27. January 2010 by Assimba.

Abdullah A. Ado – Email: abdullahadoa@gmail.com

Introduction:

To begin with let me ‘get to the nitty-gritty’ and thank EMDG and EPDP Board members and those individuals who genuinely requested me to make correction on a name I mentioned in my earlier article by goofing-up EMDG for EPDP. Indeed I have exchanged contacts on this matter both with EMDG and EPDP Board members. By mistake I did point out EMDG as the outcome of the merger. Really, the correct information is that a merger had taken place among 3-Eritrean Tigrinya highlander opposition groups (i.e., the Eritrean People’s Movement; the Eritrean Democratic Party; and the Eritrean People’s Party) as per their joint political resolution communicated on December 31, 2009. So their merger is thus known as the ‘Eritrean Peoples Democratic Party’ (EPDP). With this, I resort to the essence of this article.

Charles Swindoll wrote in his known book: “Growing Strong in the Seasons of Life” stating that: “Courage is not limited to the battlefield or … bravely catching a thief in your house. The real tests of courage are…the inner tests, like remaining faithful when nobody’s looking; like enduring pain when the room is empty; like standing alone when you’re misunderstood; like fighting for what is right even when you know you are going to lose.”

Likewise, I wrote this article with the hope that the explanations provided herein below will eventually sink well into our Eritrean ‘highland Tigrinya stakeholders’ minds ‘who are stepping on our toes’ must clean-up their hitherto existing attitudes and positions pertaining to Eritrea’s future. Regardless of name-callings and foul language poured at me from several Eritrean Tigrinya individuals who in most cases bubble with angry words like boiling water on high temperature; and with high flying supremacist and defensive attitudes, I still maintain my stand and insist on sharing my views with the wider reader community till the truth sinks and makes difference in terms of bringing the downtrodden pastoral communities’ perspectives in Eritrea to the fore. To this effect, if my article sounds provocative and confrontational, indeed, so it is. In Afewarki’s Eritrea the saying: “One man eats, another says grace!” holds evident. Our ancestors land has been taken away by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling Junta; and in reality we have no land in our own possession; except for use right mainly controlled by Afewarki’s watchmen. My belief in this is that one day, if and when concerned readers search and research for the absolute truth, they will definitively land upon and recognize the reasons why our pastoralist communities’ final decisions remain consistent and undeniable. From the outset, Eritrean highlanders need to change their attitudes towards marginalized societies within Eritrea instantly. Instead of trying to maintain the status-quo held-up by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling Junta who always pretentiously tell us and the rest of the wider world that Eritrea is an entity designed for commonly sharing its endowments and resources by all its citizens alike, highlanders need to relinquish such cover-ups and denial opinions for the better. In fact, the following Chinese Proverb sums-up the reality we face on the ground in today’s Eritrea specifically: “He who rides a tiger is afraid to dismount”. Undeniably, highlanders seem afraid of us lowlanders and don’t want to dismount from their power throne carried on our shoulders thus far.

Eritrea’s Highlanders Contra Lowlanders:

At the cost of being labelled by few Eritrean highlanders as an inflexible person, let me reiterate and assert the subsequent realities on the ground just for the sake of clarity. I read through EPDP’s recent political resolutions where, in general terms, universal declarations on presenting evidence before the Eritrean public concerning missing human and legal rights issues are noticeably mentioned; and reasons are spelled out why EPDP stands opposed to Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta. Other than that, no where have the EPDP political declaration document mentions characteristically about conditions and challenges faced by the marginalized pastoralist societies within Eritrea proper. Overall, looked at from lowland, pastoralist, Muslim communities’ perspectives, the subsequent 3-key points are unconditionally critical to the future of Eritrea:

First of all, the Eritrean highland Tigrinya Christian and the lowland Pastoralist Muslim splits have not yet clearly been thought-out giving ways and means for Eritrea to grow and mature as a qualified nation state. Essentially, the democratic means to unify the Eritrean highland Tigrinya Christians and the lowland Pastoralist Muslims still linger quite out-of-the-way. Indeed, Eritrean highlanders and lowlanders have much less mutual interests that tie each community as a unified federation to match each other’s values and move together to a point of nation reinforcement. If at all there are a couple of things that we share in common within Eritrea, these are nothing but the debacles and troubles pouring on both highlanders and lowlanders by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta; and these specifically when it comes to: (a) drafting our young boys and girls into Sawa military garrisons; and (b) paying forcibly our cash at hand to PFDJ-ruling junta’s tax collectors. Amidst this, the vast majority of Eritrean highlanders still continue to display plain defensive characters alien to our marginalized pastoralist groups within Eritrea proper. Based confidently on their chauvinistic stand point, highlanders try every means available to them to twist our arms and persuade us by hook or crook to go their way without making any sensible concessions. They are intolerant for any bragging about coming their way from our side concerning about our felt needs and livelihoods. Rather, highlanders want us to firmly abide by their extremely acute motto of the day that goes: “Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi!” By so saying, Eritrean highlanders refuse to understand our fate as marginalized pastoralist-population. By all accounts and by any means, they want us to admit the existence of Eritrea as a state; and fear for any hurdle that may put the making of Eritrea at risk. But, both at the leadership and at the community levels, the reality is different than what they imagine. The gaps distinctly splitting the Eritrean highland Christian neighbors and the lowland Muslim population remain evident and widespread. In our pastoralists view, Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders, who are alien to the lowlander cultural and socio-political norms and ethos, must understand the naked reality that there is nothing clutching us collectively with them; and holding us in bondage as a unique body within Eritrea as such. So our serious advice to Eritrean highlanders is simple and straight forward: “Don’t count your chickens before they hatch”. Don’t count on us pastoralists before the bridge you try to mend for sustained relationships with us are clearly spelled-out and reinforced on mutual terms.

Secondly, a reminder to Eritrean highlanders is: “Don’t put all your eggs in one basket”; and stop demanding to stand for: “Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi!” After all, how can you claim a solidified mind and heart in a diversified entity? How closely are you highlanders actually tied in affinity with us the lowlanders? How close do we know each other to share Eritrea as one roof with you? These are deeply engrained questions begging for proper responses. At the end of the day, Afewarki’s craftsmanship towards solidifying Eritrea as a sustained state has not yet materialized as initially intended. Nor does it have substantial basis for Eritrea’s future. Indeed, except for those from Rashaida origin, there is hardly any group within Eritrea that can fulfill the state / fatherland / definition. In this case, and other ground touching and deeply rooted lineage quarries, I suggest, any one interested to delve into this matter and read: ‘ZANTA ERITRA’ by Fit. Michael Hasama (a Mansa’e himself) composed in Tigrinya. By examining this matter deeper from linguistic and socio-cultural affinity points of view, one concludes that Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders descend from eight sub-groups with their roots deep inside Ethiopia; but with no common point of departure into Eritrea. Only the Tigre speaking group holds strong affinity to all other Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders and their extensions inside Ethiopia. Other than that: (a) The Hamassein and Akele Guzai highlanders are of the Meroni decent whose ancestor – Meroni was said to have moved down to Hamassein tracts from Dembya in Begemidr, located in Gondar inside Ethiopia. (b) The Mine-Fre highlanders are also of the Begemidr, Gondar origin inside Ethiopia but could not trace their original forefathers distinctly. Indeed, Mine-Fre, which means: ‘Let God Fulfill’ was coined as they seem not knowing who their Gondari ancestor by name was. (c) The Seraye highlanders are of Adkeme-Melega origin claiming to have moved into Eritrea from Lasta and Gojjam tracts deep inside Ethiopia. (d) The Asmee / Deki-Ishmaelo of Arba’ete Asmara and the DekiShihai of LegoChewa (touching upon the Hamassein and Seraye highland tracts) are of the Asawerta descents. (e) The Anganaa Christians around Dekemhare are of the Hazo-origin that trace their roots inside Tigray; just like other Tigrinya highlanders who tress their decent deep into Adwa, Tembien, Shire Enda Sellasie and Kilte Awlallo. (f) The Ankala Afar Christians around Tserona are of Afar origin. Therefore, the Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders simply disqualify from the Biher / Nationality / definition. The Tewke and Terke Bilen trace their decent from the Meroni (Tewke), and Adkeme Melega (Terke). In fact, “It is time to pay the piper”. It is time for highlanders to face the consequences of the unchecked actions done thus far.

Thirdly, as we (Afar, Kunama, Saho, etc.) pastoralists need to: “Give the devil his due” the side road forward for us deprived of our privileges, and legal rights; especially the right to vote on matters affecting our future is to lay down our own road map before we jump into any kind of unity resolution with highlanders. After all, what is the rationale for us to join hands with you and jump on your political bandwagon? Is it because it is fashionable to topple Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta only for you to take over power and maintain the status quo? How sure are we pastoralists that you highlanders will show any different attitudes from that of Afewarki’s? Why should we pastoralists go for unification where we remain 2^nd class citizens? What stops us from acquiring our freedom to decide on matters that affect our livelihoods? What hinders us from practicing our traditional cultural and religious polity and human values freely? These are serious issues that highlanders must be rationally ready to respond to before they implicitly generalize the existing highland-lowland splits as non-existent.

Conclusive Remarks:

As freedom is free and an inalienable gratis right given to any human being at birth, we pastoralists too are readily determined to regain our birth rights. Indeed, as ‘Eritrea is still a nation in the making’, the Eritrean highlanders need to come to stipulations with us pastoralists either to make it; or to push us aside in contempt and force us to break it. To this end, there are 3-senarios open for Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders to consider: (a) done better now belated than never, you need to give away your inherent motto: “Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi!” and opt for emancipation that may bring you closer to us and become partners in the Eritrean nation making exercise. (b) If this scenario is practically out of question, then you are better off and select side either to link up with your Christian neighbors to whom you are deeply caffeinated by origin and linked by language, culture and religion, within the Tigray and Amharic regions of Ethiopia. (c) If you still find both (a) and (b) scenarios out of touch and taste, then you can still consider continuing to remain detached and left alone till you come to your senses and figure out your own legitimate solutions.

On our part, we are unwavering to join hands with our brethren on the other side of our affinities; and continue to enrich our livelihoods freely and fraternally as we deem them suitable for our communities; just in the same manner as we have been carrying out since time and generations immemorial.

An Olive Branch to now muscular Tigrigna highlanders:

Two Important Births that happened in our midst as Afar People (The Afar Midwifery)

1. Eritrea (Assab, Dankaliya, Nov 15, 1869)

2. EPLF (Sidica Ella, Dankaliya, early, 1970)

An Afar account of birth of Eritrea (by Yassin Mohammed Yassin)

Birth of Eritrea:

From the renowned Kingdom of Adal established in Rahayeta, the kingdoms of Dankali and Ankala, the Sultanate of Bidu and other major clan chieftains and sheikdoms successively dominated the traditional administration on the Red Sea coasts, in the interiors and on the islands as well. Since the 16th century, the Ottoman Turks had controlled the Red Sea Afar coastal areas

with a minimal influence over the territories. The Ottoman rule transferred its nominal authority over the coasts and islands of the Red Sea to the Egyptian Khedive in 1866 but didn’t last long. It was after only three years, on 15 November 1869, that the Ankala Afar chiefs, Sultan Ibrahim Ahmed and Sultan Hassan Ahmed signed an agreement with Giuseppe Sapetto, representative

of Societa Rubattino Company on the Nasser Majid ship, in which the future Colonia Eritrea was first conceived as the piece of land in Assab possessed by the Italian company. Soon afterwards, on 10 March 1882, the Rubattino company transferred all its landholdings to the Italian government and later, on 5th June 1882, the Italian King Umberto declared the land the Colonia di Assab which later grew up to Colonia Eritrea after Italian colonists had entered Asmara in 1889 without any notable opposition.

Birth of EPLF (PFDJ):

Soon after the fallout between Afar fighters and ELF in 1967, new movement called the People’s Liberation Front (PLF) that later, in the early 1970s became the EPLF. The infant EPLF, mainly dominated by the Christian highlander Tigreans, took advantage of the dispute among the Afar

and ELF forces in order to freely mobilize its forces in the Afarland of Eritrea

(Dankalia), of course with Afar consent

Sidica Ella in the Dankalia desert is the birthplace of the EPLF. The embryonic and weak

EPLF forces were initially camped at Sidiha Ela from where their military power built-up.

As we (Afar and others) have witnessed these unfortunate births, we call it unfortunate not because there was a new birth but what these babies have become; the grievance, the blood shade, tears behind bars, starvation and the exodus, who knew it? Who in the right mind is proud of this? The Highland Tigrigna and other supports of PFDJ would seriously think this is the way to bring up a child? If so …then we don’t ever want to be in this household of injustice and second class citizenship inside or out as opposition.

Amanuel Hidrat In his last article (Nature Abhors Vacuum: Understanding Nature of Competing Values Part-III) in Awate, stated after coming across my article in Aiga, he urged to foster cross-cultural success in modern Eritrea, both political and civic organizational institutions must promote empathy and understanding.

To those of us and many other who share our arguments as lowlands and disenfranchised, that our grievance is worthwhile to listen to, should map our ways forward in a house that is Just, peaceful and equal representation for all, like any civilized 21st century democracy should function, then we would be foolish not graciously accept the olive branch to be involved in an a nation building, National unity, Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi or Transitional government.

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16. January 2010 by Assimba.

By Obo Arada Shawl

January 13, 2010

TPLF’s chaotic style versus EPRP’s party substance

On the eve of the departure of the Monarch, Emperor Haile Selasie, everybody and everyone was excited for a big change of leadership including the King of Kings, himself.

The educated class of M’huran and the Tsinhate M’huran collided head on ideological as well as on the political agendas for Ethiopia. But for the average man or woman, there was no difference between the two concepts of – ideology & politics. Instead of battling on the concepts for change, both sides of MEISON and EPRP mainly fought over the question of legitimacy for political power and over the merits and demerits of Military rule.

MEISON (All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement), EPRP (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party) were the two contenders to teach and disseminate the power of ideology and politics to Eathiopians. On that account both have succeeded to a certain degree.

Notwithstanding their accomplishment, today both organizations have failed to rescue their leadership. I am referring to the leadership defined by Abera Yemaneab of MEISON who has been kept in EPRDF’s prison indefinitely and DEBTERAW’s hostage drama kept incommunicado in Woyane’s base camp.

As a movement, MEISON is finished. It has no mass base as the “educated class”, the class that was associated as an instrument for the DERG’s inhumanity, headed it.

And the DERG is finished on its own merit. Technically both MEISON and the DERG were counter-revolutionaries disguised in revolution.

The Nationalists of TPLF and EPLF were not revolutionaries either. Every single action associated either with the TPLF or EPLF has grown more unpopular over the years.

When we look back since the TPLF’s coming to power, the Ethiopians, initially the Eritreans, then most of the ethnic societies were motivated by TPLF’s campaign for electoral politics. There was no substance but style.

All along, EPRP was informing and acting against the chaotic role of relationship and governance of the TPLF. Nevertheless, its enthusiasts adopted TPLF’s methodology of fabrication and maneuvering.

In contrast, opposition parties, many of them as fractious and outspoken have become interested in substantive political issues. They decry the dangers of selling/leasing lands, about Article 39, arresting opponents and censoring/shutting mass media.

Their concerns are valid. These are public issues of fundamental importance.

The Unfinished Revolution

EPRP stands for the entire Eathiopian population for the peasants as well as for the urban dwellers. It does this by promoting peace and harmony among peoples and nations through the process of democratization.

The Eathiopians have turned decisively against the class of M’hur Akal and against all its theoretical/ideological works. At the same time, the Eathiopian public has moved against Melles and the Issais regimes that began their popularity soared but now sunk to low level of approval.

Both Melles and Issais epitomizes as products purchased by consumers and has come to regret it and that the consumer want their money back.

In a sense, both leaders have never been more than their education although for some people was more than enough. Both leaders have neither experience nor accomplishments for their positions they are in.

Their accomplishments should be reexamined against their stand on global trade, global culture, global climate or religion.

On domestic issue, for Eritreans, there is no room for fake elections, no free market and no free lunch.

Our M’hur Akal is educated beyond its intelligence. Their resolution, moral clarity and an ability to understand and to connect with great many people are unknown. Only the Tsi’nhate M’hur Akal has not been fooled itself for which their country and its people will not forget.

TPLF and EPLF have misjudged the times and the country of Eathiopia. Thanks for the seeds of Assimba; the long struggle of DEBTERAW and the spirit of Wallelign live on.

The Eway Ethiopian Revolution

The Eway Revolution is a search engine and it is the path that DEBTERAW and his Revolutionary Party followed. The base is Assimba mountain, it is being negotiated by DEBTERAW’s life and death situations and finally reaching the goal of Wallelign to become one strong, stable, democratic and open society in the name of Eathiopia.

DEBTERAW is more than an individual person. He is the missing link in the Eway Ethiopian Revolution – a revolution that has changed Ethiopia forever and for better.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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12. January 2010 by Assimba.

Thursday, 07 January 2010 21:28

Eritreans for Democratic Governance (EDG), now the Eritrean Movement for Democratic Governance (EMDG) takes this opportunity to salute the decision of the United Nations Security Council for imposing long overdue sanctions against the government of Eritrea. This totalitarian, illegitimate, government has imposed sanctions upon its own impoverished people for the past 18 years by severely limiting Eritrean citizens’ employment, movement, and trade activities.

It is gratifying that an inclusive international organization has finally begun addressing the need to curb its destabilization of regional governments and its increasing threats to world peace.  As for the Eritrean people, the power to remove this autocratic regime lies is in their own hands.  Given the dire conditions within Eritrea, it is time for her people to coordinate efforts to defend their very existence as people and nation. 

The 53-member African Union deserves credit for its historic decision to raise awareness of the conditions within Eritrea in the United Nations Security Council and to insist upon the imposition of sanctions against the PFDJ ruling junta, siding firmly with the victimized people of Eritrea.  Renowned human rights champion and Nobel Peace Prize winner Reverend Desmond Tutu once said that “freedom is free”.  The logic that operating a nation under a lawful system of government that allows freedom for its people costs less in both financial and human terms than does a system designed to control and oppress citizens using police and armed security apparatus is sound.  Spending a disproportionate percentage of national wealth on repression contributes nothing towards the growth and development of its people.  It’s time for all African leaders to assure that they themselves are not a primary cause of instability inside of their nations.  Hanging on to power indefinitely, at the justification of being under passive attack by a shadowy array of useable external forces, cannot go unchallenged forever.  History teaches us that, with or without the moral support of the international community, there is always an end to state sponsored oppression.

Eritreans in the Diaspora will play an important role by utilizing the sanctions as a peaceful tool in the struggle to identify and expose PFDJ tax collectors.  These individuals prey upon Diaspora communities worldwide, conducting illegal multimillion dollar collection of monies destined to support nefarious activities.  The international community and nations hosting Eritrean refugees must also pay special attention to the “Young PFDJ” movement organized by party members.  Through the political education and training they receive at the SAWA military summer camps in Eritrea, the youth movement poses a serious security threat to countries hosting otherwise peaceful Eritrean Diaspora communities. Be aware that there is an especially significant summer camp big one planned for 2010!  Eritrean parents must closely supervise their children’s activities and should not provide PFDJ representatives’ access to their communities for the recruitment of young children. You do not need your own offspring working for PFDJ in your own homes!

Eritreans for Democratic Governance (EDG), now the Eritrean Movement for Democratic Governance (EMDG) launches its anti-dictatorial mobilization campaign urging our citizens to defend the nation by all means to liberate themselves from unceasing oppression, unmatched even by occupation forces in its history of successive European or African invaders. After conducting extensive brain storming sessions, and pre-conference assemblies from October 2008 to May 2009, EMDG released a press note to the public on May 11, 2009.  It declared its formation by outlining its clearly defined political objectives, goals, and initiating a program intended to coordinate its efforts with other opposition organizations.  The EMDG exists to support those who are paying the ultimate price by carrying arms to defend the nation. The movement is comprised of former fighters from both major liberation organizations-the ELF and EPLF, as well as a younger generation of men and women from the Diaspora ready to challenge the status quo on all fronts. Under the tagline of “Good Governance, the basis for peace, security, and prosperity”, (“الحكم الرشيد ، أساس للسلام والأمن والازدهار” “ጽቡቕ ምሕደራ፡ መሰረት ሰላምን፡ ጸጥታን፡ ብልጽግናን”), EMDG advocates strengthening the institutions necessary to build a democratic and constitutional government in Eritrea. 

Members of EMDG understand that the Eritrean people are reluctant to support newly borne organizations.  Until proven otherwise, EMDG will also be tainted by the presumption of under-representation as the organization is formed by individuals of similar upbringing, culture, and socio-political experience.  We believe that this concern is valid.  Over the past forty years, primarily because the society was programmed to believe that “only one organization can function better”, broadly representative civil organizations have been slow to develop.  This notion goes back to the 1970’s when the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) attempted to scuttle the Peoples Liberation Front (PLF) by stating that “the Eritrean field of struggle cannot tolerate/carry more than one organization” (“meda eritra kab hade widb nlae’li kisewr aykielenyu”), which was later amended in its second National Congress of 1975 which concluded that two or more liberation organization can coexist and resolve their secondary contradictions through democratic dialogue.  This thinking was expressed in current form by the now infamous vow by the president ‘un-elect’ when he said “from now on there will be no merry-go-round of organizations” (“kab hiji nin’yew hashewyie nay widbat abkiuu’you”).  This was meant to exclude any viable political organization capable of surpassing PFDJ from developing. 

We all remember the PLF’s popular dance style named “kuda-tewedeb” (get organized), coined only to benefit one organization. The rest of society has no right to participate but to join and ask what task one can take within that organization. This belief was the foundation for the tagline “one organization, one people and one heart!” “Hade widib, Hade hizbi, hade libi!”  The truth of the matter is that we are a multi-ethnic society enriched by diverse cultures.  This reality is negatively exploited by the regime or other enemies to divide the people along regional, religious, and sectarian lines. After organizing every citizen under one “widb”, the regime intimidates citizens considering joining any other organization, and has become increasingly suspicious of any group critical of its policies-be they civic or religious. We should learn from our mistakes.  Vowing allegiance to any one political organization for eternity, particularly when quitting that organization is considered a taboo, or even “haram” or sin, is unhealthy for the individual and society. Leaders will not change their behaviour unless they know that the loyalty of members is contingent upon their responsible stewardship. 

EMDG believes that the organization has a unique role to play by implementing its vision of a united liberation army under one command- a beacon of hope for a national salvation. An army capable of reassuring members of the Eritrean Defence Forces that there is a national opposition army which is trustworthy, willing to receive and protect them if they join, and energize and rearm them if they plan to fight against a common enemy.  Moving away from a political organization already intoxicated by negative propaganda and indoctrinated by “hade libi/one heart” sloganeering, one cannot expect that a member of the defence forces deserting its ranks will join a fighting force that represents a narrow ideology, sect, religion or ethnicity.  For these Eritrean Defence Force soldiers of today to be compatriot fighters tomorrow they need to clearly understand our message that the opposition army represents common Eritrean national interests.

 Following the formation of the current umbrella organization, the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) (formerly the Alliance of Democratic Forces in 1999), various supporters—including global civic movements—have tried to address the importance of unity by demanding the formation of an army that is under one command. This fell upon deaf ears and was even mocked by certain leaders. Following the establishment of Eritreans for Democratic Governance (EDG) six months ago, we realized that the concept of “movement” adds value to our vision by reassuring our members and the general public that the organization pursues a very specific mission; the objective of the movement is to essentially put pressure on those organizations which have military wings to 1) assemble their military operations under one command and  2) lead the army as one liberation force fighting to fulfil the political aspirations of the Eritrean people. We respect each of these organization’s political beliefs, and the demands will ultimately be addressed in the constitution of future democratic Eritrea. However, in order to reach that goal, and in order to achieve military victory over the current regime, the military wings have to come under one command. The situation is so dire that we cannot afford to have fragmented armed forces fighting on various fronts with uncoordinated military strategies. 

The international community is aware that the downfall of the regime in Eritrea is inevitable, even imminent, but cannot throw its support behind opposition organizations because of their fragmented military organizations. A unified opposition army is necessary now to secure a stable Eritrea and to safeguard the future of its people.  Based upon recent events, there are glimmers of hope from within the Eritrean Defence Forces.  With a united opposition the people can rise up and express their opposition to tyranny through various means including civil disobedience or even simple expression of dissatisfaction about a regime that is increasingly isolated from its own people and the international community. 

The Eritrean people are waiting for the moment when they can say “yes! Now we can express our feelings in the streets” of Asmara, Keren, Massawa or Aseb because there is a unified opposition army and polity that is beginning to coordinate the future security and stability of the nation. Unified opposition will have a positive influence on Eritreans in the Diaspora by tipping the balance of the momentum towards the opposition.  Government support among the Diaspora communities is mainly driven by the untouchable appearance of the PFDJ crowd, mistreatment and constant harassment by their agents (tax collectors), and not merely from the fear that they would lose their property at home if they defy the regime and stand for justice and democracy. EMDG has a specific mission of mobilizing our people at home and abroad to rise up and defend themselves and their families. 

We will campaign to discourage the youth from fleeing the country and support them in resisting, just like our former organizations did when fighting Ethiopian occupation.  We are not going to dictate tactics to the young generation that wants to demonstrate its opposition against the current government, but we will openly tell them that “fight” and not “flight” is the key to destroying the regime.  The great lyrics of Teklemichael Ghebru’s 1974 song say it best: “tokormika motye, asafihka motye, n’anay nbahri nhade amet’ye”. Loosely translated as “whether you sit here (in the city) curled up in misery or laid back  with indifference you’re likely to be killed (by the Derg), so you might as well go to the bush (the battlefield) for a year”. The youth cannot continue to flee and die crossing the desert and the Mediterranean Sea indefinitely, sooner or later they must take up their generational obligation to confront the PFDJ and defend the nation against enemies—foreign or domestic. 

The movement hereby declares its firm commitment to and advocacy for:

1. Human Rights

2. Good Governance

3. Political Pluralism

4. The unconditional return of refugees to their homeland

5. Land to the Adi (village)

6. Return of power to its sole owners-the people. 

We will closely work with other civic and political opposition organizations.  We will serve in a supportive role to those organizations which show and prove full commitment to dislodge the current government militarily.  This extremely authoritarian and doctrinaire regime does not understand peaceful means of transitioning Eritrea into a democratically governed state.  It does not believe in peaceful means of engagement.  The current government of Eritrea can survive years of diplomatic pressure and will continue to exploit the human and economic resources of the nation for an infinite length of time.  We believe that in addition to military and diplomatic pressures, voicing full support for African Union and United Nations led economic sanctions is the correct path to follow in opposing this dictatorial regime. 

During our liberation struggle for independence both ELF and EPLF practiced economic sanctions against the enemy dwelling in the major cities.  Citizens in the rural areas were prevented from supplying food and energy sources to the enemy.  Now we can apply the same rules against the new enemy in Eritrea, and declare economic sanctions with money transfers only focused on the elderly and the vulnerable.  Financial transfers into Eritrea by the Diaspora should be limited to helping elderly parents.  All investment and business ventures, luxurious vacations, 2% taxation, and scandalous “Mekete” exploitations must end. 

In the following weeks and months EMDG will engage the public and media to spread its message. Paltalk sessions reaching all sectors of our society will clarify our mission and positions.  We call for a summit of opposition political organizations currently operating militarily in Eritrea.  We call for the formation of a central command of leadership to strike the enemy in its most strategically sensitive positions.  We call upon all Eritreans to cut the chains and break the yoke from the shoulders of our people once and for all.

Victory to our people 

EMDG

January 7, 2010

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9. January 2010 by Assimba.

31 12 2009  Yelfiwos Wondaya

Meles mentioned no national unity, sovereignty, or national interest, in his reply to the question of what his moral conviction is like in his political life. The question was asked by one of the journalists during his recent press conference in Addis Ababa.

It is no wonder though that many Ethiopians are outraged by his provocative remarks he always uses against our national symbols and flags at every occasion. With that in mind, one would conclude that there is no Moral Conviction other than love for money and lust for power for individuals like Meles whose measures of values are cash, wealth and power. Well, there is no such thing as being humble and respectful toward humanity on the part of narrow nationalists either. So Meles is all of the above, since he is a tribal chief and a sell out man all the same time, he is a man of cynic whose actions and deeds are insincere and motivated by his own selfish desires. He is always negative, sarcastic and derogatory about symbols others value so much, most important of all, he is interested in prices but not so much in values and moral convictions.

The reason being that narrow nationalists have a victim mentality is also that their hearts are filled with hatred, prejudice, blood-feud and revenge usually to the exclusion of all others. For they feel they are minor in every field one can think of, they feel too inferior to measure up with any given level of excellence accepted by the society as a norm by which actual attainments are judged by the their own merits. That is an image Meles inherited from his superiors through times. What’s more, as any racially driven hypocrites, Meles has an excessive devotion to his own tribe often associated with a belief of inferiority complex he suffers and revenges against all others, other than his own. He is altogether xenophobic, intolerant and compulsive in his approach; as a result, xenophobia, the pseudonym of the Cynic currently adopted by TPLF under his headship in our land is the ash heap of history and shall be remembered as such for the generation to come.

If need be, it is those genuine patriot political organizations whose national agenda is well in place to serve our national interest and sovereignty that have got to take the leadership role in today’s Ethiopia. Only a responsible government would take such serious events like territorial integrity and protecting that territory against intruders at any cost. Till then, Ethiopia is at a time when she needs her children to come to rescue her from domestic and foreign cannibalism. Ethiopia is not an abandoned land! Ethiopia is not and would not be considered as such so long as we the citizens of Ethiopia are

alive. Therefore, we must come and reach her and let others know that Ethiopia would not be mistaken for an abandoned land any longer, a land without citizens that protect her against all odds. Although some might given up hopes and signed documents appealing for forgiveness, launching a campaign to raise money, and resources to join the parliament, many other patriot Ethiopians are still in duty in terms of exposing, confronting, and defending of Ethiopia ’s national interest. Ethiopian patriots are hustling against the regime and its shady and illegal deals Meles is making with foreign powers and companies on a daily basis. That is the fact! Therefore, on part of such patriots, seeing the
nation of Ethiopia put up for sale, by sell-out Meles is unthinkable as opposed to those cowards who are fearful for the safety of their capital investment. After all, it is in their moral conviction to defend, protect and challenge enemy’s action aimed at the heart of their national unity, and territorial integrity of their nation.

After all, isn’t that good enough for us to tell that his strict adherence to anti Ethiopia is still there and his narrow-nationalistic dogma continues to manifest more of its misdeeds against the interest of our nation? This time he is selling the entire boarder line commencing from Metema to Gumbella out to the Sudan , he is currently in agreement with The Sudan authorities to give them a chunk of land. The last cession is in progress in Mekelle. Reportedly, people in Meklle danced and showed traditional Ethiopian songs. “Upon arrival at Mekelle’s Allula Abanega international Airport, the 135-member Sudanese delegation was warmly welcomed by Tigray regional president Tsegay Berhe, government officials, and with hundreds of residents in traditional closes waving both flags, singing and dancing traditional Ethiopian songs” Sudan Tribune. Earlier on, Meles of TPLF annexed parts of Gondar , and Wollo into ‘Greater Tigrai’ and helped Eritrea seceded. Now the next episode at hand is selling part of our territory and fertile lands out to foreign governments which is a new development and a trend that deprives Ethiopians of their own land, rights and privileges altogether. Most remarkable about these new developments are also reportedly that Sudanese authorities were warmly welcomed by Tigray regional president Tsegay Berhe, government officials, and with hundreds of residents in traditional closes waving both flags, singing and dancing traditional Ethiopian songs. Imagine they have celebrated this festival, by dancing and performing some Ethiopian traditional song in favor of Sudanese interest and of course at the expense of other Ethiopian nationals. Keep that in mind for the record. Yes Meles is known to have been reading a book of vile confessing death to Ethiopia, praising Killil in a place of greater Ethiopia, watering down any thing Ethiopian, and yes accompanying himself with the sworn enemies of our Ethiopia to harm Ethiopia itself, and telling us so much of unfounded stories that negate the entire historic reputation of Ethiopia for so long. So much so, what else do we expect from Meles other than dismantling our unity and rewriting our history on his own image and selling out of our lands territories to strangers? Ethiopia with her rich experience of governing herself for so long has also a history of defending her territory against foreign invasion. But this time, she is turning out to be under foreign mercenaries paid to serve for foreign powers. Meles is selling Ethiopia ’s integrity for a short-term advantage. Isn’t that what Meles is all about? In conclusion, from the out set, many concerned Ethiopians especially; EPRP told us that Meles of TPLF does not have the courage to win and the will to preserve Ethiopia ’s unity and her territorial integrity intact. They further warned us not to get duped by Weyane’s misleading propagandas and they have done so by speaking clearly, frankly and firmly in every occasion. That is on the record. To that end, Meles of TPLF together with his impotent group ruling in Addis are neither endowed with talent nor with some Ethiopian sentiment to share Ethiopianet with the rest us either. Finally, I have something to say to those who claim to be leaders of minor oppositions, supposedly, though not election, but Land is the foundation of human pride and it is something that people value and it should be as well that the leaders have to respect and live by.  But simply ignoring this call and accompanying Meles instead by being a guard or a guide to prolong his power will bring about incalculable mess against your fate in due course.

Justice shall prevail in the land of Ethiopia !!

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5. January 2010 by Assimba.

Abdullah A. Ado – abdullahadoa@gmail.com

Introduction:

Since 1993, there have appeared various analyses, by Eritrean and non-Eritrean writers alike, of the causes and effects of Issayas Afewarki and his regime’s crisis; and the likely impact it will have on the overwhelming majority of the population within Eritrea proper in the near future. These include descriptive summaries of events of failed ‘nation building experiments’. Vivid facts are cooking like latent volcano underneath the surface. Reasons are many. But let me ask only the following leading quarries: Do highlanders and lowlanders maintain any shared aspirations to speak of? Are the dreams of lowland Afar and kunama people and that of the highlanders mutual? Do highland–lowland divisions allow passage across obstacles? Do we know and love each other at all? Or do we remain at odds ever since? In the lowlanders view, Eritrea remains a divided nation yet in the making; struggling to come out of the clouds that overshadow its mere existence as a stable nation because of the border dispute along the Badme-Tsorena lines. Yes Eritrea is yet in our minds not solidified even as much as Djibouti is in the eyes of the outer world. Communities within Eritrea have a long way, longer and harder way to go, than the idealist Eritrean highlanders have always taken for granted; and wished that the nation building process is a done deal since Afewarki assumed power. But by so thinking they readily fell flat when it comes to explaining Eritrea’s own internal differences between highlanders and lowlanders; between the resentful Kunama and Afar societies on the one hand and the hard-handed Afewarki’s tyrant regime on the other. A case in point worth mentioning is the recent UNSC resolution. It is a good example of a well researched resolution that not only provides a detailed exposition of major mishaps that lead the contemporary crisis within the Afewarki regime, but also an objective analysis of the events which led naturally to a coherent and cogent set of UNSC’s objective resolution.

At the other end of the spectrum are always pseudo-intellectual rants mainly of Highland Eritrea origin who permanently publish on various Eritrean websites, warning the imminent danger that may result in the collapse of Issayas Afewarki and his regime’s polity. Obviously as its nationhood crafting is not based on solid grounds the aftermath will obviously lead into long-anticipated anarchy and chaos. There will emanate continuous sources of problems and irritation to not only the 9-major ethnic groups within Eritrea proper; but also to the neighbouring states in the region. One thing clear for those of us confined within Eritrea proper is the naked fact that the style of age old authoritarian governance within the Afewarki regime is not only young and fragile, but also outdated and demagogic. Thus it has to be replaced instantly. Unless we are ready to carefully nurture the situation with tools that help eradicate the maladies it will remain a source of fight for our respective community rights. It is this common premise that bears closer examination since it is patently very true. So before I commence my brief discourse, it is useful to define some basic terms in the interests of clarity and also in order to set the parameters of the discussion below within the context of socio-political theory.

Definitions:

The first term that needs to be defined here is “democracy”, since this concept lies at the very heart of the issue under discussion. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines democracy as a: “ (a) government by the people; especially : rule of the majority; (b) government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections.” The important point to note here is the phrase “… usually involving periodically held free elections …” We know from experience that free elections are not, in and of themselves, a necessary pre-condition for a democratic system of government; although they usually comprise an important element of such a system.

The central feature of a democratic system is that, government power is vested in the people and they exercise this power either directly, or through freely chosen representatives, which act in their behalf. This central democratic governance concept was articulated and enunciated, perhaps most famously, by Abraham Lincoln of the USA in his Gettysburg Address as: “… government of the people, by the people, for the people…” In fact, this precise and pithy exposition of a democratic system of government has become the popular definition of democracy.

To this effect, this central point leads me to the critically important concept of “political consent”, (i.e. the consent of the people to submit to the authority of government). In a democratic system, the people consent to a governmental authority because that very authority derives from the people freely choosing their leaders through periodically held elections.

As an Afar fellow by origin, I consider my own pastoral and clan-based system as the basis of our societal make up in which direct participation by each adult male in major decisions of the clan, or sub-clan, (e.g. whether to go to war or to resolve disputes with other clans/sub-clans through dialogue and negotiation) take place. Indeed, in the socio-political structure of traditional Afar, Kunama and other pastoral society remains extremely egalitarian and democratic; each with its own inner structure of appointing wise leaders without any public election system in the Western sense of it; and without any sophisticated provision for any electoral process. Even then, we can still characterize the Afar, Kunama and other pastoral communities as democratic. We adhere to the point of customary law and order by our direct, participatory nature of the system of social and political governance in each of our pastoral society whereby important issues are openly debated in mass public meetings and the majority views prevail and become binding upon all clan/sub-clan members after all the viewpoints are thoroughly aired out and deliberately discussed. This indigenous, participatory democracy has neither formal institutions nor any formal office holders (for example the Tajura and Asaita Sultanates remain purely ceremonial with no formal powers); yet each not only works, but has thrived and commanded the allegiance of our people for centuries, if not for millennia. Indeed, in traditional, pastoral, Afar society, clan elders are not elected but chosen through an evolutionary, dynamic, almost osmotic, process whereby those clan members that are perceived by their kinsmen as wise, reflective, or visionary do decent and honourably emerge as spokesmen and socio-political leaders whose opinions and judgments are widely respected and followed. This may be viewed as a social equivalent of the Darwinian evolutionary principle of ‘survival of the fittest’; except that it may be characterized as ‘emergence of the wise and honourable’. Thus, the success of the Afar-Kunama and other pastoral people in establishing a functioning, democratic system within their respective communities by defying Afewarki’s regime in the wake of a prolonged, devastating civil war against a tribally based, highland military dictatorship that had ruled for nearly two decades is not surprising.

Afewarki and his regime’s crisis in the Context of pastoral democracy

Needless to say, liberty is meaningless when the right to utter one’s thoughts and opinion has ceased to exist. Of all rights, the right to utter is the fear of tyrants of the likes of Issayas Afewarki. It is the right to utter which they first of all strike down since they know well that it is power. The Eritrean nation building process has been built on the experience of personalities. It has no tangible political foundations that can bring fundamental changes in the structure of the ruling system. And these days, leave alone in the lowland areas, even in the highland tracts where Afewarki and his regime have the upper hand, the political impasse on how and when to hold elections has become not only a taboo, but also Afewarki’s regime has dug its dubious heels over irreconcilable political positions that grew ever more intractable. There is a saying that goes: “There is no cure for the patient who hides his ailments.” Eritrea under Afewarki is really sick. So the deteriorating political situation and the death incidences happening on those uttering their rights in the pastoral communities among the Kunama and the Afar population in particular, galvanized our people in most parts of lowland Eritrea into antagonistic action as the prospect of sustained, and possibly armed, conflict continues to loom over our horizons.

As usual, there remain protracted armed conflicts every now and then in smaller scales between Afewarki and his henchmen on the one side; and each of the lowland clans on the other side of the isle. These antagonistic symbioses continue to provide to lowlanders essential lessons the hard way. Each of the episodes and military incidents that occur painfully demonstrate to our ordinary lowlanders the social and human cost of facing Afewarki’s anarchic regime. The Afewarki regime’s crisis thus must be seen in the context of a highly partisan, chauvinistic, and lopsided political stance; where highlanders are better trusted and where our peoples’ basic human rights as lowlanders are mismanaged at all times. These events lead our people to far worse crisis situation each time when protracted actions continue to contribute to an all out socio-economic and political subjugation.

Critically observing the public affaires, what accounts and analysis written by highlanders ignore is the role played by our lowlanders in the resolution of Afewarki and his regime’s make up. Instead, these highland writers focus mainly upon the role played jointly by Afewarki and the highlander actors within the nation make-up process. They forget the fact that we too are supposed to remain equally stakeholders in the statehood arena; and have equal say on any action that affects our lives and livelihoods within Eritrea proper.

Afewarki and his regime in the eyes of Lowlanders

There remain palpable and widespread public unease and anger with Afewarki and his regime’s political stand, which allows the clan situation to deteriorate. But falling back on traditional avenues of political and social intermediation, ordinary lowlanders everywhere instigated clan elders, religious leaders and their petty-business community (i.e. civil society leaders) to prevail upon the Afewarki’s local political appointees to tone down their rhetoric and reach a compromise with our society.

Afewarki and his regime’s political actors have a vested interest in de-railing the lowland community’s traditional democratic system and plunging it into the same old anarchy and chaos that has bedevilled highland Eritrea. They are willing to foment internal conflict; armed if necessary; in order to realize their political goals; and remain holding their ascent to power for a long while indefinitely. The key actor here is, of course, Issayas Afewarki himself with his age old nihilistic mission of plunging the whole Horn Africa region back into the Middle Ages type of war mongering. The painstaking rejection of these so-called Afewarki regime’s cadres by our lowland people is literally evidenced by the success of our clan authorities in thwarting repeated attempts by Afewarki and his associates to mount attacks, which is due primarily to the vigilance of our communities’ security watchers in recognizing and reporting suspicious activities and persons to the clan authorities.

In addition to, and separate from Afewarki and his henchmen, there are political actors from highland Eritrea who assume that they have so much in common with lowland Eritrea when it comes to recognizing the not yet stabilized state of Eritrea. These highlanders are also equally ready to force lowlanders to abide by their dream of shaping statehood through clan warfare, in order to create sufficient havoc to overthrow the local authorities and chiefdom and instigate a seizure of power on behalf of the Afewarki regime under the pretext of re-establishing order. For instance, the conflagration of a routine dispute between by-passing highlanders and pastoral clan-men over water rights has at times caused murders of innocent civilians in furtherance of their ambitions for power.

Hence the carefully orchestrated subversion of popular complaints in local communities into armed confrontations with Afewarki’s henchmen simply keep on sowing seeds of armed conflict, distancing and secession from that of Afewarki crafted nationhood. The intervention of the Kunama and the Afar clan elders, not to mention the maturity of the overwhelming majority of the concerned clans within Eritrea proper, succeeded in preventing the hitherto propping up disputes turning into ugly, armed war between clans and Afewarki’s regime. Correspondingly, the widespread public outcry against the political manoeuvrings and sedition of both Afewarki’s regime and highland opposition groups against lowlanders’ right to secede always, continue to force both the lowlanders and highlanders to abandon their sterile impasse and raise their political temperature to the level of no return.

Conclusive Remarks

First of all, several key points outlined above need carefully weighing and taken to serious considerations. To us lowlanders, the political culture of participatory democracy is not new. It is indeed a central feature of our societal socio-political ethos, culture and tradition. This fact is perhaps not fully appreciated by highland Eritrean people; and especially by Afewarki and his regime. To them, democratic governance is a new construct among our lowland population and in our communities’ political history. This hypocritical contemptible look at lowlanders explains the over-arching focus upon embracing on the making of the “New Eritrea” while at the same time ignoring our key important features in our traditionally existing democratic systems. It is important to remember the following points. During the decade commencing from 1993 until the end of 2009, Afewarki’s regime has never been a representative one, where lowlanders in particular enjoyed the freely given consent of their society; not to mention their confidence. There has never been any representative democracy and elections in the whole of Eritrea proper as initially promised in 1993, let alone in lowland areas. There has never been any attempt to adapt the indigenous, Kunama-Afar clan-based, pastoral democracy to the modern institutions in Asmara. There has never been any independent judiciary and a legislature of House of Representatives in Asmara.

Secondly, the drafting of a constitution and its ratification was done by presently exiled highlander by the name Bereket Hapte Sellasie, who originally was born and brought up in Harar, Ethiopia; and had no clear knowledge or understanding of our lowlanders’ culture or civility. His draft constitution has no clan-based pastoral democracy adopted in it. Thus, the making of Eritrea proper remains half baked; qualitatively more undemocratic right now than it was during the 1952-1993 federation with Ethiopia. The fact is Afewarki’s regime always downgraded the clans’ traditional, pastoral political system to benefit from his own archaic, nihilistic, institutional and anarchic structures. Thus, the shift from the clan-based, pastoral democracy of the pre-1993 era to the present one whereby Afewarki and his hand picked henchmen continues to affect the lowlanders negatively. Overall, the dream for nation building is deteriorating the traditional democratic changes in terms of representation; the consent of the people to its clan authority; and finally the transparency and accessibility of lowlanders to the forthcoming ‘federal system’ embracing all 9-ethnic groups equally and impartially.

Thirdly, the determination of the ordinary lowlanders not to surrender the independence, stability and peace we have enjoyed for generations under our home-grown system of representative local government and a free clan-based society is going to remain the powerful foundation. It ensures our durability for ever as it has done for generations thus far. During this Afewarki’ regime’s crisis, our determination has been trumped. In fact, it is a fundamental cause for the machinations of both our political elders and the malevolent plots of would-be usurpers of clan-state institutions. Indeed, the timely support of our brethren inside Ethiopia and Djibouti remains the main viable and valuable stick with which to compel Afewarki and his regime either to look beyond their narrow chauvinistic self-interests and see the ‘big picture’; or step down and leave our lowland communities to freely choose our respective destiny how to live and let other live in peace. This very desire for our clan and national self-determination up to and including secession for our free society is deeply ingrained in our lowland pastoralist peoples’ mind. It also remains the basis of our revolt against Afewarki and his chauvinistic and partisan highlander dictatorship; and the subsequent, long war of our liberation since 1993. It is also a fundamental and enduring feature of the history and culture of pastoral societies within Eritrea proper, which has survived for centuries of, admittedly benign, Italian-British-French colonial rules. But now, the treachery of a union in the making of a nation has subverted by the calculations of chauvinist highlanders’ domination; an oppressive, tribal dictatorship that declared war on its own citizens; intensifying armed, clan conflicts; motivated by an overweening lust for power; sustained efforts by a regime force to subvert the very existence of our clan-based democracy as an independent local state; including acts of terror and violence, nationalization of assets, and trade embargos; and, most recently, the inability of Afewarki’s regime to look beyond its own naked war mongering banditry ambitions.

Fourthly, the recently concerted pressure exerted on Afewarki by the UNSC and the Ethiopian Government helps prepare the grounds for further struggle. Internal subversion attempts against lowlanders have thus far failed. This proves that Afewarki and his regime’s instigators as well as their highland supporters are forced to give-up on their aims by circumstantial evidence as indicated by UNSC resolution and by the worsening living conditions inside Eritrea proper.

Finally, far from being strong and cemented, Afewarki’s regime and its phoney-democracy are indeed fragile and destined to doom. His regime is founded on sandy grounds without embracing the cultural fabric of lowlander pastoral societies that are nourished by the determination of our ordinary pastoral clans to enjoy our freedom and pursue our lives and livelihoods in peace. In sum the hitherto existing Afewarki’s regime and his institutions, constitution and political systems require continual review and improvement; or else they are doomed to fail pretty soon. Afewarki’s regime must realize the need to remain inclusive of our clan-centric pastoral system to his platform-centric focus of chauvinistic and mainly highlander-based partial system. Then and only then can we claim the rights to utter words of thoughts and opinions freely and fraternally.

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