unitary state to be the core of the problem.  This done and even the historic 2005 election reduced to an Amhara protest, there was no chance for the report to redeem itself. Diaspora web sites (Amhara and Amharanized in the ICG view) must be accused of masochism for giving publicity to this report that does injustice to the people of Ethiopia. Back in the seventies groupies of the ethnic and secessionist fronts (Peter Niggli, Dan Connell, Kristy Wright, Gayle Smith, Firebrace and Holland. Abdurahman Babu, etc) and later Prendergast and the Paul Henzes were attacking the Amhara people at every opportunity. In the process, the TPLF and company have slyly sold their unholy diatribe against the Amhara. Their falsification of history has been taken as the truth by so called experts who apparently are prejudiced and totally disinterested in facts and do not make any effort to research on the truth of the situation. Thus, the ICG report may please some of the usual quarters, but is flawed, impaired and an affront to the people of Ethiopia.

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The Death of A Patriot father In TPLF Detention

4. September 2009 by Assimba.

Adane Atanaw
Maru Atanaw

9/02/09

Two years a go, the TPLF, government has made a deal with the Sudanese president Omer Al Bashir and among the deals, TPLF led government agreed to cede a vast fertile farm land of Ethiopia to the Sudan, in return, Sudan agreed to hand-over Ethiopian political refugees and prevent any political movement against the tplf regime in the Sudanese soil and also Sudan agreed to supply oil with a discount price.

The first victim of the deal was our father Shaleka Atanaw Wasie, and many others. On September 21, 2007, our father and 15 others were handed-over to the tplf security services and were detained at
notorious Ma’kelawi prison in Addis Abeba. No family visitation was
allowed, nor formal charges were filed.

On July 2009, when our father health deteriorated at Ma’akelawi prison cell, they throw him at Kaliti concentration camp/prison. After back and forth with prison officials, finally he was admitted at hospital for treatment escorted by watchfully eyes of armed guards. But sadly it was too late. The doctors tried hard whatever they could do, but he was already weakening by lack of proper treatment for long time. He passed away 8 am Friday=2 08/21/2009 at the age of 77. He was buried in the town
of Gondar, on Sunday 8/23/09.  Shaleka Atanaw Wasie was born from his father Ato Wasie Desta Kassa Akalu and from his mother Emahoy Genet Bilatawold Minteweledu in the locality of Adagne-Ager Sehari Giorgis, in Gondar province.

Prior to the ascend of the military junta, he was one of to develop
modern farming close to the Sudan border- Metema, Shimelegara, Delelo and Work-amba. Above all, he was instrumental defending the Ethiopian farmland bordering the Sudan, by arming and settling Ethiopian on the border area in order to prevent the Sudanese farmers and army Intruders.  For his bravery, the crown government awarded him 60 additional armaments to be distributed for local people under his auspices. He paved 65km-feeding roads in his own resources from Metema to Shimelegara and to Delelo, along Ethiopian Sudanese border which follow with the line of the Guang River - the natural border of Ethiopia with the Sudan. He encouraged people to farm near the border, because Sudan was settling its own farmers along the border. Under “ Metema Yegeberwoch Mahber” he browed from the government $3 million
Birr (at that time a lot of money) and distributed to farmers.

Every summer hundreds of armed local men used to go with him to Alatis (Ale Tiss) and Nebes Gebeya to check out if the border was secured. On their way, they hunt Lion and Zihon. In their way back they chant Guro Woshebaye, and a big Fukera ceremony used to be held. All mentioned area above are currently, partly or in its entirety are ceded to the Sudan, thanks to the current government in Ethiopia. In the late 80’s, Crown Prince Asfawossen Haileselse confers upon him the rank of Bitwoded.

After the Dergue ascend to power, he felt that given the experience of military dictatorship around Africa and the military junta handling of Aste Haileselasie’s case, he was not comfortable to live with it, as a result, he prepared him self to oppose the junta in all available means. In 1968, he managed to contact Ras Mengesha Seyoum and General Nega Tegne in exile and brought them back in Ethiopia in Metema area in a strict confidential undertaking for consultation. Ras Mengesha and General Nega, stayed at Shaleka Atanaw’s farm for 24 hours, after lengthy discussion, they agreed to form a political party, and also both agreed to work in two fronts, namely, domestic (in Ethiopia) and external (foreign), accordingly, Shaleka Atanaw took the responsibility of the domestic recruitment part and Ras Mengesha and General Nega, the foreign part. Political party – later known as Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) was formed.

In 1969/1970, under his leadership, all western area of Gondar region, Tach Armachio, Metema, Quara Adagne-Ager, Denbia, Chilga, Delgi, Alefa Takussa, Chaco, Dawa and Qounzila in Gojam, to mentions a few, were liberated except few towns from the brutal dictator, the Dergue. Most notably, when Metema was liberated the brutal dictator Mengistu Hailemariam personally declared in national TV and radio that “abiotachin Tekelebese Yekerun Samintat Nachew”. Also two of his sons, Wondimhunegne and Digissu were executed by Melaku Tefera in Gondar town, in 1969. The Dergue confiscated all his properties – residential and commercial houses, heavy-duty tracks, tractor, in Gondar and over 4000 Quintals of sesame ready to export in Addis Abeba. .

Although the EDU weakened by internal strife since 1971, however,
Shaleka Atanaw continued his resistance against the Dergue till its
demise in various forms. And later, his men fought against the tplf
wing EPDM of Bereket, in Tach-Armachio, in many occasions, till finally his men were pushed out into the Sudan, in 1991.

Although Many can be said and written about Sahleka Atanaw, however, suffice to say that he never fear death and always he is true to his words and deeds. He always faces adversity head-on. It is to be
remembered his predictive speech when EDU split in two camps and told the gathering of EDU members “ We have to remain together as one entity, other wise our fate would be that of the Palestinian –we will live as a refugee20scattered in a foreign land forever”. He was a
fearless man: In 1970, he was traveling in Denbia about 50 fighters
with him. Suddenly, the Dergue commando unity ambushed him and a war game resumed, after few hours of battle, the fighters with him
suggested to retreat because the say the enemy force are much higher and most of the good fighters are dead or wounded, so that at least they have to save his lives. What was his reaction? He did not respond by words, instead, he took-off his shoes and threw it away. “I will not retreat I have no shoes to run - If any one of you chooses to save your own lives please do so”. The Tagay alarmed by his response, but encouraged and they won the battle.

He has sustained 3 wounds throughout the struggle.  In one of the
heaviest battle with Dergue’s 25th battalion brought-in from Harar
commanded by Lt Colonel Mekonen Hailemariam, I was in the side of my father, and both of us were wounded at the same battle. Mine was very serious. He said to me: hey son remember those who died before you and don’t fear death. I survived.

Around June in 1970, when he was in Alefa Taqussa, he received a
message from Simeneh Desta of Gojjam. The message says that he needs a help to break the siege around him as soon as possible. Shaleka Atanaw never knows Simeneh before, but he heard about
his struggle against the Dergue in Gojjam. He asked the people and the fighters around him if any among us knew the place where Simeneh is. One of the commanders of the fighters stands up and said I’m from that area. He was pleased. Under the command of that fighter 15 fighters were dispatched along the two messengers came from Simineh. Later after 15 days Simeneh arrived and joined Shaleka Atanaw. After three days of rest, Simeneh were sent to me in the liberated town of Metema with a letter from my father saying, I have to escort Simeneh to Gedaref in Sudan to the EDU headquarters. I did.

In another note: In March 1968, I was with my father when he traveled to the town of Gedaref, to talk to the Sudanese authorities regarding the situation in Ethiopia and we were staying at a hotel called Amir Hotel. There we met newly arrived Ethiopian from Tigray. They were two contending groups in Tigray: (1) Teranafit Committee (an Ethiopian rebellion) (2). Tegadilo Harnet Tigray (a separatist group – now in power Addis Abeba). In Amir Hotel we were at room 9 and the separatist group led by Gessesse Ayele and another man now appears to me Seyoum Mesfin, in room 15. The other group – Teranafit Committee members were staying at a private house. Our father used to talk to them regarding
the situation in Tigray region. The leader of the separatist group Ato
Gessesse Ayele20used to come to our room and talked to my father for hours. Some of their conversation was about the conflict between the two groups in Tigray. Our father took the initiative and offered to
mediate between Teranafit Committee and Tegadilo Harnet Tigray. Both groups accepted his mediation. In our hotel room, Aleka Tesfaye Woreta and others representing Teranfit Committee and Gesesse Ayele and appears to be Seyoum Mesfin from Tegadilo Harnet Tigray were present. The two groups were operating in Tigray, but disagreed on many political issues. After many discussions, both agreed to seek peaceful means under the leadership of Ras Mengesha Seyoum. My father has told
both groups that he has met Ras Mengesha and General Nega, but they has left for Rome the previous week - I will relay the situation and as soon as I got a response from them, I will let you know, he said. After these agreements both promised not to attack each other and both promised they would present the agreement to their leadership back home, and both left to Tigray through Kassalla.

After one month, from Teranafit Committee, our father received a
message saying that Teranfit Committee fighters has clashed at Shere
Awuraja with tegadilo Harnet Tigray and has killed Ato Gesesse Ayele and another person named Muse. My father saddened by the news. His wish of reconciliation was dashed. Teranafit Committee later becomes part of the forming of=2 0the EDU. When we see it back, our father’s effort to reconcile the two groups if it was succeeded could have averted the current agenda of the TPLF ethnic politics in our country.

After the TPLF, become a new ruler on Ethiopia, our father choose to stay in Sudan, but decided to send his families to the US and family members repeatedly asked him to leave Sudan and move to the US, but declined. He said, “I’m already afar from Ethiopia and I could not go further than this”.

The TPLF administration has complained to the Sudan government about his presence in the Sudan, and has requested his extradition in many occasions. For example our father was detained by Sudanese security services in 2005 for 9 month in Khartoum, but despite his arrest the government of Sudan refused to hand-over to the woyane regime. Two years a go, however, after Sudan and the EPRDF reached agreement on the border land issue - which surrendered huge Ethiopian fertile land to the Sudan, Khartoum become a free land for the tplf security services, as a result, he was handed-over to the Addis Abeba regime.

In Addis Abeba, he was detained at Ma’akelawi hell without charge or visitation by family and friends. When his health deteriorated they
threw him to Kaliti concentration camp. When family members visited him at Kaliti, he was seriously sick, and later he was allo
wed to be admitted to the hospital at watchfully eyes of armed police. It was too late to save his lives, and passed away on 8/21/09 and buried at Gondar town on 8/23/09.

The inhuman treatment of our father by the hand of the tplf regime is disgusting but it is also the daily practice of the regime against many Ethiopians in wider scale.

Finally, we would like to express our deep appreciation for the outpour support we received and indignation by fellow Ethiopians for the loss of the giant lion. Especially our many thanks go to Soccep and Amnesty International human Right organizations for their unqualified support throughout our ordeal.

Adane Atanaw
Maru Atanaw

9/02/09

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WRONG MEDICINE FO AFRICA’S WOES BY WAY OF A REPLY TO JENADAYI FRAZIER’S COMMENTS

4. September 2009 by Assimba.

Solomon Dereje

 

 

As Assistant secretary of State for African Affairs during the George Bush jr administration, Jendayi Frazier did not exhibit an acute and deep grasp of the African reality, especially that of the war torn Horn of Africa. Aside from patting the dictators in Addis Abeba and other places and prompting Meles Zenawi to send troops into Somalia (a very disastrous move from the outset), she did not  pursue a policy that encouraged democratic change or governance in Africa.

 

Ms Frazier has appeared again on the scene advising Hilary Clinton what policies to adopt via a vis Africa. This is what has prompted this brief reply. Frazier suggests four “quick steps the administration can take to translate the rhetoric of love into policies that advance mutual U.S. and African interests:

 

 • Place Eritrea on the list of state sponsors of terrorism.

 • Oppose congressional legislation to extend the trade preferences in the African Growth and Opportunity Act to all developing countries. 

• Hold a summit at the White House with the presidents of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Uganda. 

• Move the headquarters of the U.S. African Command (AFRICOM) from Germany to Liberia.

These four steps, more than any love messages, will signal a real commitment that the mutual interests of the U.S. and Africa will remain strong and secure under the Obama administration”.

Ms. Frazier’s prescriptions are worse than placebo for Africa’s woes. Sanctions on Eritrea will not contribute an iota towards solving the Somali conflict unless the aim is to please the dictator in Addis Abeba. The problems of Eastern Congo are linked to blood stained and strategic minerals coveted by the West and China too and holding a summit of the leaders of Rwanda, Uganda and the DR of the Congo is not a primary remedy. Kabila of the Congo is responsible for selling his country and the people to highest bidder while both Uganda and Rwanda have been accused by the UN of robbing the minerals of Eastern Congo. The main culprits are the Western mineral companies who finance the militia and fan the carnage there to lay their hands on the coveted coltan, gold, etc (see the communiqués of the Enough Project). It is not even that much necessary to state that Africa does not need foreign troops on its soil and that the so called anti terrorism mission of Africom is in reality helping the dictators in the Horn and other regions of Africa.

The problems in the Horn of Africa are fundamentally lacked to the lack of good governance and democracy. If sanctions are to be decreed they should be decreed on all the tyrants, ranging from Meles Zenawi to Nguema to Kabila and more. The selective hue and cry against Zimbabwe and Eritrea is but the usual double standard and the callous politics of supporting pro West tyrants no matter their dismal human rights record. Moreover, the conclusion that the problem of Somalia is linked to international terror groups is basically flawed and mistaken. The panacea for Africa, which must be primarily sought by Africans, is mainly the struggle to end the reign of the tyrants and establish democratic governance. Part of this campaign demands that Africa gets free of foreign interference, foreign military bases and neo colonial type of plunder. If America under Obama wants to help Africa it should sanction the tyrants, stop the plunder of Africa for its oil and minerals and support democratic forces.

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