31. March 2009 by Assimba.

On March 15, 2009—San Jose has hosted a discussion forum on the Ethio-Eritrean issues. The honorable invited guests on this topic were Professor Tesfatsion Medhanie from the University of Bremen, Germany and Professor Daniel Kendie from the University of Henderson in Arkansas, United States. Both scholars have written books on the Ethio-Eritrean issue. The meeting has driven lots of participants and it was a successful event. The Amharic version of what the first speaker, Professor Tesfatsion, presented to the audience will soon be posted on the Internet in its entirety.

In brief, his presentation focused on confederation as the framework for the closest relations possible between the two countries. He dwelt at length on the difference between confederation and federation. But even for this confederal union to be realized, there are some prerequisites. They include political changes in both Eritrea and Ethiopia; this means, among other things, that there have to be governments of national unity in both countries. Besides, there are also psychological barriers on the part of Eritreans as well as Ethiopians that have to be addressed. The elites of both countries have a big role to play in this regard. Professor Tesfatsion emphasized that if the peoples of both countries are satisfied with the process of the confederation, they can in the future voluntarily decide in favor of a closer relationship including federation.

Following that, Professor Daniel Kendie’s presentation focused on the role played by Egypt and other Arab-nations for the secession of Eritrea. He favors not only reinstating the Federal system to Eritrea but also to implement it in other Ethiopia’s sub-regions. In addition, he argued that a confederation allows two countries to sit side by side and is too weak to deal with major issues. Therefore, he stressed that a strong central government is a requirement. His vision of the federal structure also calls for the inclusion of Djibouti, Somalia, and perhaps Sudan.

The discussion was really very interesting and a milestone that brought both Ethiopians and Eritreans under one roof for discussions. On the other hand, both lecturers admitted that this vision may be supported by neither the current Eritrean nor Ethiopian governments. A democratic government is a prerequisite for its possible implementation. Therefore, one has to think beyond the era of the present regimes.

Professor Daniel also told participants that a meeting between Eritrean and Ethiopian intellectuals will be held in the coming days. It includes 15 participants on each side of the isle and he promised to inform us about its outcome. And finally, on the strength of Professor Danel’s recommendations, 3-people on each side were selected to facilitate at least social interactions between the two communities here in San Jose. It’s actually is the first of its kind since the 1998 major conflict between the two countries or even after the separations for that matter.

In sponsoring this discussion forum, we—the event organizes—strongly believe that we’ve brought this crucial issue to the forefront. At the same time, we also know that it’s highly controversial. But taking a step towards peace and reconciliation as well as developing vision is a historical obligation. Let other people take it from here.

Forum organizers in San Jose, California

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13. March 2009 by Assimba.

Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms

By Maru Gubena

Before anything else, let me just say a few things in simple, straightforward words: my thanks to those who have expressed their views directly to me, sharing their opinions and frustrations. My thanks also to those who posted their constructive and most helpful comments on various Ethiopian websites in response to my recently posted excerpted text and article. This has been an encouragement, helping to pour some fuel into me to remain engaged in my writing, as a part of the voice of Ethiopian politics. Yes, it is indeed true that some of the comments I received were extremely powerful and penetrating; in particular two long comments written in Amharic and one in English managed to awaken my long hidden feelings and painful memories in a highly accelerated fashion – feelings and memories that arrived surrounded by clear images of the cruel and inhuman era of the 1970’s – as experienced by a disproportionately high number of my generation. An era that successfully obliterated the long existing morale and feelings of patriotism of Ethiopians, to the point that these seem immensely difficult, if not impossible, to restore, and an era that is responsible for the disintegration of our country – Ethiopia. Though many of my compatriots who were a part of that most vicious regime, with its hostile, dreadful political machines and mechanisms, might have a different view of the atrocious and untold crimes committed by our own people, it was also the Ethiopian military regime of that particular period that made my country a killing field. The impact of that period is still profound in our lives, making everything impossible, including working together and finding a political solution to the ongoing multiple problems in Ethiopia.

To be honest with you, while reading the comments mentioned above, but also afterwards, I became a bit emotional; not surprisingly, I suddenly ran out of my study, going downstairs in search of someone – someone who carries more or less the same wounds and scars as many of my generation, and someone who can understand my pain and is willing to listen to me and share my emotions. Yes, I went running as fast as I could to be with someone who is willing to hold me as closely and firmly as possible and is capable of offering me the solace and comfort I needed so badly in those remarkably disturbing but most memorable hours. What more can I say, other than thanking the authors of the e-mails and posted comments, except that that I am delighted to have published my text. Had I not posted it, I would have missed the opportunity to share my views and read these memorable, painful but wisely expressed comments.

Most of the questions raised, either in the e-mails I have received or the reactions posted by readers, in response to the recently posted first part of my article entitled “Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms,” were about when they would be able to read the rest. In response, as promised, here is the second part of the article. For those who have not had a chance to read the first part – published between the last days of February and the first two or three days of March 2009 – it is advisable to download and read part one before proceeding with part two of the article.

As outlined in part one of this article, for methodological purposes and to provide a clear, effective review of the interlinked topical issues and questions raised there, two critically important terms, functional and dysfunctional will be employed in relation to community or society. In this paper the use of these terms will be strictly limited to the Ethiopian Diaspora community and its involvement and role in areas of politics. A good many of the issues and topics outlined in part one have been included and examined in this paper, in the section on “Contemporary Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical Perspective.” The remaining critically important questions and concerns will be incorporated and highlighted as a part of the remaining three sub-themes; these will form the third and fourth chapters, which are yet to be written and published.

 The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics, the Wider Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives

 Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora Community

 Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking?

Finally, I must mention the lack of helpful written materials or study guides regarding the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and how its politics began and developed. As a result, this paper will be based primarily on highly limited personal participation and observations of three decades ago, making it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to present a proper, relatively balanced overview. And in fact, examining any history – not just the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and its politics – and presenting it in a way that is compact and can be followed and clearly understood by the intended readers is tricky for most people, if not for all writers. It is certainly difficult for me. I am nevertheless determined to confront myself, to refresh my memories, and to make every effort to take a brief, close look at the historical processes and growth of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its role in Ethiopian politics. Also, as we Ethiopians are so good at having a variety of views – which can actually sometimes be healthy – I am quite aware that the experiences and observations of others, even if they had an opportunity to be in the same place at the same time, may be far different from my own experiences and observations, and from the views I express here. I would therefore kindly request and encourage my Ethiopian compatriots of my generation to put together their own helpful experiences and views, so that I and many other Ethiopian compatriots and friends of Ethiopia can share and learn from them.

Contemporary Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical Perspective

As long-time Ethiopian political activists and historians of Ethiopian politics know, it would not be wrong to argue vigorously that the history of Ethiopian Diaspora politics is inseparably linked to the early Ethiopian student movement, made up of members and activists who had the opportunity to come and further their studies in North America and Europe. They gradually established their own Ethiopian Students’ Association in North America (ESANA) and The Union of Ethiopian Students in Europe (ESUE), with firm determination to maintain their working partnership with their compatriots back home and help to debate the issues pertaining to Ethiopian political and economic issues and political systems. They also wanted to speak out as loudly as they could concerning the exceptional growth in income inequality, poverty, and urban-rural gaps that plagued the majority of Ethiopians, along with many other socio-cultural problems of their time. It is said that these early Ethiopian student activists also saw a change in leadership, accompanied by radical structural change and socio-political and economic transformation, as paramount among their many objectives.

Disappointingly, however, despite these most ambitious plans, the government of Emperor Haile Selassie –which the Ethiopian students had hoped to see replaced by new political leadership and by the radical socio-political and economic policies they had envisioned – was suddenly deposed in 1974 by yet more radical, inexperienced and self-centred members of the Ethiopian armed forces. Upon learning the bad news about the emergence of the new enemy, only a very few of the large number of the Ethiopian student activists in North America and Europe returned to Ethiopia to join their compatriot comrades who were engaged in political and armed resistance against the untimely and uninvited newly emergent military junta. This government, with its 120 members, called itself the Provisional Military Administrative Council, (otherwise known as the Dergue, or Committee), became the undisputed ruler of the entire nation and the subjugator of the Ethiopian people. The majority of Ethiopian students remained in the USA and Europe, some by extending their studies and others by applying for a new form of living permit – political asylum, which was scarcely known to most Ethiopians of the period. However, some returned home and even those who did not began to focus their interest and energy exclusively on the political events and processes in Ethiopia. A good number of the student leaders and well known political figures within the Ethiopian students’ association and their union in both North America and Europe joined either the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) or the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement (MEISON) in Ethiopia. Both the day-to-day activities of ESANA and ESUE and the respect they had enjoyed were eroded, and both organizations were destroyed.

Almost all students and political activists in the early Ethiopian student movement were relatively young, probably on average between the ages of 18 and 25. Also, probably due to the relatively easy life in Ethiopia during the period in which the Golden Period Generation was born and grew up, and because most came from well-to-do families, the majority of the early Ethiopian student activists were relatively tall and good looking, with their rather long hair worn “Afro style.” Yes, life in Ethiopia before the upheaval of the bloody 1974 revolution was easy – and rather cheap as well – and the movements of individuals were not restricted. There were hardly any internal tensions or wars, and external wars were sporadic: the Golden Period Generation never experienced continuous war nor witnessed columns of tanks in their cities and towns, especially in comparison to the experiences of the War Born Generation in the period under the Dergue (for extended information see my two-part article, The Revitalization of Ethiopia’s Most Tragic, Nightmarish and Painful Memories of the 1970s: The Clash of Generations, published in November – December 2006).

As the policy of the military regime became exceptionally harsh and heinous, and widespread atrocious crimes continued throughout Ethiopia, the early Ethiopian student activists in North America, Europe and Africa were joined by new groups, arriving in massive numbers – Ethiopian asylum seekers and refugees, the victims of the Dergue. These new arrivals included a good number of EPRP urban political activists, as well as those from Assimba and surrounding areas and towns, who had been engaged in direct armed struggle with the ruthless military regime of Ethiopia. Refugees from Ethiopia had been periodically registered, selected and admitted as refugees by the immigration authorities of the United States and by some European governments to come and live in their countries. They arrived from their countries of first asylum, such as Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya, but also some Mediterranean or South European countries, such as Italy and Greece. Asylum seekers, on the other hand, are individuals who arrive at any port of entry of a given country and apply for political asylum based on widespread political, religious or other forms of repression in their country of origin. A disproportionately high number of the Ethiopian asylum seekers and refugees of the period, probably over 98 percent, were high school and university students, recent graduates or teachers. Also, due to the severely restrictive policy imposed by the new military regime on those leaving (or trying to leave) Ethiopia illegally – considered to be a huge crime, tantamount to treason – and in addition to the newness and uncertainties, for Ethiopians, of becoming an asylum seeker or refugee in another country, almost all of the victims of the atrociously cruel regime of the Dergue who managed to escape were males. Consequently, like the students, the Ethiopian refugee population of the period was almost exclusively male. Whatever refugee status or student residence permits Ethiopians were given by other countries, however, no member of the community in this period had ever thought, even in their wildest dreams, that these new countries would be where they would be maturing, spending the majority of their years, dying and perhaps being buried. No, no one had ever predicted or even considered remaining a landless people forever. Everyone had a solid plan of returning home within a brief period – probably after a maximum of three to five years (see also: The Future of the Maturing African Diaspora: Sharing my Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure).

As the political and military positions of EPRP became progressively weaker on both urban and rural fronts, hopes to overthrow the new military regime continued to fade and the number of Ethiopian asylum seekers and refugees arriving in other countries continued to increase. The accelerating decline in the political position and military power of EPRP also began to cause or contribute to internal tensions, feuds and conflicts among its important organs and supporters in Europe and North America; anxiety grew as the organization became weaker. Despite these problems and the uncertain future of the EPRP, discussions and debates continued during its short life, and political meetings, and study groups were established to collectively follow political developments and other events that were underway in our country, and to actively explore Marxism, Leninism and other relevant theories. In those days meetings of the various study cells always took place face-to-face. This was probably due to the importance of personal and group security as well as the fact that today’s technological possibilities were not yet available: other forms of interaction such as teleconferences or discussions using paltalk software while sitting in one’s own house, perhaps in bed or while cooking, were totally unknown to the early Ethiopian students and political activists who were soon to become known as “Ethiopian refugees” or “the Ethiopian Diaspora community.” Attending a politically oriented meeting and becoming a well known participant in such gatherings and debates were seen by most activists, at least indirectly, as important – just as it would be important, for example in top educational circles, to be associated with the activities of a well known and highly respected educational institution. Also, being familiar with and readily employing Marxist terminology, such as “sectarianism” or the “sectarians,” the “proletariat” or “proletarians” and the “remnants” when speaking in meetings and conferences, was often associated with being a revolutionary who had a profound involvement in and understanding of the fundamentals of Marxism and Leninism. Presenting the communist manifesto and explaining its content and meaning, and talking in great detail about the 1917 Russian revolution and the irreconcilable ideological differences between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, including the deep-seated animosity between Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky, were all seen as hugely important and a sign that the Ethiopian political activists or cell members involved were educated and knowledgeable in Marxist and other relevant theories associated with socialism and communism – most likely someone who had attended one of the highly respected universities in Moscow or Beijing. Having a number of personal books in one’s room, preferably hardcovers (red in colour) bearing the names of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Frederick Engels or all three, and carrying one or more of these books while walking, was used to signify some sort of intellectuality and a deep involvement in the concepts of the socialist and communist mode of production.

Unsurprisingly, although almost all of the Ethiopian students and political activists who opposed the regime of our country were residing safely in the western world, either as students or as asylum seekers/refugees, they neither appreciated nor valued the political and economic systems of their countries of residence, including their mode of production. Participants in the various study groups were repeatedly encouraged to study Marxism, Leninism and related books, and to become devoted forces towards socio-economic and political change in a truly revolutionary future Ethiopia. On the other hand, however, the high-ranking individuals in these groups did not appreciate or value time spent by members of the various cells in social or other activities related to personal wellbeing. Even though (as mentioned above), the population of early Ethiopian students and political activists was predominantly male, the desire or temptation to have a girlfriend, or to talk about sex or sexuality was seen as undesired and unhealthy – something that could weaken the group. Such activities were, therefore, socially discouraged and forbidden, not just by the leaders of the group, but also by most participants in the various cells. Yes, as interdependence among Ethiopians was phenomenal, the social control was extremely heavy. There were very few Ethiopian girls, perhaps two or three among the thirty to forty members of each group, and they were usually associated with well-known, dominant figures. Probably because of the limited number of female Ethiopians and because most of the early Ethiopian students and political activists were young, in their early lives, terms such as engagement, marriage or wedding were unfamiliar to most of them. As result, there was little or no talk about such ideas, and no one among us was either engaged or married. Most used to sleep quite often with their Marxist and Leninist books.

Yes, the period was indeed remarkable, and is painfully full of memories, including difficulties and homesickness or nostalgia – difficulties and homesickness experienced by the early Ethiopian students and political activists. Technological communications were less advanced than today, and the number of Ethiopians in Ethiopia who owned landline phones was far more limited, but also the risk of communicating with family members back home was enormously great. Making contact with those who were considered to be enemies of the regime and the country it ruled was seen as reason enough to be arrested, tortured or even killed, so direct contacts with family members and friends were extremely and painfully difficult, if not impossible. Even letters sent from Ethiopians living abroad to families back home were often returned to the senders by the cadres of the ruthless regime with a list of possible messages stamped on the envelope, including: “the person to whom this letter has been addressed has disappeared.” Or “the person to whom this letter has been addressed has been imprisoned or executed,” and so on. In reality, however, the messages received from the cadres of the regime were not always true. Yes, after repeatedly writing to family members and friends most students managed to discover that that those who had been declared to have disappeared, or to have been imprisoned or executed, were actually well and alive!

The exchange of information related to political developments in the country, especially exchanges with those who were engaged in the struggle against the military regime, was limited to the high ranking members of the study groups or cells. The majority of the group knew little or nothing. Remarkably enough, however, whenever there was bad news, such as arrests or killing of important members of the resistance or their leaders in the war front, it could be read in the faces of the group leaders who received or heard the news. Yes, as the measures being undertaken by the military regime of the time against both urban and rural EPRP activists, its supporters and sympathizers, became more atrociously inhuman, the awful and depressing news continued to reach Ethiopians living outside Ethiopia. Though it was difficult to verify the accuracy of the news or to know exactly what had happened, the ambush and assassination of a group of high ranking EPRP leaders by the death squads of the military regime were said to have been the most decisive factors in discontinuing all political activities and engagements, and disbanding the various study groups or cells (for further reading see the article, “Evaluating Three Decades of Ethiopian Resistance, its Challenges, Achievements and Failures: Perspectives for Political and Leadership Change”).

In my recollection, it was in early or mid 1979 that a three day international conference intended for all Ethiopians residing in Europe and North America was called to discuss and debate the future, and probably also to see if anything could be done to arrest the total disintegration of their party – the EPRP. The conference was held in Europe, in Amsterdam, the capital city of The Netherlands. As far as I can recall, participants came from as far as what were then the Soviet Union and the Eastern Block countries, from Sweden, Norway, France, Germany, Great Britain and many other countries. Even though most of the debates were heated, emotionally loaded and conducted in revolutionary tones, in general terms, the conference, which marked the end of political activities, study groups and any other form of political meetings, was rational, friendly, full of closeness among participants and indeed pleasant. Also, as Ethiopians of the period were still fond of being together and sleeping in a single room, five or even ten or fifteen together, there was no need to book hotel rooms. Yes, though we Ethiopians can often be allergic to agreement and to working together in areas related to national issues, sleeping in one room and talking the whole night about Ethiopian politics is undeniably among our favourite pastimes. However, except for some small sporadic educational seminars organized at the national level by universities or Ethiopian community associations, the international conference held in Amsterdam was to be the last gathering on Ethiopian political issues for almost a decade. All political activity halted for what was then an unknown period, while individual Ethiopian activists went on with their studies and personal lives. Yes, it took almost a decade for the political spirits and morale of the early Ethiopian political activists to revive, and for them to return to Ethiopian politics.

Paradoxically, and for most of my readers perhaps strangely, even unacceptably, it was nonetheless the unexpected military strength, as well as the successes and political strategies of the enemies of Ethiopian unity – the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation

Front (TPLF) – that, in combination with the rapid decline in the military and political power of the Ethiopian military regime, contributed significantly to the reviving, reenergizing and regrouping of the Ethiopian Diaspora political activists. The surviving EPRP and MEISON leaders and their supporters and sympathizers who had often joked and talked so disparagingly about TPLF, never believing it could succeed in defeating the military regime and become the unchallenged ruler of the entire land of Ethiopia, finally reappeared from their Diaspora fortresses around 1988 and 1989, after almost a decade of silence. The few leaders of these two historical enemies, EPRP and MEISON, who had managed to survive the killing fields constructed by the inhuman leadership of the Dergue regime, made a marriage of convenience almost immediately after their reappearance in 1991. They announced the formation of a new alliance, the Coalition of Democratic Ethiopian Forces (CODEF), aimed at either forcing the TPLF leadership to form a coalition government with them, or failing that at collectively voicing their opposition to TPLF’s single-handed rule. Knowing the scattered nature of the Ethiopian opposition, their non-existent power base and the disorganization of their parties, however, the TPLF leadership remained determined, continuing to rule Ethiopia and its people single-handedly, under its own terms, desires and policies. As result, despite never-ending feuds, divisions and deep-seated wounds and hostilities (some historical, some freshly inflicted) among the opposition groups, Ethiopian Diaspora politics, whether functional or dysfunctional, with members or without, with a leader or leaderless, with financial resources or not, have persisted to the present day. They have continued in spite of the ineffectiveness of Ethiopia Diaspora politics and the direct or indirect damaging effects these politics have had on the wider Ethiopian Diaspora community, including the harm to current and future political and organizational hopes and initiatives. Additionally, the repressive policies directed by the TPLF regime at conscious and concerned Ethiopians, including human rights activists and the press, along with its arrogant, thoughtless retort that “if you don’t like me and if you don’t agree with my policy, you can go and live anywhere you wish,” have produced a massive number of new Ethiopian asylum seekers and refugees, who in turn have dramatically changed both the composition and the face of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, including the process and direction of its politics.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

• As pointed out on page three, the issues, questions and concerns raised in part one will be included and examined together with the remaining three sub-topics, including, •The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics, the Wider Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives; •Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora Community; and •Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking? when I come back to work on chapters three and four of this paper.

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6. March 2009 by Assimba.

By Maru Gubena

As can be recalled, even though Ethiopian students were in Europe and the United States earlier, the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora began with the upheaval of the bloody 1974 Ethiopian revolution. This can be characterized as the beginning of the darkest years in the history of Ethiopia itself and its people. Over time, internal strife among individuals and groups seeking power continued and became a permanent source of political instability and a bottleneck to the formation of civil societies and the rule of law, including processes of democratization; the fragile economy continued to deteriorate considerably; the number of Ethiopians suffering from poverty and disease increased substantially; and the Ethiopian Diaspora grew to a remarkable level. It has grown not just in numbers but also in socio-economic potential and influence, which extends to both national and international bodies and to influence on both peace and war, through the roles those in the Diaspora play as scientists and academics and in discussions with diplomats.

Regrettably and disappointingly, however, and despite our considerable expansion in numbers, the increasingly percentage who have a high level of education, the economic resources we have been able to earn and are still earning - and despite the respect we have gained from our countries of asylum or immigration as honest, peaceful and hardworking people - the Ethiopian Diaspora lives in a manner comparable to rural or semi-urban Africans who work in industries located in a country ruled by a totalitarian regime where workers are not allowed to establish their own labour unions. Yes, even while living in the so called “land of the free” and in the face of needs that are enormous and urgent, to this day the Ethiopian Diaspora lacks professional organizations and institutions of its own that are capable of operating internationally from their own buildings, with office spaces and trained personnel where socio-economic and political strategies to further the well-being of the many-sided interests of the Ethiopia Diaspora and the complex issues facing our county can be discussed, developed, formulated and carried out. The Ethiopian Diaspora does not have such vitally important and respected organizations and institutions, although they would be conducive to reviving our morale and the lost feelings of patriotism, love and respect that our ancestors had for their country and for each other. They are also needed to help to restore or develop a culture of working and living together in a responsible way, so that we can directly influence and be an indispensable part of the forces of socio-economic and political change in our country, playing a substantial role in defending each member of our community in times of unexpected difficulties. That is, our current situation is not because we lack the necessary knowledge, professional skills and economic resources, but rather due to the tragic division and disunity that began at the time of the cruel period known as the “Red Terror.” The forces of division and disunity that came into being during the early years of the Ethiopian revolution were gradually expanded and became rife in the hearts and minds of a huge section of Ethiopian society, both at home and abroad, after the failed struggle waged by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Party - the EPRP - in an attempt to crush and overthrow the fascistic enemy - the military regime known as the Dergue (Committee).

While stressing with full conviction the urgent need to establish such organizations and institutions, I am absolutely not saying that we should attempt to dominate the societies in which we live, as some feel the western Jews have done. Nor am I saying that the Ethiopian Diaspora requires hundreds of office buildings with tens of thousands of employees in Vienna, Paris, Amsterdam, London and many major cities of the US. What I am simply suggesting is that given the slim prospects most, if not all, Ethiopians living abroad have of returning home, and given the increasing numbers of the Ethiopian Diaspora due both to new arrivals from Ethiopia and to children born into the Diaspora, the creation of means and tools to help in strengthening the bonds we have with our people back home and the culture into which we have been born is indispensable in establishing organizations and institutions to meet this need - at a minimum, one in Washington DC and one in London, with the necessary financial resources and personnel who are trained in diplomatic and other educational skills - can be a source of pride to all Ethiopians, and a source of hope for the future especially for those defenseless Ethiopians who have not had an opportunity to arm themselves with modern education. Above all, the establishment of professional organizations and institutions of our own will not only decrease the extent of our dependence on devoted volunteer compatriots for day-to-day activities and responsibilities, and serve as a focus - a source of education, a meeting point and an adjudicator for community members in conflict - but also can serve the Ethiopian Diaspora in particular as an indispensable bridge with our people at home. This will be instrumental in accelerating the collapse of the unelected enemy of Ethiopia, and can be employed as a power base to challenge in courts of law those who are responsible for changing the entire face of our country, for killing many innocent Ethiopian citizens, and for the unlawful and repeated incarceration of elected leaders and human rights activists.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

• The above portion of text has been excerpted from a longer paper of about 15 pages, published in early spring, 2006, under the title “Lessons for Ethiopians from the Downfall of US-Supported Dictators: An Urgent Need for Mature Mechanisms.” The issues discussed are still current, educational and fresh. In particular, as you undoubtedly know, the need to establish an Ethiopian Diaspora House is currently under intense discussion within the Ethiopia Diaspora community. This short text was written to loudly ring the bells, stressing the urgent need to organize members of the Ethiopian community under a single umbrella – and in an institution that belongs to each of us, as well as to the Ethiopian community as a whole.

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5. March 2009 by Assimba.

By Hama Tuma

The controversial International Criminal Court has finally come out with an arrest warrant for President Omar Beshir of the Sudan. The warrant is out for war crimes and/ or crimes against humanity but not for genocide—a point that would surely not matter that much for the accused.

Let me say from the outset that I have little or no sympathy for the tyrant in the Sudan who, aside from causing the slaughter of so many in South Sudan and Darfur, has deported many Ethiopians to their deaths or diappearance and has sent his troops to occupy Ethiopian land. That said, the decision by the ICC and the clamour it has engendered from quarters that have proven contempt for Africa calls for some reflection. As I tried to point out in my previous article, “Of Courts and Hypocrisies”, the ICC seems to be in reality the ACC, the African Criminal Court, as it seems hell bent to deal ONLY with alleged African war criminals (up to now) from the Congo, Sudan, Central African Republic and Uganda. From Milosevic to Charles Taylor and the Congolese war lord, that court in The Hague has yet to deal with notorious war criminals from the West.

The ICC arrest warrant for Omar Beshir thus leaves a bitter taste in our mouths not because the accused is innocent or does not deserve to be tried (which should be done by the people of Sudan and not by others for that matter) but because it is one more clear contemptuous action directed against Africa and signifies the nauseating double standard and hypocrisy that has been so damaging to the oppressed peoples of the world. War criminals abound all over the world and the top ones are the very ones manipulating the ICC prosecutor and making all this hue and cry. Just a look around shows that while in Cambodia one trial for genocide is in progress the butchers of Indochina from Henry Kissinger to so many American generals and CIA officials are not only free but honoured. In Iraq, where war crime of huge proportions has been committed by Bush and Cheney we hear no whisper of a court action against them or any other suspects other than the speeded trial and execution of Sadam and his officials. Even in Africa, pro-West butchers are hardly bothered. The war criminal in Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, is untouched and even rewarded with aid and praise for his crimes against the Ethiopian and Somali peoples. The tyrant in Equatorial Guinea is enjoying Western protection by those greedily taking that country’s oil. Omar Beshir’s political and ideological position brought on him this wrath and not his bloody actions against his own people. Had he been pro-Washington or pro London, the ICC would have ignored him no matter how many he may have killed. Did London and Washington criticize Mugabe when he ran rampage in Matabeleland to “deal with an insurgency”? There is presently a cry out for the arrest of former Chadian dictator Hissen Habre but his replacement Idris Deby also deserves to be tried but the oil factor comes in to grease the ICC silent. How many war criminals are enjoying comfortable exile in the USA, France and England? Wasn’t Sadam the dear friend of the West for so many years as he killed so many Iraqis and gassed Kurds and waged war against Iranians?

The shame of the past seems to be carried by the ICC now. Real crimes and criminals ignored. Has Germany paid for the brutal massacre of the Hereros? Italy for the death of one million Ethiopians? Belgium for the butchery of 15 million Congolese? Britain for all its crimes of Empire all over the world? Britain, France and America for the slave trade? France, Spain and Portugal for their colonial crimes? Can we say Lebanon? Sabra and Shattila? Chechniya? Dare we even mention other recent crimes perpetrated by the powerful on hapless and defenceless people? Africa is shamed again and again and that dead body called the AU has yet to be buried with indignity. A frustrated Revered Desmond Tutu once said young South Africans ‘should not listen to Desmond Tutu”—I find his recent comments on Zimbabwe and Sudan not worthy of an African ear, young or old. Anyway, the ICC warrant against Beshir will mainly serve to complicate the problems of the troubled region and may even gain him some support from angry Sudanese. Other victims of Beshir may rejoice but it would only be a pyrrhic victory. The real victory is when the people bring the tyrants to their own court of law and when all war criminals, white or black, rich or poor, are brought before a proper court of law. The parody and political machinations by those who should be tried themselves is only a continuation of the injustice, a cruel and crude joke, against oppressed peoples.

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