31. May 2009 by Assimba.

By Alex Birhanu – alexbirhanu@yahoo.com

Funny enough we are told by Eritrean /“Ethiopian”/ Review article of May 28^th 2009 that Andargachew Tsigie the Secretary General of Gunboat-7 Movement is currently on a working visit in Asmara, Eritrea mainly holding talks with Issayas Afewrki’s regime on how to create a united front with Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front (EPPF), OLF and ONLF. We are informed that Andargachew’s visit followed Issayas Afwerki’s recent interview with “Ethiopian” / Eritrean Review and eppfOnline.org earlier this month. The Ginbot-7 Secretary General is thereby permitted to setup its temporary headquarters in Asmara; and that Ginbot-7 chairman Birhanu Nega who loves most to call himself as the “legitimately elected mayor of Addis Ababa” to travel soon to Asmara in order to conclude necessary pacts for the forthcoming military operations. By so doing the leadership proved what has been widely talked and speculated about Ginbot-7 thus far.

Obviously, for as long as they pave the way they see it fit for their dream position in power, the Ginbot-7 leadership simply doesn’t care whether or not what they do in the name of the movement really does affect the integrity and political moral of the Ethiopian people or not.

The next two quotations taken from the Ethio-Media-Forum (EMF) does attest what is being contended. Firstly a certain Namara on EMF under the title ‘Minority ethnic domination of the military in Ethiopia’ wrote today staing the following: “As an Oromo Ethiopian, who lost my father as a Derg Army Officer during the war against EPLF, I sincerely admire and respect President Isayas Afeworki and the Eritrean People who provided refuge and support to OLF and other anti-Woyane forces - at a time when it was not popular to do so. He has certainly earned my respect and confidence. President Isayas is a true champion and symbol of freedom of all oppressed people from the yoke of tyranny.”

Likewise under the same topic and in the same tone a certain Aden Farah Hasan said: “As an activist of the Ogaden National Liberation Front I have eye-witnessed efforts done by the heroic and iconic leader Issayas Afeworki for giving not only trainings to people of oppressed nationalities from Oromia and Ogadenia but also assist those who would like to bring change in the current regime of Ethiopia. Indeed President Isayas has demonstrated that he is a great friend of the Horn by his unlimited support not only to ONLF and Al-Shebaab but also to EPPF and Ginbot-7. As a result I hold my highest regards for the people, government and President of Eritrea and wish them all peace and prosperity in their future endeavor against imperialism and against the Amharic-Tigre Colonial Ethiopia.”

It is with such groups of anti-Ethiopia elements that Berhanu and Andargachew are courting to befriend themselves with in the name of Gunboat-7, a movement that claims as standing for “freedom” and “justice”. Well opposing Woyane is one thing but joining hands with elements standing for Ethiopia’s disintegration and development of Ethiopia’s under-development is totally another thing. These fellows have undermined the Ethiopian peoples’ ability to withstand such shrewdest stand amidst the tough time we are facing under the Woyane regime that is not our liking or choice by any measure. You don’t go to the mother of all troubles under the guise and Ethiopian pretext and give your psychic make-up to the man next door that is waging his fingers warning to hold you tight by the throat till you chock or become breathless.

I wonder what in the “Hell” Asmara has to come into picture and do with likely outcomes of Ethiopian political events that concern directly Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Isn’t Asmara Issayas Afewerki’s home, the man who never sleeps before he makes sure that Ethiopia is reduced to multiple mini-states? Had there been an inch thick of a heart that worries for Ethiopia under the chest of Issayas Afeworki, at all? Asmara wouldn’t have opened its doors for separatist elements that fight to dismantle Ethiopia, and for EPPF syndical enough an organization that claims to firmly stands for the unity of Ethiopia. If there is anything that the opposition gets from Asmara today, it will definitely be paid back at an exorbitantly high price tomorrow. The question of Assab, the un-demarcated border issue that face the current opposition collectively or individually are problems yet to come as challenges in the future when anyone of them are supposedly to assume power. If we believe that Issayas Afeworki is willing to raise a lion that may ultimately devour him, we’re just simplifying very complex national issues. We should not follow suit and make mistakes just as the Gunboat leadership does. Someone among us must attempt to call a spade as spade at this critical time of Ethiopian politics.

Andargachew and Berhanu should know the following: For as long as there are foot-lickers and sell-outs that are ready to serve their Eritrean master for the sake of personal gains, it may not matter to them; but it does matter to Ethiopians. We do accuse Meles Zenawi for betraying Ethiopia and Ethiopia’s vested national interests; but we hate and despise Issayas Afeworki because this tyrannical dictator is always ready to kill Ethiopia if he could. He is the mastermind for all the pains Ethiopia is suffering today. Afeworki is a dangerous bandit who is waiting for the day when the wounded Ethiopia falls apart so that he can tear it apart into smaller pieces and dine it too. We hate those fools who try to tell us that, in order to bring down a regime, it is quite OK and necessary to destroy the country first and then try to build it up all over again. We should realize the expertise that one should not burn his house down in order to eliminate the unwanted cockroaches.

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29. May 2009 by Assimba.

Call me by my name, address and title - Obo Arada Shawl
May 23, 2009

History of Arts

Any real history starts at the grassroots. Any one of the following seven disciplines is a type of visual art. This may be a simplified version of what we know about visual arts means. Eathiopians do not seem to have problems in distinguishing these types of arts.

Visual Arts

1. Drawing

2. Painting

3. Sculpture

4. Architecture

5. Printmaking

6. Film

7. Photography

It is true that the first five disciplines of drawing, painting, sculpture, architecture and printmaking were mainly found in the Orthodox Eathiopian Churches - though missing from the views of the general populace.

The phrase “the Arts” as a term was discussed scholarly and it was quite often limited to the following:

1. Music

2. Rhetoric

3. Dialectic logic

4. Grammar

5. Astronomy

6. Geometry

7. Arithmetic

Just like the visual arts it was again categorized into seven disciplines. With the exception of geometry and arithmetic, the rest five disciplines were quite known in the Orthodox Eathiopian Churches. Although this category started during the 16^th century, in our case, mostly the debteras were the critics to be heard, the rest of us had to comply with the Orthodox Christian form of Arts.

It seems that I am crediting too much to the Orthodox Churches ledger in terms of ኪነት Ki’net. As time passes bye and as if these categorization were not enough to make us confuse, the above seven Arts came to be known as the “Fine Arts” so as to distinguish them from the “useful arts”. Useful Arts - people were too busy or lazy to have need for education. Here comes the conflict of visions for the Arts.

As the difference between science and art become sharpened, the phrase “Fine Arts” came to mean anything that has been associated/created to please the senses.

After losing the sciences, the list now includes the following four elements as well as what we normally think of as “Art”.

• Music

• Dance

• Opera and

• Literature

With the single exception of the Opera, Eathiopians are good in Music, dance and Literature. This is the art that DEBTERAW used to promote with specially emphasis on Literature- the domain of DEBTERAW. And the so-called scientific analysis by the educated classes of Eathiopia have added more confusion to the Eway Revolution that was underway to rectify Minilik’s concept of modernization, Tewodros’s act of unity, Yohannes’s handling of religion and Haile Sellasie’s type of education.

My first reaction about Arts was in relation to the death of Tilahun Gessesse. A commentary was written entitled “what is Art? What is Artist?” And it can be read at SOLUTIONS WITH DEBTERAW, a commentary on the “arts of death.” In the commentary, I concluded by stating that Tilahun Gessese has dwelt very well on the triangle of Love-Family-Friendship whereas DEBTERAW Tsegaye and Yemane Baria were aiming at the trio for Liberty-Unity-Justice – the Eway to 23^rd century of ETHIOPIA አኤትዮጵያ

It is important to remember that during the 20^th century, “fine arts” came to be categorized as

• Visual Arts

• Auditory Arts (music, drama, spoken literature)

• Performance Arts (visual/auditory or combination)

The place and role of the Arts in the Eway Revolution

During the era of Haile Sellassie, Art was performed or housed only in two places, in the Hager Fikr ሀገር ፍቅር theatre and at the Haile Sellassie I National Theatre ብሔራዊ ቲያትር these two places were meant to display and encourage the elites of Eathiopians to be patriotic and nationalistic respectively. Those who frequent Hager Fiker Theatre were destined to be patriotic whereas those who go to the Haile Sellasie Theatre were lured to be nationalistic. Unfortunately, those attendees at the Haile Sellasie became hyphenated Eathiopians. The main reason was that creativity was discouraged but carbon copy of foreign materials encouraged. That was a place and a time when the two Tsegayes G. Medhins collide – one for domestic creativity and the other for foreign adaptation. Of course, the National Theatre became a place for confusion and alienation.

Fortunately, there were ‘what I call the third tier of Eathiopian Artists’ such as Tesfaye Lema, Telela Kebede, Awlachew Degene and many other heroic artists who lived under duress or had to leave these two places involuntarily.

During the DERG era “the Arts” was carried on a similar manner with tightly controlled in the name of their “fake revolution”. In fact, as the top men in the power of the DERG were only military and engineers, there was no way to engage the broad masses ሐፋሽ Hafash in the Arts. But thanks to DEBTERAW and his Political Party, EPRP that ኪነት Kinet has flourished albeit under clandestine በሕቡዐ circumstances. Access to the unsung heroes and heroines to make Arts live and well to the broad masses of Eathiopia was encouraged by EPRP albeit at a high cost.

While the DERGists and the Nationalists were busy propagating the Youth with arming with hate and violence, EPRP with the help of its leadership prominent among them DEBTERAW were teaching by example how to love one’s country, respect for one self and to empower others by means of poems, literature and discipline. The result is what we see today. Have a look closely at each individual person.

In other words, politicians, activists and citizens of Eathiopia should re-evaluate their stand on what ኪነት means and how it is applicable to their daily lives. In order to do that, let us examine and relate the case of the following three Artists.

• Wogayo Nigatu a case of Performing Art

• Tesfaye Lemma a case of Living art

• DEBTERAW Tsegeye a case of Enduring Art

Let us start by asking how, where or why. Of course, the how question is relevant to Wogayehu Nigatu, the where question is for Tesfaye Lemma and the why question relates to DEBTERAW.

In other words, how did Wogeyehu Nigatu die at such a young age? Where is Tesfaye Lemma currently located despite his efforts to develop and promote Eathiopian Arts? And why is DEBTERAW IS STILL HELD INCOMMUNICANDO? I believe the answer lies deep in each of us who are interested in the Eathiopian Arts?

Now that we have established that we all cannot live without some sort of Arts, let us understand the basic forms of Art.

Art has two parts, a Form and Content.

Form includes elements of art, principles of design and physical materials that artists use.

Content is based on idea that portrays what an artist means, what an artist actually portrayed and above all how people react to the artist’s actual or intended messages.

Let us take for instance, the following incidents

• What Mellese Zenawi has said in relation to the Eathiopian flag,

• What Issayas said in relation to the Ethiopian state

• What Wallellign has written in his essay in relation to an Amhara mask and

• On DEBTERAW’s pun of words concerning Haile Sellasie’s betting on the throne. All four had opinions - after all that was why the main reason they received education – to express opinions. But to say what they said and to write what they wrote

ጨርቅ ባንዴራ (መለስ) through the prism of arrogance

ኢትዮጵያ ሃያላን ባይኖሩ ኖሮ … lack of understanding of social history

እስከ መገንጠል(ዋለልጝ) through the prism of family dispute

ዴሞክራሲ ያለ ገደብ (ፀገየ) through the prism of Arts

Should be judged and evaluated based on

• Place

• Time and

• Circumstances, otherwise it is an historical for all of us not to discern the differences.

DEBTERAW’s works is full of content – the form of Arts – that has influenced religion, politics and society in general.

Our years of war and revolution in terms of politics and social influences as perpetuated by Artists and citizens of Eathiopia who were summarily executed in a historical context brought us mixed feelings of revulsion, anger and sorrow.

Though no fault of DEBTERAW and his political party, he is in prison for what power holders have pronounced and for what many cone artists have composed and sung.

What about Religion

There is a huge difference between an organized religion and a non- organized religion, the former not only it is relatively recent but also it is based on some rational or scientific phenomena, while the latter depends on faith alone.

So what is the main religion of Eathiopians? I bet there is no clear answer for my question. Obviously, there are all kinds of Christians such as Orthodox, Catholic, Protestant, Pentecostal, Jehovah, etc. etc, but they are all Christians – or are they? Please, someone explain to me in lay terms. Eathiopians are Muslims with Sunni or Shiite affiliates, but they are all Muslims – or are they? There are Eathiopians who practice Judaism, and there are people who are anti-Christ or no religion at all. So why is that religion suddenly became an issue in Eathiopia or is it going to be?

Is that because of the return of King Yohannes’ children posed as atheists? Maybe the absence of followers of Teddy’s unity, or lack of education despite Haile Sellassie’s effort for economic development and nationalism or the lag of scientific modernization as frequently blamed King Minilik of Shoa? Does the future have to catch up with the past?

I do not understand.

As far as religion is concerned, the elites of Eathiopia were not educated, as Christian Evangelists no as Madras’s though have had attended Christian and Moslem universities. The Christian elites were educated in Addis Ababa University while the Muslim elites were educated in Cairo universities. This condition relates before the Eway Revolution.

The Eway Revolution had encouraged for religion to travel from Arat Kilo and reached Mercato via Arada (AKAM).

Arat Kilo was/is a place where churches, palaces and universities conglomerate.

Arada also known as Piazza harbor businesses, entertainment and government (BEG).

Mercato was/is a place where a mosque and a church stand side by side harmonizing people to people and business transactions of all goods and services.

So where does DEBTERAW and his political party stand on religion? I believe DEBTERAW and his political party, EPRP stands independent of all organized religions. I believe DEBTERAW had tackled the issues of

• Personal and family

• Social and cultural

• Politics and economic

• Church and ministry and

• Theological and Spiritual issues,

As separate entities.

If this is not the correct idea and method by DEBTERAW, what then was/is the alternative one? For this DEBTERAW IS STILL HELD INCOMMUNICADO. Do we live for Arts or Arts serve us all? It is high time to stop acting and become real people. It should start from the top down - DEBTERAW SHOULD BE FREE.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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21. May 2009 by Assimba.

May 20^th 2009  by Mintesinot Haile – mintesinothaile@gamil.com

The Ethiopian Review (ER) editor Elias Kifle has been accused several times as a well-paid “Shaabia” agent and for his persisting stand on the side of Shaabia to date. There is no doubt that Elias Kifle has given clear evidence by his repeated deeds that he is a 100% Shaabia stooge among us who dares to tell us that the Issayas Afeworki we know of is a rational man that hosts LFits and opposition leaders in a more friendly manner. As I write Elias Kifle’s video has not yet been aired; but we have no doubt Elias Kifle is trying to twist Diaspora Ethiopian arms with his “make believe story from Asmara” that the Asmara man who recently labeled as the piracy phantom and as the tyrant of Asmara is actually an other person whom Elias has discovered for us as being actually the most friendly comrade of Ethiopia and Ethiopians.

In the name of “free media” Elias kifle has been muddling around Ethiopian issues as it befits his egoistic world outlook. Elias lacks the professional quality to rationalize between the type of news he aught to bring to the attention of the Ethiopian audience and the action he took to make business out of an interview session with the man in Asmara who boasts of land-locking Ethiopia from her access to the see and for keeping Ethiopia in check with his venomous ethnic feud that will continue to disintegrate the country further. If we don’t keenly become protectionist to such ill-devised propagation it is easier to become futile and give leeway to intriguers who wish to soft-land on national matters of high importance.

Let bygones be bygones Elias Kifle should go and tell such factious story to those ill-informed followers of his and not to us who know Elias Kifle already as the wolf hidden in a sheep skin pretending to be the most innocent Ethiopian fighting for Ethiopia. Suffice to say that his ER-journalistic card has burnt away for his repeated mockery on Ethiopian Diaspora by contempt and hypocrisy. Elias has no heart nor the sympathy for what happens to or on Ethiopians; for as long as he popularizes his ER sites with anything he sees fit as ER’s-sensational breaking news no matter if it has nationally sensitive repercussions or not. Rationalizing is neither in his dictionary nor does he give a damn if it hurts others’ feelings or not. To add salt into an injury he made on the eve of the New Year (2009) Elias has dared to exhibit himself as a one hundred percent loyalist to Issayas Afeworki. Elias adores the Eritrean tyrant who is isolated largely by world leaders for his piracy and for war mongering with all neighboring states indiscriminately; and the man who humiliated Eritrean people speechlessly to date.

Obviously, Al Jazera has the right to interview Issaias Afeworki as it is neutral to either the Eritrean or the Ethiopian side of incidences to talk about. In fact it becomes a medium for both parties to air out their feelings on each other. But when this is done by Elias Kifle, the man who claims to be an ER editor, the man standing for Ethiopia’s causes, then it shows insensitivity cowardice to sensitive national issues; unless he is a sold-out journalist who does his earnings by giving a damn to national feelings and the pain it leaves on those of us who love Ethiopia dearly.

As a journalist, there is no one who knows better Issayas Afeworki than Elias Kifle. Already years back while in California in the 1980s Elias knows well that Issayas Afeworki is the man who raised all kinds of ethnically affiliated politicians at his “baby-boom factory” of the Horn of Africa located in the outskirts of Asmara. Afeworki trained these die-hard egoists to build and flax their muscles and carry out their fight on Afeworki’s blessings and green signals – be it as regards arms trafficking, money launderings, piracy or what have you; so that we don’t hold Afeworki accountable for the take-away of Assab Port; on which Elias’s ER is 100% mute or silent.

Having known quite well that Issayas Afeworki is continuing to hatch his venomous egg inside Ethiopia with its well-orchestrated agents including OLF, ONLF, EPPF and recently breezed pro-Afeworki-egoists, Elias Kifle washed his eyes with salt and dares to tell the Ethiopian Diaspora that Afeworki is Ethiopia’s well-wishing man who deserves to get our standing ovation as the “man of the year”; and as the man helping “build democratic opposition forces” achieve their disintegration agendas respectively within the region.

Well informed by his mere residence at the capital of the USA, it is absolutely clear that Elias Kifle is well informed and well aware of the fact that Issaias Afeworki has been recently accused by the Obama administration for supporting the Islamic extremists in Somalia; and by the UN-for arms shipment into this troubled nation for quite sometime. Furthermore, Elias knows well that few concerned citizens have even gone to the extent of renewing the Eritrean call for a regime change in Asmara due merely to the hardship of living conditions in the entire parts of Eritrea.

At the cost of informing to the grave digger, Elias Kifle knows well the inhuman atrocities taking place among the Kunama and other minority ethnic groups in Eritrea as well as the slavery SAWA camps where Issayas Afeworki is confining the Eritrean youth. But does it matter to him a bit for as long as his interviews are broadcasted on air and on websites to legitimize his sinister missions? Not at all; in fact, amidst all these, Elias Kifle is trying to preach the good side of Tyrant Issayas Afeworki although well aware of the fact that many army officers who defected in support of the ongoing clandestine or underground operations for what is known as “ethnic alliance” have now made Eritrea their “safe” heaven; from where they complot on how to advance ethnic self-determination and mini-states building as their money making business. This atrocity stretches itself as far out as Darfur in Sudan, Al Shibab’s bases in Somalia, and attacks complotted on the Afar population within Djibouti. So it is easier to tell his story and convince the already converted pro-Shaabia opposition leadership who tell us to keep soft hearted attitude towards Shaabia; but not the majority Diaspora Ethiopians who already know the Tyrant of Asmara for decades.

Knowing that those who lined up behind him are making empty noise by masking colorful masks labeled as freedom, democracy Elias Kifle once again traveled all the way to Asmara to confer with and interview the man that keeps on boasting for having given Ethiopia an “ethnic-venom” puzzle that would take a century to solve; and yet calls himself a true Ethiopian that has passed the litmus test for being an “Ethiopian” not only by declaring the globally known pirate phantom Issayas Afeworki as ER’s “Man of the Year” for 2008 but also dared to hold an interview session with him as recent as last week.

Well, Elias may claim that an imbecile has been crowned an emperor, a fool has become a president and a womanizer has been made an archbishop; why should it be unusual for a bloodthirsty dictator, a sworn enemy of Ethiopia to be called “person of the year? Our reply is simple. For as long as there are foot-lickers and sell-outs that are ready to sell their country and serve their masters for the sake of personal gains, it may not matter. We do accuse Meles Zenawi for betraying Ethiopia and Ethiopia’s vested national interests; but we hate and despise Issayas Afeworki because this tyrannical dictator is always ready to kill Ethiopia if he could. He is the mastermind for all the pains Ethiopia is suffering today. Afeworki is a dangerous bandit who is waiting for the day when the wounded Ethiopia falls apart so that he can tear it apart into smaller pieces and dine it too. We hate those fools who try to tell us that, in order to bring down a regime, it is quite OK and necessary to destroy the country first and then try to build it up all over again. We should realize the expertise that one should not burn his house down in order to eliminate the unwanted cockroaches.

No matter how hard Elias may give it a try, Issayas Afeworki is a die hard old fashioned communist still wearing the old political mantle and acts as the ‘God father of all troubles infested in contemporary Eastern Africa: starting from Sudan in the North down to Somalia in South East, South Sudan and Northern Uganda in Central; and Rwanda and Burundi in Southern Africa. To say the least, Afeworki is the mother of all troubles and trouble breeding terrorists including Al Shibab, regional piracy and money laundering Indeed, Afeworki is the mastermind responsible for what is negatively unfolding in today’s Ethiopia. Afeworki’s master plan that are eventually put into action while we keep on witnessing ethnically organized groups running around to create smaller ethnic enclaves like the outdated Bantustan system in Apartheid South Africa in order to benefit Eritrea’s 3 million populations at the expense of Ethiopia’s landlocked 80 million populations. Without wasting time, Eritrea should get rid of this power mongering regional bandit and Eritrean tyrant once and for all; and Elias Kifle better shut his advocacy for a tyrannical regime of Asmara.

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18. May 2009 by Assimba.

By Abraham Berhe – abrehe@gmail.com

Background:

In Early January 2009 Issayas Afeworki gave an extraordinarily defiant interview to the tightly controlled Eritrean media by openly accusing the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the USA for masterminding a plot to undermine his regime. Since then he maintains unrepentant antagonism as his astounding political feature against the USA and Western powers.

To those of us who knew him for a long while now, Issayas Afeworki is a hardened guerrilla warfare leader run for over 3-decades before he assumed power in 1993. Each time he delivers interviews he constantly looks back to those glorified anti-Ethiopian struggle days, which provided him the cornerstones for his political legitimacy; claiming that Eritrea is surrounded by larger states that permanently seek to dominate and destroy it. Tyrant Issayas is the Eritrean figure that single handedly articulates his regime’s domestic and foreign objectives that prevail against any contrary opinion coming either from his subjects or from commentators on Eritrean issues. The political strategy and makeup of Afeworki’s regime centrally depend on viewpoints directly emanating from Issayas himself. Especially after September 2001 when his most prominent opponents were summarily arrested or fled the country, Issayas Afeworki’s predominance is boosted by his handpicked persons holding key positions for fear of political reprisals.

Yet, we know well that the 1998-2000 war he instigated against Ethiopia considerably weakened the internal cohesion of Afeworki’s regime; and totally impaired and weakened the Eritrean military and population’s morale. At this point as I write no sober citizen has any faith left in his regime. Enthusiasm about Issayas Afeworki’s tyrannical ruling has eroded and drastically declined; Eritrean people are suffering from the ever diminishing and poverty stricken living conditions. Indeed, the series of wars that are carried out from time to time by Afeworki’s regime have now created a paradoxical situation as it seems too late to reverse the economic decline. Such action actually needs putting in order sweeping structural and sector reforms that would take time to produce results. In Eritrea where the population’s main concern is on how to secure the next meal it seems difficult for them to think about on how to overthrow Afeworki.

To date, Afeworki’s autocratic and tyrannical nature has eventually became a threat to all neighboring states since Afeworki has embarked on an aggressive foreign policy built upon the belief that only a militarily strong Eritrea could play a central role in what is known as “the Horn of Africa”. To add salt into injury, Afeworki is involved in popularizing piracy and illegal smuggling actions over international waters and oceans. Piracy has become a tool for Afeworki to siphon hard currency and divert public attention from the apparent lack of functioning democratic systems in Eritrea. His involvement in Somalia’s domestic politics, piracy and illegal arms smuggling and trafficking as well as his regime’s antagonism towards all neighboring states could amply testify to it’s over reliance on brinkmanship and military threats. Within the initial 5-years after he assumed power in 1993, Afeworki quarreled with Sudan in 1994, Yemen in 1995, Djibouti in 1996, Ethiopia in 1998 and Djibouti once again in 2008. Afeworki has even gone to great lengths by undermining the neighboring states’ stability; and intentionally works on how to make these states vulnerable to his militaristic pressure by providing training sites and arsenal and arms supply to Ethiopian, Djiboutian, Sudanese and Somali opposition armed groups. In 2007 he decided to pull out of the regional grouping IGAD and the AU due to his ill-conceived foreign policy.

Episodes Happen While We Watch Immobilized:

The Eritrean populations have unconditionally lost thousands of young men and women to the 1998-2000 Ethio-Eritrea war. Fully aware of that Issayas Afeworki will not halt his military operations against all regional challenges, the forcefully recruited youth soldiers continue to desert in large numbers; and are seeking refuge world wide. The polarized and silent Eritrean Diaspora, which had been generously financing Issayas Afeworki’s war efforts, has begun openly to question Afeworki’s domestic and foreign policies and has significantly reduced its remittances.

Popular Dissatisfaction and Divisions:

Afeworki is facing already internal popular dissatisfaction and divisions; a dilapidated economy surviving through piracy and arms trade and rampant corruption. One thing is clear to all walks of Eritrean people. Succession is paving the way to weaken Issayas Afeworki’s regime. No one knows today as to who will succeed Issayas Afeworki next. This is potentially creating instability on his eventual demise or death. After all, he is mortal, the Eritrean public doubts if democracy could be established in Eritrea when Issayas Afeworki dies or deposed of power, accidentally or otherwise. That means the potential for increased possibility of civil wars, dismemberment and opportunistic external interference from Ethiopia is quite vivid or crystal clear.

As a viable solution, most Eritrean people have resorted to consider negotiation and diplomacy as meaningful basis for the Eritrean regime to resolve its costly conflict with Ethiopia; to reestablish its political legitimacy and assist all Eritrean political forces to peacefully resolve their differences for the sake of national unity. But we deem that Afeworki is not ready to ascertain and respect the sensibilities and intentions, with regard to common issues, of neighboring states; particularly that of Ethiopia. We doubt if he can halt his deliberately provocative remarks and actions against the USA and neighboring states. We doubt if Issayas Afeworki is ready to compromise for the sake of regional peace and stability; we doubt if Issayas Afeworki is ready to learn from his past errors of judgment and soften his belligerent defensiveness, at least during high-profile interviews. In a net-shell suffice to say the idiomatic expression: ‘You cannot teach an old dog a new trick.’

Cases for Public Attention and Reaction:

Although totally alienated from the rest of the world and from the African Union, Issayas Afeworki continues to commit flagrant violations of human rights by turning Eritrea into a country where democracy and justice are absent; where the Eritrean population yearnings for independence and freedom are ultimately trapped in intimidation, indecency and untold old time serfdom tradition. Issayas Afeworki’s cohorts (those that seldom complain about him) and the silent majority who consider this staunch and stubborn leader as their hero who must be obeyed by all means, by all accounts, and at any cost. Points outlined below are cases in point for reader’s attention:

• There happens mass fleeing, and horrific incidents including barbaric ethnic cleansing of innocent detainees from the Kunama ethnic group;

• As the most mentally and physically exhausted army in Africa, led by a hand-full of hungry hounds and opportunist Generals, the Eritrean army is undertaking the heaviest load of slave-labor program by way of Warsay-Yikealo, with an extreme nationalism and sovereignty protection propaganda just as the Nazis of Adolph Hitler used to make in the 1930s.

• The Swiss daily French newspaper, Le Temps, reported on 21 January 2009 that Eritrea, which today shares only with North Korea the title of being “the pariah state” of the international community, has become unlivable hell to its people who are taking all possible risks to flee the country and be dispersed in all corners of the globe. During 2008 alone, 2,849 Eritrean people entered and asked asylum in Switzerland compared to 2,050 in 2007 and 1,201 in 2006.

• Under the big headline of “Eritrea of President Isaias Afeworki: A Prison State being deserted by its people en masse”, the reporter, Angelique Mounier-Kuhn, quoted a recent New Year speech by the dictator in Asmara to show his unbelievable readiness “to make war” in spite of the suffering it causes to the small nation of Eritrea. She describes Isaias Afeworki as “a solitary and arrogant person obsessed with traces of the [country’s] frontiers”.

• In the lengthy reportage on Eritrea by this major Swiss newspaper, Mr. Francois Piquet, a researcher at the Geneva-based International Institute for Higher Studies and Development, is quoted to have said: “The paradox in the situation of Eritrea is that the best organized liberation movement in Africa has given birth to a political system dictated by one man” who has chosen to conscript up to 300,000 persons in the army and in forced labor camps.

• The Le Temps reporter also interviewed a number of Eritrean refugees in Swiss who expressed fear to criticize the Asmara regime openly because of fear of imminent risks to their families in Eritrea. The interviewees said there are “agents of the dictatorship” among them and they are keeping away from opposition politics because of this fear to their loved ones back home by the merciless regime. The interviewed persons also revealed that each and every Diaspora Eritrean individuals pay the illegal 2% tax and other extortions because of fear of something happening to them and to their relatives in Eritrea.

• To one’s dismay, it has been a while since Issayas Afewoki started to blame the US for every evil unfolding to his administration. Yet he was the first to endorse the invasion of Iraq. He has even once said in his interviews at the time, “the mission was long overdue, the Bush administration should rather have finished the job in 1991”. Yet the same person and his supporters try to define who goes with whom and what kind of alliance and organization to make with others. Some in the opposition have also fallen prey to this game.

• Somalia’s new government led by Sharif Sheik Ahmed is accusing Issayas Afewoki’s of arming insurgent groups in Somalia. The allegation is a repeat of events two years ago, when the United Nations accused Eritrea of secretly sending weapons to Somalia’s militant al-Shabab group.

• Recently Isaias Afewerki forced the United Nations Mission to Eritrea out of Eritrea by cutting off all supplies to the UN-mission. In response to the departure of the UN-mission, both Eritrea and Ethiopia have now repositioned their respective militaries in a manner that would seem to indicate the potential for reengaging one another in devastative military conflicts.

Needless to say, a war between Ethiopia and Eritrea may bring a destabilizing effect if and when these two nations return to war. This action could further undermine Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government, which is heavily dependent upon Ethiopian military support. Ethiopia would also likely pull out of its pending commitment to provide peacekeeping troops to the Sudan AU/UN Mission in Darfur. Djibouti could also be affected by a return to hostilities in the form of border dispute, Eritrean refugees, who could present local security and humanitarian concerns.

In the past two years alone, there have been a growing number of pirate attacks off the coast of Bab-El-Mendeb and Somalia – some ending in death and others ending in the payment of ransom. The shipping lanes off the coast of Bab-El-Mendeb and Somalia are some of the most economically and strategically important in the world. There has been a long chain of illegal trade operations in the form of weapons trafficking, human trafficking, criminal dumping of nuclear and chemical waste from around the world in Dhalak, Sahel, and the environs of Masawa and piracy. Particularly, piracy off the coast of Africa has become a critical issue in the region, because extremist groups often directly participate in and financially benefit from piracy operations.

Crucial Issues to Lay Charges against Isaias Afewerki:

It is time for Eritrean Diaspora, to start putting together charges against Isaias Afewerki for crimes that include, but not limited to, conspiracy, murder, and treason. Enough evidences have been gathered to go forward and lay charges and oversee this task through a national committee. As reminder key crimes committed by Issayas Afeworki include the following:

1. Illegal killings of the so-called “Menka’e” and other groups during the struggle.

2. Mal-treatment and killings of fighters in “Halewa Sewra”

3. Summary execution of disabled fighters in Mai Habar

4. Illegal war with Ethiopia. His refusal to call meetings or consult with congress, the cabinet ministers, or the central committee

5. Extra-judicial imprisonment of fighters such as the G-15 and journalists, and the subsequent murders of many of them.

6. Illegal imprisonment of religious groups.

7. Refusal of food aid when it was critically needed by the broad masses

8. Criminal dumping of nuclear and other chemical waste from around the world in Dhalak, Sahel, the environs of Masawa, and other parts of Eritrea for fetching hard currency

9. Execution of about 160 rounded-up people in Adi-beito.

10. Execution of soldiers and civilians who were allegedly trying to cross into Ethiopia and Sudan from Eritrean-Sawa-army fortresses.

11. Execution of members of the Kunama ethnic groups

12. Illegal training and underground piracy operations from Dhalak and Masawa portal areas.

Since 1993 when Issayas Afeworki presided over the leadership position, serfdom has became the official doom in Eritrea; the Eritrean public is now caught-up in sheer disillusionment of independence; living under the iron-handed Afeworki’s regime that is totalitarian by nature keeping the entire youth population in its slavery camps in the name of military services. It is time now for Diaspora Eritrean population to raise our voices and bring Afeworki’s case to the attention of International Court of Crimes (ICC) and to the world powers in order to get rid of him and establish a legitimate replacement regime without further delay.

References:

“Eritrean President revisits his military alma mater in east China”. http://english.people.com.cn/200502/23/eng20050223_174334.html. Retrieved on 2007-08-30. 

Habtetsion, Efrem (2006-08-03). “On Developing Higher Level of Education”. http://www.shaebia.org/artman/publish/article_4617.html. Retrieved on 2006-08-03. 

“Perverted Reasoning From the Perverted Minds of “Les Enfants Terribles d’Erythree”". http://shaebia.org/wwwboard/contributedarticles/messages/86.html. Retrieved on 2007-03-02. 

“US Considers Terror Label for Eritrea”. http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,,-6857330,00.html. Retrieved on 2007-11-19. 

“Eritreans Deny American Accusations of Terrorist Ties”. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/18/world/africa/18eritrea.html. Retrieved on 2007-11-19. 

“[Eritrea & Sudan]”. [& Notes]. 2007-11-13.

http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=24025

Parade Magazine. “The Worlds 10 Worst Dictators”, 22 March 2009

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3644630.stm

Rena, Ravinder (2006). A Handbook on the Eritrean Economy. New Africa Press. ISBN 0-9802534-6-2. 

Isaias Afewerki. President Isaias interview with business Focus. Eri-TV. Retrieved on 2007-03-21.

“China-Eritrea relationship, China-Africa relationship will have a very significant impact for generations to come: President Isaias”. http://www.shabait.com/staging/publish/article_006354.html. Retrieved on 2007-03-21. 

“Eritrean president wants Ethiopia out of undisputed land”. CNN. 2000-04-06. http://edition.cnn.com/2000/WORLD/africa/06/04/horn.africa.01/. Retrieved on 2007-12-27.

www.abugidainfo.com/?p=9182 - Issayas Afeworki the Piracy Phantom - by Abdullah Habashi abalhabashie@gmail.com, May 6th, 2009.

www.wan-press.org/3may/2009/protest.php?id=1039

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18. May 2009 by Assimba.

by Alex Birhanu alexbirhanu@yahoo.com

Introduction:

Pragmatists are very passionate politicians that follow their instinct or their heart’s feelings and guts. Usually they dream of or believe in what they think as the absolute and unshakable truth. Opposed to principled idealist thinkers, pragmatists never entertain different views coming from various sources other than their astounding beliefs; and no matter the outcomes, they stead fistedly act bold, passionate and desperate when taking decisive actions. Pragmatists use whatever means is available at their disposal to secure what is in their vested interests. At times, they may become merciless in their executive actions especially when circumstances get tough. At such moments they act tougher and gain unwavering militaristic victory.

On the contrary, principle oriented politicians are idealist thinkers who bring about visionary thoughts; and are considered as principled people with good national visions. They are often blamed for being ‘paper-tigers”. But they never give up the principles they stand for in desperate times and in challenging and tough situations. Indeed unflinchingly they stand to the principles they adhere to and remain there till the end, no matter how badly circumstances may change for the worst. A case in point in the Ethiopian politics is the zealous EPRP-followers unwavering stand and efforts that adhere to EPRP’s initial political principles to this very day.

These two extreme categories of political traits at the extreme ends of an isle are at times referred to as the realistic traits versus the idealistic traits. In essence, however, power without principle is vicious; and yet principle without power is unproductive. That means, in real life, each perspective needs some combination of traits taken from one another in order to keep things in a balanced motion. Why is it so necessary to balance between these 2-well known ideological traits standing at extreme ends of the isle? The reason is clear. If our end goal is to bring about a more democratic sphere of functional change in Ethiopia, then we must draw the good bit of each trait to the center with which we can gather momentum for a huge take-off that eventually leads to democratic national building plans devised harmoniously. As each category represents the extreme political stand, each keeps on shaping up human history for good or for worse. Those who took the mid-way between these 2-extreme traits did forge democratic changes required by their nation; and brought about lasting peace. Much of what we observe in Western societies today is simply the result of such outcomes. The relationship between the pragmatist and the idealist political traits are not mutually exclusive; rather, the relationship between these two political traits is a symbiotic one. In either case, one of the traits may achieve its end results without forging something from the other. But such a move doesn’t arrive at any happy endings; in fact it arrives at disastrous results or that of maintaining the status quo without any forward moving progress. On the one hand, if the pragmatists are left with unbridled freedom to exercise their power, then they mess-up national systems and networks beyond repair. On the other hand, if the principled idealists are left all alone to do the most they can, and then they may waste so much time on a series of principal discussions and round-table decision making processes without achieving tangible results – i.e., such moves may leave the public to come to a point of despair.

Idealist Opposition:

Embarking on the prevailing Ethiopian political arena, the majority in the opposition camp both at home and in Diaspora seem to fall in the idealist category. We make lots of thinking, and come up with so many proposals, so many ideas, beautiful ideals etc., but still the key works to be done in concrete terms lack enough of the passion with which to bring about change. As opposition groups we remain vocal but action wise we are seriously mortal. Volumes of vocal opposition were produced thus far. But we achieved practically insignificant outcomes in concrete terms inside Ethiopia. Hence, Ethiopia remains artificially land-locked with no access or no retrieving made to regain Assab Seaport. Its people lack basic human rights to speak of; with Birtukan Mideksa still remaining jailed for unfounded reasons. Majority Ethiopian livelihoods still remain in abject poverty. And if we have to reverse TPLF’s anti-peace-policy standing in practical terms by a sustainable peace in the region, it is highly justifiable for the 80 million Ethiopian peoples represented by its solidified and united opposition front to eventually regain the legitimate Ethiopian rights to regain access to the sea through Assab Port. Likewise, by returning the port of Assab to Ethiopia willingly, Eritrea will remain in a better socio-economic and political networking position with Ethiopia and with the rest of its neighbors. It means none of the two countries are to worry about counter-fighting one another due to geographically unsettled demarcation issues that still remain pending under TPLF for nearly 2-decades in raw.

Pragmatist TPLF:

Most of the time, pragmatists are said to be good leaders in war times and in managing crisis moments. Soon after that, however, they become obsolete. This is a typical case of TPLF. Ever since they captured power from the DERG, the TPLF regime has decided to remain in power indefinitely. It declares its unflinching decisions never to kneel down for those coming through ballot boxes for what it paid in blood, tears and sweats under the barrel of the gun. It also means TPLF has already begun to eat-up its own glory of the early 1990s slowly. As pragmatists TPLF-leadership remains tough, stubborn and stuck into their own passionate militaristic glories of yesteryear even when things are getting tougher by the day. But this might have been acceptable in the hay days of the early 1990s, now nearly after two decades later; such stubbornness casts shadows of doubts associated with the pragmatist traits of the man on the driving sit in Ethiopia. When things are tough the PM remains pragmatic and takes critical measures regardless of their repercussions on TPLF’s political features. This might have served him well during those hay-days in the struggle against the DERG regime; but this time around, that same stubborn political stand is simply eating him up alive by each day that goes by; and by depraving him of all the dignity and glory that might be bestowed up on him as a good leader otherwise. Usually, the PM is known for taking swift and decisive actions no matter what these actions might ensue at the end of the day. A case in point is the expulsion of Eritrean persons from Ethiopia. And if such situations start to slide out of hand the TPLF-regime will deal with each, till such time it builds its own glory out of each case. The worst problem with TPLF is that it listens to no one, but to itself.

Lessons Learned From Past Mistakes:

Focusing on the current predicament of the idealist opposition camp, one can see that the number of Ethiopians opposing injustice is increasing by the day; not excluding those who are indifferent and those withdrawing their consent silently. However the leadership of the idealist opposition camps is not yet able to harness or channel this mass opposition inertia of pluralistic nature into a constructive unitary political entity. That means we need to learn from past mistakes and stop acting as vocal opposition only barking from Diaspora or from the Parliament House in Addis Ababa. We should go for winning the hearts, souls, and minds of the Ethiopian public at home and abroad; and bring about a fair and fraternal change without causing havoc or destruction; or without many losses of valuable human lives and property. This can be achieved only when the opposition groups at home and in Diaspora are ready to merge and do away with our die-hard differences for the sake of rescuing Ethiopia’s unity and national stability. We need to come to a workable consensus beyond crying foul on ethnic, religious or worldview differences among us. The idiomatic expression: ‘United, we win; divided we fail’ has been preached many thousands of times but in vain. It is easily said than done. In a serious note, we seem to remain stubborn, and go our own individualistic way to oblivion. When the quest for forging a firmly united opposition force remains at stake; and when the 2010 election is coming closer by each day that goes by, we seem still not fully prepared to deal with our heart-aching tasks properly beyond tones load of vocal opposition. How much of the homework expected of the opposition group is done in a systematic and structured manner compared to the vocal opposition and lip services we rendered thus far? The judgment is left for each reader to outweigh the gravity of our failures thus far.

Ernest Call for a Solidified United Opposition Front:

Transforming those who are in the opposition camp into change agents must be the priority of the opposition camp leading us eventually towards forging a solidified united opposition front. By converting ourselves beyond vocal opposition into fierce fighters and practically contributing partners we can enrich the struggle by the opposition’s united front to achieve results. There is no question regarding our vested will to bring about government change in Ethiopia. Both the overwhelming majority of the Ethiopian public and the well-trenched opposition party sympathizers and members dream of government change. But translating this existing political inertia and vested will into concrete actions require technical expertise, financial, human and material resources. That means both at an individual and group levels, the opposition camp must be more committed and more proficient in our collaborative efforts. I realize that Diaspora people do have other responsibilities. On top of our daily concerns for Ethiopia we remain providers not only to our family members in our immediate surrounding, but also to extended family members in Ethiopia. In order to draw more and more Diaspora groups into the opposition camp for the actual struggle, there is no other alternative than to devise more appropriate means which are compatible with or complimentary to our lifestyles here abroad. Provided that we are solidified as a united opposition front both at home and abroad, the Ethiopian people know well not only that the TPLF regime is on its way out from office, but also they know it will happen pretty soon. For that reason, it is our common task to create a favorable environment for Ethiopians of all walks of life to involve us in the struggle for victory by a solidified united opposition front both at home and abroad.

Finally, the opposition group has to be disciplined. It must learn its lessons from past emotional mistakes and act purposefully, swiftly and by rational reasoning means on the following 3-crucial factors outlined for further consideration:

Firstly, the opposition should act strategically on matters pertinent to foreign relations and seize opportunities to its advantage when they surface incidentally. It should try to hold the balance between political principles and passionate interests concerning foreign policy.

Secondly the opposition should make a strong presence inside Ethiopia. As a united and firm standing body, the opposition group must be solidified, united, and well equipped to do the grass-roots concretization job at home inside Ethiopia with relative ease. Those groups with knowledge of the local background might do well in each ethnic region that they are familiar with. This will help the opposition executives to critically and rationally allocate organizational roles according to merits rather than emotions. Politics is about reality, and reality is created by perception or reasoning. So there has to be a will and a way the opposition group can compliment each other’s weaknesses and strengths. The opposition group should collectively draw strategic action plans on how to stay united, solid, and remain relevant for winning the struggle waged by the opposition camp. The opposition camp must forge viable semblance for national unity rather than going one’s own way single-handedly.

Thirdly, the opposition group must realize that time is a critical factor of essence. In that case, why is the process for unification taking such a long time? It is very shocking and saddening to watch each opposition group behaving as if it has all the time in the whole world to unit itself gradually with others in the distant future. This shows that time is taken by the opposition groups as luxury entity and opposing the TPLF-regime is taken as an easy job to be accomplished in the unforeseeable future. Let us not be mistaken. The road to freedom is a long and tiresome march. The opposition has to identify and manage its passionate desires and its idealist political principles in clear terms so that some compromise is forged for the good of unity; and for jointly achievable outcomes in a reasonable window of time. Meanwhile each opposition group should place a means of checks and balances that help the smooth working relationship between the two extremist traits. Actually, the opposition group needs to balance its politics between forging shrewdness and aggressiveness of pragmatists and considering its idealistic and current global political perspectives for brighter Ethiopian political governance.

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10. May 2009 by Assimba.

 Obo Arada Shawl   May 11, 2009

መሀይሙ ማነው?

ምሁሩ ማነው?

ጽንሐተ ፀገየስ ምንድን ነው?

አርቲስት ይሞታል፡ ኪነት ግና አትሞትም

What is Art? What is Artist?

Frankly speaking, I am not enchanted to memorialize the death of a singer (albeit famous) as to memorialize the death of victims of “Red Terror”. In Washington, DC, on the same day and at the same time, it is reported that only 50 people have attended in memory for the death of victims of the “Red Terror” that was presented by Ali Hussein from Canada whereas there were a thousand attendees for the memory of Tilahun Gessese’s death. What is the art of death? Is it related with God or Life? Although we are neither sure to touch God nor to pinpoint Life, we are certain about death.

I hate to write on a subject I do not know, but on this one on the “art of death”, I need to express my opinion –that of the Art and Artist - although not a professional level but on a cultural basis.

Yemane Baria

This man died in Asmara on December 1997 and hundred thousand Eritreans buried him. It was reported that his burial ceremony was larger than WWM (woldeab wolde mariam), who is considered to be the “father of the Eritrean separation” from Ethiopia. It was puzzling why a singer was given the highest death ceremony. The explanation is as follows:

Yemane Baria (I don’t know his last name) was neither a talented vocalist nor a musician. But he composes his own lyrics.  My question was, how did he become popular without voice and instruments, after all there are many singers with ghost composers behind them but were not or are not famous like him. The answer rests on something else.

Yemane blended love songs with political matters. In this case, the Eritrean population had embraced Yemene’s music despite his deficiency in Auditory Arts. In other words, Yemane packages the feelings and thoughts of ordinary people and had presented it back to them. That was and still should be the art of politics. Politics after all is a relationship between a singer (in the name of ሐፋሽ ) and the government in power.  

Another factor that was much superior to the above elements of his popularity was the fact that Yeman Baria owned nothing. Whatever material or financial he earns from his music, he used to give it back to the poor or to whoever needs help. That by itself is the hallmark of Eritrean cultural struggle. Yemane lived for the people and died for the people. And I believe, that thousands have attended his burial ceremony to say goodbye to their own inner “Art of Death”. The Auditory Art or lack of it has died with Yemane.

The Eritrean people became voiceless and powerless - ብከያንያን አዘራርባ

Yemane’s touching song as far as I am concerned was that “what is the solution now? እሞ ሕጂ’ድአ እንታይ ይገበር has remained unanswered.

Tilahun Gessese

In sharp contrast toYemane Baria, Tilahun was a singer par excellence. Tilahun’s song was targeted to the elites of Ethiopia. I believe that Tilahun neither composed his songs nor did he play musical instruments. Nevertheless, he was popular among all Eathiopians. Why was he popular, one may ask? The answer may lie in his Visual Art.

Tilahun Gessesse may not have been a political man but his composers were definitely revolutionaries of the time. To prove this sentence, let me narrate two stories.

On one occasion, that is, during the coming of the DERG, Tilahun had a song which runs like this.”Beyond the revolution, I can see a bright hope”ከአብዮቱ በስተ ጀርባ ይታየጝል ብሩህ ተስፋ, and EPRP members and associates were quickly dismissing Tilahun’s false premise. It was very true that Tilahun’s lyrics came from the Ethiopian elites and those of EPRP’s supporters voice of dissent came from the leaders of EPRP. And so the struggle for hope against hope continued until the downfall of the DERG.

On another occasion, while we were sitting in a coffee shop, Ato Berhanu – normally considered as a distributor of “wisdom” entered the coffee shop with the intention of selling a book entitled “the Generation”: a history of EPRP by Kiflu Tadesse. The book-distributor did presented the book to Tesfaye Lemma for purchase to which Ato Tesfaye Lemma rejected the idea of reading a book about EPRP. I asked Artist Tesfaye, whether Tilahun Gessesse was a member of EPRP? He snatched the book from Berhanu and found out that Tilahun’s name was mentioned in a political context. Ato Tesfaye Lemma bought the book and he came back on the third day as happy as he can be. Later on I found out that the man behind Tilahun was Tesfaye himself. I believe that Art has a snowball effect. For this reason, it was no surprise that hundreds of thousands had attended the burial ceremony that was held for Tilahun Gessesse. Even if Tilahun was not a revolutionary per se to speak directly to the Power that be, he has indirectly contributed to the Eway Revolution albeit to the elite class not to the broad masses.

Tsegaye G. Medhin (DEBTERAW)

Performing Art is a combination of Auditory and Visual or it is an Art by itself. DEBTERAW belongs to this category of Art. Alternatively, DEBTERAW even though he is from an elitist class, he speaks the language of the people, he empathies with the people and he gives them back their true cultural identity. Above all DEBTERAW speaks to Absolute Power regardless. DEBTERAW owned nothing of material but he gave everything political, philosophical and spiritual to everyone and everybody. He calls such act as ኪነት የሕዝብ ናት not the “art of death”. DEBTERAW highly believes in CREATIVITY as opposed to carbon copy.

Conclusion

What is the difference between honoring a normal death and a victimized death? I have witnessed heroic deaths. I have also seen cowardly deaths. But they all are deaths or are they really? Apart from going to Heaven or to Hell, there is a criterion to judge by the way the deceased should be evaluated. I believe that death for some, it is heroism and for others it is patriotism. Yemane’s Art belongs to heroism while that of Tilahun reflects of patriotism.

Of course, it is anybody’s guess about DEBTERAW; it is both heroism and patriotism.

Tilahun may have had at heart - songs about Love-Family-Friendship, while that of DEBTERAW and Bariaw is about Liberty-Unity-Justice.

Of course, the triangle of love-family-friendship for DEBTERAW precedes the triangle of LUJ (liberty-unity-justice). It is a big CHOICE WE ALL SHOULD MAKE. At this junction of Eathiopian history, we cannot go back talking about sexuality, false unity and fake friendship. Instead let us dwell on liberty, unity and justice for all.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

PS:

I have witnessed a party celebration for the dead. Three days of music with traditional dancing was carried out in Metekel Awraja, in Godjam among the Shankala people. Without my calculated intention, I landed among the celebrating population. Children were suckling and dancing at the same time, naked men and women compete for show. Some sit while others walk but all dance to the tune of the oncoming music that seems to come from nowhere.

I had asked the occasion for the celebration. I was very much in shock when they told me it was because a certain lady had died. I was puzzled why an entire community dances instead of mourning. Would you not ask the question I asked? Of course, you would.

The answer lies in the marital status of the deceased. If the deceased has children, he is parted with pomp and drink, if without children; the community burns the village and relocates. What a wonderful act of “Art of death?”

Should we mourn for Tilahun with twelve children, for Yemane with six children or for DEBTERAW with no children? The answer lies within each one of us.

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9. May 2009 by Assimba.

By Berhanu G. Balcha (Ph.D.)

Comments can be sent to: berhanugbnes@yahoo.com

1. Introduction

Ethnicity and federalism have become the major factors in organizing the political and territorial space in Ethiopia since 1991. The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which had started its movement for the liberation of its ethnic territory from the central Ethiopian administration, has advocated ethnic- federalism by vowing to reduce conflicts and equalize the diverse ethnic communities. As a result, the overall centralized structure of the previous regime has been replaced by a ‘federal’ system consists of nine ethnically and regionally delimited regional states.

The ‘ethnic- federal’ experiment of devolving public sector powers to ethnic groups goes against the centralized nation-building project of the previous regimes. The previous regimes used a different model; they gave much emphasis to ‘Ethiopian nationalism’ as a unifying concept and promoted centralization rather than regional or ethnic autonomy. The rule of the emperor was based on absolutism and concentration of power on the king himself through a patrimonial network of power, resource and privilege accumulation and distribution system that benefits the rulers and their few collaborators at local, regional and central levels. The major orientation of the imperial state was to use the state power for voracious appropriation of resources mainly from the peasantry in order to reward the few ruling nobilities, viceroy and their clienteles that maintain the survival of the highly centralised state. Although the brutality of appropriation and mode of domination differ from place to place due to the historical process and mode of incorporation into the centralized state structure, the expansion toward the south accompanied with the assertion of the cultural superiority of the core and the serfdom and exploitation of the people of the south (Clapham 2002: 10, Teshale 1995: 176, Bahiru 1994, Messay 1999). In the process, many of the southern Ethiopian peasantry were turned in to serfs in their own land when the ‘ownership’ of their land was transferred to the emperor, nobilities and loyal followers of the imperial authority. Though the predatory state had showed some favouritism based on provincial ethnicity for functional purpose, it promoted ‘state nationalism’ and ‘national integration’ with the perception of national identity as the mirror-image of the ruling elite’s ethnic and cultural manifestations in terms of language, religion and, self-proclaimed moral superiority and military triumph over others. It is indisputable that language proficiency plays a significant role to determine better access to education and employment by putting in a relatively disadvantageous situation those groups whose language is not used in employment and education.

The military regime, after 1974, repeatedly stressed that it preferred ‘socialist’ solution to the nationalities question but promoted militaristic nationalism by means of authoritarian and highly centralized political system. It initiated, however, few measures like broadcasting radio programmes in Afar, Somali, Oromiffa and Tigrgna languages, establishing national research institution for studying nationalities and finally drawing a new internal boundary based on linguistic and territorial bases. Most importantly, it made a radical shift in the landownership in 1975, particularly in the southern part of Ethiopia by destroying the exploitative and unjust land appropriation of the nobility and others. Although the radical change had abolished serfdom by distributing the land to the peasants, land remained the property of the state and thus made the peasantry highly intervened and controlled by the state. Nevertheless, it did not make any attempt to link ethnic rights with politics or governance issues. Rather without any regional or ethnic prejudices, it imposed its greater centralization and brutal governance system, controlled at the core by junior military officers regardless of their ethnic affiliation or orientations. Militaristic state nationalism blended with socialism was promoted by hoping to obliterate regional and ethnic movements. However, excessive centralization backed by ruthless coercion did not abate regional and ethnic movements. Rather, it exacerbated internal turmoil and massive resentment of the population, which provided a good opportunity for the expansion of ethnonational movements that finally overrun the state’s centre in 1991 by defeating the military regime, and introducing a rhetoric of ethnic autonomy and ethnic entitlement.

2. Ethnicity: a theoretical challenge and empirical nuisance

Structuring of society and politics on the basis of ethnicity has been viewed by many scholars as a risky approach for the reason that politicisation of ethnicity could excessively awaken ethnic consciousness and unleash ethnic groupings at the expense of shared identities and interspersed settlements (Horowitz 1985, Messay 1999, Clapham 2002). It is held that ethnic entitlements could give much more leverage to blood relationships and ascriptive loyalties in place of rights and duties (Kedourie 1993). It could also promote the rule of kin, instead of the rule of law, because ascribed ethnic solidarity is more important than merit and other achieving qualities in the ideology of ethnic entitlement, therefore sharing the same genealogy will be a reassurance for assuming political leadership. Ethnic entitlement can also be used by ethnic leaders to gather justification or legitimisation for autocratic rule in the name of their ethnic community. Most importantly, the adulation and preponderance of affinitive or kinship ties within societies would pose formidable barriers to build tolerant multiethnic societies (Ali. A. Mazrui 1967).

On the other hand, scholars concerned about ethnically fragmented societies suggest that in order to reduce ethnic tensions and conflicts, it is imperative for multiethnic states to engineer accommodative structure in order to achieve peaceful coexistence (O’Leary 2002, Lijphart 1994; 2002). A prominent scholar in the field of ethnicity, politics and power-sharing in multiethnic societies, Arend Lijphart (1994) advises for designing ethnic power sharing arrangements or consociational model in segmented or divided societies. According to Arend Lijphart that successful political accommodation of diverse ethnic groups could be achieved through recognition and devising appropriate institutions for accommodation and power sharing. In his discussion of consociational politics, Lijphart enumerated four necessary institutional arrangements in accommodating diversities. These are power sharing government (grand coalition), mutual veto, proportionality and segmental autonomy (Lijphart 1977). In his discussion Lijphart outlined the necessity to have proportional representation from all significant groups, a protection for minority groups and a territorial autonomy or non-territorial division of power or functional autonomy. Although Lijphart’s consociational democracy is criticized for its high reliance on the good will of elites, it can be used as a model for engineering appropriate institutional structures in places where diverse ethnic groups are competing and fighting for controlling the state power.

In line with Lijphart’s argument other scholars suggest also that stability in culturally fragmented countries increases if these countries adopt a political system characterised by proportionality, grand coalition, federalism and strong veto points (Steiner et al 2003: 82). Ethnic federalism is suggested as a relatively preferable institutional arrangement in case of geographically concentrated ethnic groups. Federalism can provide an autonomous space for power exercise and a space for expression for territorially concentrated homogeneous ethnic groups. In such case it could reduce demands for separation and other tensions associated with secession.

However, scholars like Donald Horowitz (1985 & 2002) and Basta Fleiner (2000) argue that ethnic arrangement as a means to ensure ethnic self-government could further radicalise ethnic problem by turning ethnic demands into political principles rather than providing a remedy or cure. In this connection, federal framework based on ethnic coalition could be very unstable form of government, because ethnic elites could be possessed by their own sectional self-interest to pull apart the framework or the coalition. They could also be constrained by their ethnic community if they concede much for the sake of cooperation. Horowitz (2002) therefore argues that federalism should aim to create an integrative dynamics by encouraging ethnically heterogeneous groups or political units to work together within a shared structure that can provide incentives for inter-ethnic co-operation. For Horowitz, non-ethnic federal units could help to forge common interests, other than ethnic identities, among people living within the same federal units in order to compete against the other federal units beyond ethnic interests. Horowitz believes that the remedy for ethnic problem is institutionalisation of ‘ethnically blind’ structures and policies that could reduce or undermine ethnic divide. However, he recognises that in a climate of elite competition ‘a fear of ethnic domination and suppression is a motivating force for the acquisition of power as an end and it is also sought for confirmation of ethnic status’ (Horowitz 1985: 187). ‘An ethnic contrast that has produced an extraordinary amount of conflict in many African, Asian, and Caribbean states is the juxtaposition of ‘backward’ and ‘advanced’ groups’ (Horowitz 1985: 148). Thus, Horowitz advises that ‘if indeed ethnicity and ethnic organisations provide security to groups in an uncertain environment, then attempts to replace or outlaw them may have the effect of increasing insecurity’ (Horowitz 1985: 567-8). It could be essential, therefore, to recognise the importance of power-sharing and territorial devolution. Territorial compartmentalization with devolution of generous power can have tranquillising effects in countries with territorially separate groups, significant sub-ethnic divisions and serious conflict at the centre (Horowitz 1985: 614). It is very vital to consider the importance of timing in engineering a political process and structure, because ‘accommodation long delayed may be accommodation ultimately denied’ (Horowitz 1985: 617).

As Walker Connor (1999) articulates that ethnonational movements’ are found worldwide, they

‘are to be found in Africa (for example, Ethiopia), Asia (Sri Lanka), Eastern Europe (Romania), Western Europe (France), North America (Guatemala), South America (Guyana), and Oceania (New Zealand). The list includes countries that are old (United Kingdom), as well as new (Bangladesh), large (Indonesia), as well as small (Fiji), rich (Canada), as well as poor (Pakistan), authoritarian (Sudan) as well as democratic (Belgium), Marxist-Leninist (China) as well as militantly anti-Marxist (Turkey). The list also includes countries which are Buddhist (Burma), Christian (Spain), Moslem (Iran), Hindu (India) and Judaic (Israel). (Connor 1999: 163-4).

Ethnic associations and ethnic parties have been discouraged and banned in many countries and in majority cases due to fear of the presumed radical and destructive backlashes of ethnic demands and ethnic rights. Vindictive horrors of ethnic conflicts, genocide and ethnic cleansing in cases like in Rwanda, former Yugoslavia, Nigeria and also unrelenting and destructive ethnic strives in places such as in Sudan, India, Malaysian, Sri Lanka and others are signalling the recalcitrance nature of ethnic demands and also indicating the difficult challenges connected to ethnic entitlement and ethnic rights.

However, in his cross-national study of communal based conflicts, Ted Gurr (1994) shows that ‘ethnic identity and interest per se do not risk unforeseen ethnic wars; rather, the danger is hegemonic elites who use the state to promote their own people’s interest at the expense of others (Gurr 2000: 64). Thus, he warns that ‘the push of state corruption and minority repression probably will be a more important source of future ethnic wars than the ‘pull’ of opportunity’ (Ibid). Horowitz also asserts that even if ethnic problems are intractable, they are not altogether without hope; ‘even in the most severely divided societies, ties of blood do not lead to ineluctably to rivers of blood’ (Ibid. p. 682). Power-sharing and coalition political frameworks that could encourage inter-ethnic cooperation by ensuring recognition of some prominent group’s rights could be one option to minimise group’s resentments and mitigate destructive conflicts.

3. A paradox in Ethiopia: a tiny minority and relatively poorer region demands and monopolises federalism

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1. May 2009 by Assimba.

By Teklu Bekele <tbekele@gmail.com>

Introduction:

From the outset I’m deeply worrying about the indifference I observe these days among the vocal Diaspora when it comes to the future of Ethiopia. As audience and on lookers from our comfort residence in Diaspora, we never ask ourselves twice if we are really and critically organized enough to play the role of legitimate substitutes to the incumbent regime in Ethiopia. No matter how bad we may judge its activities and style of governance, are we really doing our homework in preparation for the take over of power in a more structured and convincing manner? Or are we simply shouting to end in power vacuum? Viewed from our current hair-splitting and paradoxical political stand perspectives at least we can fairly admit that TPLF is in a better position as an organized political group in its own way and manners; that befit TPLF’s principal objectives and standings. How about us that oppose the TPLF-governance styles in Ethiopia? We have not yet put our homework in order; we don’t try to compromise and co-exist relating to or organized as a fraternity; we prefer going unilateral without achieving any tangible success story to tell. Are we still expecting a miraculous change to take place in Ethiopia? I leave the likely responses to these paradoxical and open-ended quarries to readers’ own judgments. In what follows let me explain what I mean by Berhanu and Andargachew as the ‘Diaspora Rubble Raisers’.

The Men on the Twilight Zone

These few days the global mass-media was busy telling us about an attempted coup de stat by Ginbot-7 group in Ethiopia. Much has been said by way of comments in different websites too. In connection to this, let me share my own opinions. I may be provocative to most readers but for its own good. If it stings anger or delight in who ever is reading it from what angle; so be it. I think it is time that each reader should really rationalize the case in point and come up with his/her own conclusive judgments than to drift away with the wind in the ocean of emotion laden political discourse. What is critical is how we solve the riddle political puzzle left in our hands. That said let me briefly touch upon the two fellows about whom much is being talked in all corners of discussions these days. It concerns Berhanu Nega Bunger and Andargachew Tsigie of Ginbot-7 political group (hereafter labeled as Gunboat-7). These two fellows traversed their earth shaking political moves from abandoning their trust worthiness to EPRP in the 1970s to becoming TPLF loyalists and pro-Woyane advocating-tugs throughout the 1990s. Their long political muddling march took them through to KINIJIT and ultimately into molding a new terrorist group called Gunboat-7 conspired and organized no where else but under the blessings of the Shaabia leader Issayas Afeworki. To our dismay Berhanu and Andargachew were running in desperation left and right to comfort the Ethiopian Diaspora by working hand and gloves with the Regional God-father of Pirates and fundamental Islamist terrorist-organizer - Issayas Afeworki of Asmara, Eritrea.

Particularly the forked tongue Andargachew, who is characterized as an arrogant political adventurer, was a student at Teferi Mekonen High along with Yared Tibebu of ANDEM. In early 2005, when Berhanu came to London to garner support for his newly formed political party - Keste Demena; the first person he contacted was Andargachew who since then remains on the long political journey to attain their day-dreams and hunger for power through the barrel of Gunboat-7.

The first time when Berhanu and Andargachew made a go at it and joined TPLF, one should recall, they had Africa Group Entrepreneurial mandate at their disposal. Not only did they simply overstep their mandate of running business; but also they overreached themselves by transforming each into a He-Messiah ordained to heal the political pathologies that poor Ethiopia has suffered for decades thus far. Especially when Berhanu followed TPLF in 1991 and entered Addis Ababa as one of its loyalists he was immediately designated as part of the AFRICA GROUP Ltd., an entrepreneurial group designed by TPLF to attract business ideas in the honey moon days in TPLF-Ethiopia. While in AFRICA GROUP Ltd., Berhanu took huge sums of loan from Woyane regime treasury and became an entrepreneur and founded the Ethiopian Agro-Maize, a fertilizer producing company, and Addis Village Family Home Builders. Later he aspired to hold ministerial position but in vain (see note # 1).

In fact, out of sheer personal disappointment of not getting their highly aspired ministerial positions from the TPLF regime, the two fellows dropped KESTE DEMENA; instead they grabbed and hijacked the platform of KNIJIT initially created by Lidetu till Berhanu and Andargachew were taken into jail for causing urban unrest in 2005. Upon his mystical release from captivity Andargachew traveled to Asmara and consulted Issayas Afeworki prior to officially establishing their Gunboat-7 group in Diaspora; and operating in semi-clandestine fashion as those ones orchestrated by Issayas Afeworki and assigned for covert mission inside Ethiopia (see: note# 1).

Andargachew who initially crafted and drafted Article 39 in the current TPLF constitution still remains a diehard advocate of self-determination up to secession of Ogadenia, Oromia and Gambela. That was what he promised to Issayas Afeworki while in Asmara. And that is what Berhanu and Elias Kifle of Ethiopian Review are standing for to this very day as I write. The reason is simple. They believe in realizing nationalities to determine their secession without any challenge. Indeed, no matter what it may cost, the Gunboat-7 group shall fight any one or any thing that stands against Article 39. Both Andargachew and Berhanu are operating against the hardliners of AEUP and EPRP, etc. on this critical national matter. Both of them openly support UDJP and/or Medrek, the coalition made up of loyalist opposition parties with ethnic based agenda who signed on to the TPLF-charter for ethnic-federalism and secession up to self determination (for details see notes # 2).

Worse of all, some among the Ethiopian Diaspora go to the extent of suspecting Berhanu and Andargachew as likely CIA agents. Incidentally, we should not be alarmed about such revelation. These days it is conventional political game and quite natural for any politically motivated group to work hard and come to power in any part of the developing nations by networking with and by way of ensuring their loyalty to CIA if they want to come to and remain on power for a longer period of time. That is exactly what each leader in Africa is doing these days. Those who refuse are sanctioned until they surrender and show their loyalty to the West (especially USA and UK).

A case in point is Issayas Afeworki that is suffering from global isolation for refusing to be part of the CIA-club; consequently in order to draw attention and to secure substantial amount of desperately needed hard currency he has nowadays resorted to training pirates and Islamist fundamentalists who earn him funds, and material support the fluid and feasible way (for details see notes # 3).

Dashed Day-Dreams

Is the Gunboat-7 leadership in Diaspora day-dreaming of climbing up to power in Addis Ababa on the back of those that are toiling and putting their lives on the lime-line against the sharp-shooter TPLF? And if so would some of these generals succeed in any form of grabbing power? Would TPLF relinquish power without much resistance? Do the Gunboat-7 leaders think they will snatch power from these generals upon their arrival at Bole International Airport without any challenge? Let us assume they succeeded in taking over power; how would they sort out critical national issues including the border dispute with Eritrea, Ethiopia’s access to the sea, the ethnically federated regions, the question of Ogden, Oromia, Gambella etc.?

To one’s dismay, Berhanu and Andargachew just don’t get it, no matter what! The world could be changing before their eyes - winds of change would blow right through their nose - and yet they hold onto their good-old worldview with their ‘clock-stop-syndrome’. History - for these 2-people - has stopped at some fixed location in 2005 - spatial and temporal. They believe in a ‘clock stop syndrome’ while living in the midst of mind-numbing motions both at home and abroad. Berhanu and Andargachew of Gunboat-7 preach the gospel of fixture on 2005 to anyone who has the stupidity to listen to them. Often times they have the propensity to imbue their message with messianic fervor. Whatever the discipline they like to indulge in - be it politics, economics or business - they tend to have a penchant for the religious. All their strongest convictions - whether they make friends or enemies - are the stuff of fairytales and their passion for the abstract often gets the better of their worldviews. Quite simply, Berhanu and Andargachew constitute a class of their own. Entitled as they are to their ‘clock-stop syndrome’ worldview, they become sometimes nuisance beyond measure. Their momentary fame seeking coup de stat attempts - as the medium on whose back Berhanu and his street smart comrades were hoping to find themselves in the corridors of power - may immediately have proved just a mirage; nonetheless, they have chosen to cling on to that illusion.

Chanting The Usual May 2005 Election:

The May 2005 election was lasting mantra, and by far the magnum opus of Berhanu and Andargachew’s entire political career. It appears, judging by the hysterical level of deep-seated resentment that is evident in just about every statement both Berhanu and Andargachew make in their public appearances ever since, that role they dreamed through Kinijit back in 2005 was the closest they came to wielding a real enough political power. Four years on, they remain harping on the same good old string as if the entire world had gone down the drain along with their illusory king-making opportunity. The election in May 2010 is approaching while we are singing the same good old 2005 melody to date. How strongly are we prepared this time compared to the 2005 attempts made by various groups? Have we learned from previous mistakes yet?

In my view we are far poorly organized than ever before; disintegrated to work at creating ethnic-led mini-states by setting-up chains of political kiosks spread throughout the world for collecting alms the conventional EPLF-TPLF way. Consequently, what is happening?

At the end of the day, Berhanu and Andargachew maintain a misplaced trust in Ethiopia. Their Gunboat-7 group passion and vision for democracy remains badly ludicrous with the apathy prevalent in Ethiopia. Berhanu and Andargachew put too much emphasis on democracy, which is even hard to put into real action in a very educated and informed society like the USA and Western Europe. So instead of barking on and bragging about war of words on the urgency to topple TPLF through wishful thinking, we would have been blessed if they reconsidered clear-cut solutions for our paradoxical national homework that remains in the hands of the opposition groups with serious, systematic and strategic deliberation. TPLF is doing what is in its priority agenda to execute the way it perceives. We should not expect to incorporate our in it while at the same time remaining intolerant with it. We have to devise ours and find ways and means how to realize it. Indeed it is disappointing to even observe the likes of Berhanu who simply make empty slogans and shouts for momentarily causing havoc in Ethiopia at all costs. Without organizing supporters and sympathizers to potentially be considered as better alternative governing groups; and without impressing the overwhelming majority Diaspora Ethiopians to follow suit with them; simply these fellows continue to muddle and commit same old mistakes. What good does it make to persistently complain and harp on the evilness of TPLF; and continue shouting in bravado for any silly action that may incidentally happen; as if war of words can bring lasting solutions to the country in critical needs for peace and progress?

Only God knows if Berhanu and Andargachew still fancy themselves as someone who can rid Ethiopia of all its ills - in which case they and only they would have been proved totally insane in the membrane. As though to make up for their all too quick descent into the depths of irrelevance, Berhanu and Andargachew luckily have secured a rock-star status and place in a very tiny corner of Ethiopian politics: the clock-stop syndrome caucus of the Ethiopian Diaspora that claim support for Gunboat-7. For both Gunboat-7 and their handful of Diaspora fans, only cynics or those disposed towards the ‘evil-TPLF’ could dissent from the self-evident truths of absolute dictatorship and human rights violations in present day Ethiopia. Apparently, only that – to indulge their questionable wishes and tastes to the Gunbot-7groups - is what constitutes just about everything they are left to do in the way of active politics. In what would amount to a dramatic reversal of role, Berhanu and Andargachew have ironically transformed themselves from an inconspicuous - inconsequential no less – University Professorship and lampoon proletariat respectively into a full-time crusader for the grab-power-by-any-means coalition of Diaspora rubble raisers who have long renounced all sensibility rather choosing to hold tenaciously onto their make-believe world of melt away politics.

It looks as though the laws of physics - that depicts on how like poles repel each other - totally gave way to coincidence in order for similarly charged entities to attract each other in a given magnetic field thereby forming such a strange constellation of resentful -losers – the Berhanu and Andargachew crafted Gunboat-7s. Laughable enough their recent coup de stat attempt at making sense came by way of an interview with the VOA-Amharic program (Part I & II) this month (April 2009). Interestingly, though, Berhanu’s interview - very typical of the kind of sloppy analysis that often boosts the morale of few Diaspora doomsayers - has not received much publicity. Could that be because Berhanu has already outlived his importance even for Gunboat-7 enthusiastic fans? May be yes, may be not. Like Berhanu or despise him, he is a bag of curiosity in his own right; at least a series of his recent radio interview he gave in the USA are.

To say that rigorous analysis has never been Berhanu’s forte is almost to state the obvious. Not surprisingly, the series of radio interviews are all showcases indicating the extent of Berhanu and Andargachew’s anger and the length to which they would go to portray the incumbent government - and harp on the same old TPLF-string in a negative light in anyway they can. To try to focus on all the issues Berhanu and Andargachew raise during their series of radio interviews is very difficult; since most of their talk is downright sloganeering deprived of any substantial solutions whatsoever. They are simply overstuffed with numerous inconsistencies and fallacious claims that I personally refuse to dignify them by their responses. But I think a word or two is well in order to address two topics I believe can mutually exhaust all that can be said of the Gunboat-7 leadership. The first has to do with the version of democracy the likes of Berhanu and Andargachew want to impose on Ethiopia and the mindset that made such arrogance possible in the first place. The second point - also related to the first - has to do with what sort of things the Gunboat-7 leadership thinks - despite the effort to conceal it – Berhanu and Andargachew can and will do to help remove Meles Zenawi’s government and the Gunboat-7’s case for that.

Apart from the usual diatribe against the incumbent regime - most of which was pure sloganeering – the series of their recent radio interviews simply contain a rather childish blather on issues that the two fellows clearly don’t have any grasp whatsoever. Their notion of the process of building democracy could win the Gunboat-7 leadership a name in the annals of the authors of worst political theories. Biting more than they can chew, Berhanu and Andargachew rush back in forth in a mindless rambling all the while drawing strange parallels and making contradictory suggestions in a matter-of-fact ease. For instance, they talk of nationally divisive article-39 stipulated in the incumbent regime’s constitution as legitimate while at the same time talking sustaining of a united democratic Ethiopia. It turns out these two die-hard fellows don’t blink even for a second when it comes to reconciling the irreconcilable; democracy and armed struggle; violence and nonviolence; border dispute with Eritrea; Ethiopia’s legitimate access to the sea through Assab Port; western intervention and independence; the fate of Birtukan Mideksa and what not. Their notions of democracy or freedom are idiosyncratic at best and idiotic at worst. As the series of recent radio interviews reveal Berhanu and Andargachew’s take on the relation between democracy and national stability could have put their fans to shame. As obvious as this patent ignorance is, there must however be a method to their stupidity, if the pattern is any guide. More than anything, the series of radio interviews they give these days reveal tons of materials that point to their eternal marriage with conducting coup de stat or for a take over of power in the notion that the democratic process in Ethiopia can and ought to be remotely controlled by the Western world acting on behalf of Ethiopians (see note # 4).

Living in their comfort zone some ten thousand miles away from Ethiopia Berhanu and Andargachew complain that Europeans and Americans have made it “business as usual with Ethiopia” despite Gunboat-7’s scathing website reports back in the days. The 2-fellows decry the G-8 for inviting PM Meles to their summit “as if he was a respectable leader”. Berhanu and Andargachew hope Barrack Obama will correct the wrongs of his predecessor that they blame for discouraging democracy in Ethiopia. Berhanu and Andargachew claim that George Bush was to blame for what they believe was the reversal of the democratic process, namely - the fact that their power sharing proposal was turned down systematically - because Bush did not force PM Minister Meles to choose democracy over Stability. In parentheses, what does it really mean democracy takes precedence over stability? That democracy can coexist with anarchy? That stability is just an excuse for dictators to cling onto power? It is very difficult to know what exactly these two fellows meant to say; whatever their relentless intentions, however, that kind of idiotic argument is enough to put the two fellows in a class all of their own: they remain in the category of un-teachable political lightweights.

Looks like Berhanu and Andargachew cannot come to terms with the futility of such a bona fide mandate bestowed upon each as the Mayor of Addis Ababa Municipality. They love this title more than any thing else. Berhanu and Andargachew have ever since been tirelessly straining every nerve and muscle to bring what little influence they may have left to bear on the manner the rest of the world conducts itself with the Government of Ethiopia. Now a spent force even in their own chambers, Berhanu and Andargachew seem to have found a consolation of sorts in what they believe is a gathering storm against Meles Zenawi’s government: Gunboat-7 (Berhanu Nega’s May-15 movement). With his Gunboat-7 reports flashed down the toilet as pure nonsense by none other than those who supported their mission in the first place, Gunboat-7’s new-found weapon is an uncanny campaign on behalf of a group of desperados led by their ‘best friend’ Elias Kifle of ER (see note # 5).

But their fanciful rise to the Babylonian heights of king-making was dealt a shattering blow once the two were told they were simply out to grab power by any and by all means. It seems that Berhanu and Andargachew haven’t learned their lessons of Ethiopian history. No amount of domineering by Diaspora Fanatics will ever arm-twist the situation inside Ethiopia into changing the course charted by TPLF by way of remote control from their comfort seats in Diaspora. We should sacrifice ourselves, our time and energy if we want to see change. That was the case yesterday; is the case at the present; and that will always be the case in generations down the road; it means we must force ourselves to delve into doing our home bitter works well enough; before we open our mouths ahead of time. Unfortunately for the good Berhanu and Andargachew, it looks like drawing such lesson has eluded them even four years after that 2005 fateful day of costly gamble has gone once and for all. Throughout the series of recent radio interviews and website reports, they make rather flimsy (or was it phony?) claims that they are going to fight the incumbent regime by all means including waging war. When the real thing comes to the fore, here is Berhanu denying blind-folded as not knowing any of the Gunboat-7 suspects except for one cuisine of his. It is not the superficial disclaimers that matter but the subterranean similarities of their so-called ‘ways out of dictatorship’ for the Ethiopian Opposition with that of Berhanu’s and Andargachew’s protégé-in-exile, Berhanu “Mayor-Elect-of Addis”; Andargachew “X-Mayor of Addis”. That they are working in cahoots with groups with hideous agendas of violence and subversion is anything but hidden. Only the Gunboat-7-people assure all of us to raise our hopes; have the magic wand that can do the tricks in this would-be comprehensive, no-holds-barred Gunboat-7 movement; a harebrained PR stunt Berhanu coughed up to try to explain away his wishy-washy ways of conducting opposition tactics including, but not limited to, waging war against the incumbent regime.

Notes:

1. http://nazret.com/blog/index.php?title=ethiopia_arrests_35_suspects_in_alleged_&more=1&c=1&tb=1&pb=1

2. http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/974#comments;

http://nazret.com/blog/index.php?title=kin_of_exiled_ethiopian_opposition_leade&more=1&c=1&tb=1&pb=1

3. http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/981; http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/978#comments; http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/974#comments;

4. http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/981;

5. http://mahder.com/fishing-in-troubled-waters-elias-kifles-unabated-servitude-to-issaas-afeworki.html

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