18. May 2009 by Assimba.

By Abraham Berhe – abrehe@gmail.com

Background:

In Early January 2009 Issayas Afeworki gave an extraordinarily defiant interview to the tightly controlled Eritrean media by openly accusing the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the USA for masterminding a plot to undermine his regime. Since then he maintains unrepentant antagonism as his astounding political feature against the USA and Western powers.

To those of us who knew him for a long while now, Issayas Afeworki is a hardened guerrilla warfare leader run for over 3-decades before he assumed power in 1993. Each time he delivers interviews he constantly looks back to those glorified anti-Ethiopian struggle days, which provided him the cornerstones for his political legitimacy; claiming that Eritrea is surrounded by larger states that permanently seek to dominate and destroy it. Tyrant Issayas is the Eritrean figure that single handedly articulates his regime’s domestic and foreign objectives that prevail against any contrary opinion coming either from his subjects or from commentators on Eritrean issues. The political strategy and makeup of Afeworki’s regime centrally depend on viewpoints directly emanating from Issayas himself. Especially after September 2001 when his most prominent opponents were summarily arrested or fled the country, Issayas Afeworki’s predominance is boosted by his handpicked persons holding key positions for fear of political reprisals.

Yet, we know well that the 1998-2000 war he instigated against Ethiopia considerably weakened the internal cohesion of Afeworki’s regime; and totally impaired and weakened the Eritrean military and population’s morale. At this point as I write no sober citizen has any faith left in his regime. Enthusiasm about Issayas Afeworki’s tyrannical ruling has eroded and drastically declined; Eritrean people are suffering from the ever diminishing and poverty stricken living conditions. Indeed, the series of wars that are carried out from time to time by Afeworki’s regime have now created a paradoxical situation as it seems too late to reverse the economic decline. Such action actually needs putting in order sweeping structural and sector reforms that would take time to produce results. In Eritrea where the population’s main concern is on how to secure the next meal it seems difficult for them to think about on how to overthrow Afeworki.

To date, Afeworki’s autocratic and tyrannical nature has eventually became a threat to all neighboring states since Afeworki has embarked on an aggressive foreign policy built upon the belief that only a militarily strong Eritrea could play a central role in what is known as “the Horn of Africa”. To add salt into injury, Afeworki is involved in popularizing piracy and illegal smuggling actions over international waters and oceans. Piracy has become a tool for Afeworki to siphon hard currency and divert public attention from the apparent lack of functioning democratic systems in Eritrea. His involvement in Somalia’s domestic politics, piracy and illegal arms smuggling and trafficking as well as his regime’s antagonism towards all neighboring states could amply testify to it’s over reliance on brinkmanship and military threats. Within the initial 5-years after he assumed power in 1993, Afeworki quarreled with Sudan in 1994, Yemen in 1995, Djibouti in 1996, Ethiopia in 1998 and Djibouti once again in 2008. Afeworki has even gone to great lengths by undermining the neighboring states’ stability; and intentionally works on how to make these states vulnerable to his militaristic pressure by providing training sites and arsenal and arms supply to Ethiopian, Djiboutian, Sudanese and Somali opposition armed groups. In 2007 he decided to pull out of the regional grouping IGAD and the AU due to his ill-conceived foreign policy.

Episodes Happen While We Watch Immobilized:

The Eritrean populations have unconditionally lost thousands of young men and women to the 1998-2000 Ethio-Eritrea war. Fully aware of that Issayas Afeworki will not halt his military operations against all regional challenges, the forcefully recruited youth soldiers continue to desert in large numbers; and are seeking refuge world wide. The polarized and silent Eritrean Diaspora, which had been generously financing Issayas Afeworki’s war efforts, has begun openly to question Afeworki’s domestic and foreign policies and has significantly reduced its remittances.

Popular Dissatisfaction and Divisions:

Afeworki is facing already internal popular dissatisfaction and divisions; a dilapidated economy surviving through piracy and arms trade and rampant corruption. One thing is clear to all walks of Eritrean people. Succession is paving the way to weaken Issayas Afeworki’s regime. No one knows today as to who will succeed Issayas Afeworki next. This is potentially creating instability on his eventual demise or death. After all, he is mortal, the Eritrean public doubts if democracy could be established in Eritrea when Issayas Afeworki dies or deposed of power, accidentally or otherwise. That means the potential for increased possibility of civil wars, dismemberment and opportunistic external interference from Ethiopia is quite vivid or crystal clear.

As a viable solution, most Eritrean people have resorted to consider negotiation and diplomacy as meaningful basis for the Eritrean regime to resolve its costly conflict with Ethiopia; to reestablish its political legitimacy and assist all Eritrean political forces to peacefully resolve their differences for the sake of national unity. But we deem that Afeworki is not ready to ascertain and respect the sensibilities and intentions, with regard to common issues, of neighboring states; particularly that of Ethiopia. We doubt if he can halt his deliberately provocative remarks and actions against the USA and neighboring states. We doubt if Issayas Afeworki is ready to compromise for the sake of regional peace and stability; we doubt if Issayas Afeworki is ready to learn from his past errors of judgment and soften his belligerent defensiveness, at least during high-profile interviews. In a net-shell suffice to say the idiomatic expression: ‘You cannot teach an old dog a new trick.’

Cases for Public Attention and Reaction:

Although totally alienated from the rest of the world and from the African Union, Issayas Afeworki continues to commit flagrant violations of human rights by turning Eritrea into a country where democracy and justice are absent; where the Eritrean population yearnings for independence and freedom are ultimately trapped in intimidation, indecency and untold old time serfdom tradition. Issayas Afeworki’s cohorts (those that seldom complain about him) and the silent majority who consider this staunch and stubborn leader as their hero who must be obeyed by all means, by all accounts, and at any cost. Points outlined below are cases in point for reader’s attention:

• There happens mass fleeing, and horrific incidents including barbaric ethnic cleansing of innocent detainees from the Kunama ethnic group;

• As the most mentally and physically exhausted army in Africa, led by a hand-full of hungry hounds and opportunist Generals, the Eritrean army is undertaking the heaviest load of slave-labor program by way of Warsay-Yikealo, with an extreme nationalism and sovereignty protection propaganda just as the Nazis of Adolph Hitler used to make in the 1930s.

• The Swiss daily French newspaper, Le Temps, reported on 21 January 2009 that Eritrea, which today shares only with North Korea the title of being “the pariah state” of the international community, has become unlivable hell to its people who are taking all possible risks to flee the country and be dispersed in all corners of the globe. During 2008 alone, 2,849 Eritrean people entered and asked asylum in Switzerland compared to 2,050 in 2007 and 1,201 in 2006.

• Under the big headline of “Eritrea of President Isaias Afeworki: A Prison State being deserted by its people en masse”, the reporter, Angelique Mounier-Kuhn, quoted a recent New Year speech by the dictator in Asmara to show his unbelievable readiness “to make war” in spite of the suffering it causes to the small nation of Eritrea. She describes Isaias Afeworki as “a solitary and arrogant person obsessed with traces of the [country’s] frontiers”.

• In the lengthy reportage on Eritrea by this major Swiss newspaper, Mr. Francois Piquet, a researcher at the Geneva-based International Institute for Higher Studies and Development, is quoted to have said: “The paradox in the situation of Eritrea is that the best organized liberation movement in Africa has given birth to a political system dictated by one man” who has chosen to conscript up to 300,000 persons in the army and in forced labor camps.

• The Le Temps reporter also interviewed a number of Eritrean refugees in Swiss who expressed fear to criticize the Asmara regime openly because of fear of imminent risks to their families in Eritrea. The interviewees said there are “agents of the dictatorship” among them and they are keeping away from opposition politics because of this fear to their loved ones back home by the merciless regime. The interviewed persons also revealed that each and every Diaspora Eritrean individuals pay the illegal 2% tax and other extortions because of fear of something happening to them and to their relatives in Eritrea.

• To one’s dismay, it has been a while since Issayas Afewoki started to blame the US for every evil unfolding to his administration. Yet he was the first to endorse the invasion of Iraq. He has even once said in his interviews at the time, “the mission was long overdue, the Bush administration should rather have finished the job in 1991”. Yet the same person and his supporters try to define who goes with whom and what kind of alliance and organization to make with others. Some in the opposition have also fallen prey to this game.

• Somalia’s new government led by Sharif Sheik Ahmed is accusing Issayas Afewoki’s of arming insurgent groups in Somalia. The allegation is a repeat of events two years ago, when the United Nations accused Eritrea of secretly sending weapons to Somalia’s militant al-Shabab group.

• Recently Isaias Afewerki forced the United Nations Mission to Eritrea out of Eritrea by cutting off all supplies to the UN-mission. In response to the departure of the UN-mission, both Eritrea and Ethiopia have now repositioned their respective militaries in a manner that would seem to indicate the potential for reengaging one another in devastative military conflicts.

Needless to say, a war between Ethiopia and Eritrea may bring a destabilizing effect if and when these two nations return to war. This action could further undermine Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government, which is heavily dependent upon Ethiopian military support. Ethiopia would also likely pull out of its pending commitment to provide peacekeeping troops to the Sudan AU/UN Mission in Darfur. Djibouti could also be affected by a return to hostilities in the form of border dispute, Eritrean refugees, who could present local security and humanitarian concerns.

In the past two years alone, there have been a growing number of pirate attacks off the coast of Bab-El-Mendeb and Somalia – some ending in death and others ending in the payment of ransom. The shipping lanes off the coast of Bab-El-Mendeb and Somalia are some of the most economically and strategically important in the world. There has been a long chain of illegal trade operations in the form of weapons trafficking, human trafficking, criminal dumping of nuclear and chemical waste from around the world in Dhalak, Sahel, and the environs of Masawa and piracy. Particularly, piracy off the coast of Africa has become a critical issue in the region, because extremist groups often directly participate in and financially benefit from piracy operations.

Crucial Issues to Lay Charges against Isaias Afewerki:

It is time for Eritrean Diaspora, to start putting together charges against Isaias Afewerki for crimes that include, but not limited to, conspiracy, murder, and treason. Enough evidences have been gathered to go forward and lay charges and oversee this task through a national committee. As reminder key crimes committed by Issayas Afeworki include the following:

1. Illegal killings of the so-called “Menka’e” and other groups during the struggle.

2. Mal-treatment and killings of fighters in “Halewa Sewra”

3. Summary execution of disabled fighters in Mai Habar

4. Illegal war with Ethiopia. His refusal to call meetings or consult with congress, the cabinet ministers, or the central committee

5. Extra-judicial imprisonment of fighters such as the G-15 and journalists, and the subsequent murders of many of them.

6. Illegal imprisonment of religious groups.

7. Refusal of food aid when it was critically needed by the broad masses

8. Criminal dumping of nuclear and other chemical waste from around the world in Dhalak, Sahel, the environs of Masawa, and other parts of Eritrea for fetching hard currency

9. Execution of about 160 rounded-up people in Adi-beito.

10. Execution of soldiers and civilians who were allegedly trying to cross into Ethiopia and Sudan from Eritrean-Sawa-army fortresses.

11. Execution of members of the Kunama ethnic groups

12. Illegal training and underground piracy operations from Dhalak and Masawa portal areas.

Since 1993 when Issayas Afeworki presided over the leadership position, serfdom has became the official doom in Eritrea; the Eritrean public is now caught-up in sheer disillusionment of independence; living under the iron-handed Afeworki’s regime that is totalitarian by nature keeping the entire youth population in its slavery camps in the name of military services. It is time now for Diaspora Eritrean population to raise our voices and bring Afeworki’s case to the attention of International Court of Crimes (ICC) and to the world powers in order to get rid of him and establish a legitimate replacement regime without further delay.

References:

“Eritrean President revisits his military alma mater in east China”. http://english.people.com.cn/200502/23/eng20050223_174334.html. Retrieved on 2007-08-30. 

Habtetsion, Efrem (2006-08-03). “On Developing Higher Level of Education”. http://www.shaebia.org/artman/publish/article_4617.html. Retrieved on 2006-08-03. 

“Perverted Reasoning From the Perverted Minds of “Les Enfants Terribles d’Erythree”". http://shaebia.org/wwwboard/contributedarticles/messages/86.html. Retrieved on 2007-03-02. 

“US Considers Terror Label for Eritrea”. http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,,-6857330,00.html. Retrieved on 2007-11-19. 

“Eritreans Deny American Accusations of Terrorist Ties”. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/18/world/africa/18eritrea.html. Retrieved on 2007-11-19. 

“[Eritrea & Sudan]”. [& Notes]. 2007-11-13.

http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=24025

Parade Magazine. “The Worlds 10 Worst Dictators”, 22 March 2009

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3644630.stm

Rena, Ravinder (2006). A Handbook on the Eritrean Economy. New Africa Press. ISBN 0-9802534-6-2. 

Isaias Afewerki. President Isaias interview with business Focus. Eri-TV. Retrieved on 2007-03-21.

“China-Eritrea relationship, China-Africa relationship will have a very significant impact for generations to come: President Isaias”. http://www.shabait.com/staging/publish/article_006354.html. Retrieved on 2007-03-21. 

“Eritrean president wants Ethiopia out of undisputed land”. CNN. 2000-04-06. http://edition.cnn.com/2000/WORLD/africa/06/04/horn.africa.01/. Retrieved on 2007-12-27.

www.abugidainfo.com/?p=9182 - Issayas Afeworki the Piracy Phantom - by Abdullah Habashi abalhabashie@gmail.com, May 6th, 2009.

www.wan-press.org/3may/2009/protest.php?id=1039

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18. May 2009 by Assimba.

by Alex Birhanu alexbirhanu@yahoo.com

Introduction:

Pragmatists are very passionate politicians that follow their instinct or their heart’s feelings and guts. Usually they dream of or believe in what they think as the absolute and unshakable truth. Opposed to principled idealist thinkers, pragmatists never entertain different views coming from various sources other than their astounding beliefs; and no matter the outcomes, they stead fistedly act bold, passionate and desperate when taking decisive actions. Pragmatists use whatever means is available at their disposal to secure what is in their vested interests. At times, they may become merciless in their executive actions especially when circumstances get tough. At such moments they act tougher and gain unwavering militaristic victory.

On the contrary, principle oriented politicians are idealist thinkers who bring about visionary thoughts; and are considered as principled people with good national visions. They are often blamed for being ‘paper-tigers”. But they never give up the principles they stand for in desperate times and in challenging and tough situations. Indeed unflinchingly they stand to the principles they adhere to and remain there till the end, no matter how badly circumstances may change for the worst. A case in point in the Ethiopian politics is the zealous EPRP-followers unwavering stand and efforts that adhere to EPRP’s initial political principles to this very day.

These two extreme categories of political traits at the extreme ends of an isle are at times referred to as the realistic traits versus the idealistic traits. In essence, however, power without principle is vicious; and yet principle without power is unproductive. That means, in real life, each perspective needs some combination of traits taken from one another in order to keep things in a balanced motion. Why is it so necessary to balance between these 2-well known ideological traits standing at extreme ends of the isle? The reason is clear. If our end goal is to bring about a more democratic sphere of functional change in Ethiopia, then we must draw the good bit of each trait to the center with which we can gather momentum for a huge take-off that eventually leads to democratic national building plans devised harmoniously. As each category represents the extreme political stand, each keeps on shaping up human history for good or for worse. Those who took the mid-way between these 2-extreme traits did forge democratic changes required by their nation; and brought about lasting peace. Much of what we observe in Western societies today is simply the result of such outcomes. The relationship between the pragmatist and the idealist political traits are not mutually exclusive; rather, the relationship between these two political traits is a symbiotic one. In either case, one of the traits may achieve its end results without forging something from the other. But such a move doesn’t arrive at any happy endings; in fact it arrives at disastrous results or that of maintaining the status quo without any forward moving progress. On the one hand, if the pragmatists are left with unbridled freedom to exercise their power, then they mess-up national systems and networks beyond repair. On the other hand, if the principled idealists are left all alone to do the most they can, and then they may waste so much time on a series of principal discussions and round-table decision making processes without achieving tangible results – i.e., such moves may leave the public to come to a point of despair.

Idealist Opposition:

Embarking on the prevailing Ethiopian political arena, the majority in the opposition camp both at home and in Diaspora seem to fall in the idealist category. We make lots of thinking, and come up with so many proposals, so many ideas, beautiful ideals etc., but still the key works to be done in concrete terms lack enough of the passion with which to bring about change. As opposition groups we remain vocal but action wise we are seriously mortal. Volumes of vocal opposition were produced thus far. But we achieved practically insignificant outcomes in concrete terms inside Ethiopia. Hence, Ethiopia remains artificially land-locked with no access or no retrieving made to regain Assab Seaport. Its people lack basic human rights to speak of; with Birtukan Mideksa still remaining jailed for unfounded reasons. Majority Ethiopian livelihoods still remain in abject poverty. And if we have to reverse TPLF’s anti-peace-policy standing in practical terms by a sustainable peace in the region, it is highly justifiable for the 80 million Ethiopian peoples represented by its solidified and united opposition front to eventually regain the legitimate Ethiopian rights to regain access to the sea through Assab Port. Likewise, by returning the port of Assab to Ethiopia willingly, Eritrea will remain in a better socio-economic and political networking position with Ethiopia and with the rest of its neighbors. It means none of the two countries are to worry about counter-fighting one another due to geographically unsettled demarcation issues that still remain pending under TPLF for nearly 2-decades in raw.

Pragmatist TPLF:

Most of the time, pragmatists are said to be good leaders in war times and in managing crisis moments. Soon after that, however, they become obsolete. This is a typical case of TPLF. Ever since they captured power from the DERG, the TPLF regime has decided to remain in power indefinitely. It declares its unflinching decisions never to kneel down for those coming through ballot boxes for what it paid in blood, tears and sweats under the barrel of the gun. It also means TPLF has already begun to eat-up its own glory of the early 1990s slowly. As pragmatists TPLF-leadership remains tough, stubborn and stuck into their own passionate militaristic glories of yesteryear even when things are getting tougher by the day. But this might have been acceptable in the hay days of the early 1990s, now nearly after two decades later; such stubbornness casts shadows of doubts associated with the pragmatist traits of the man on the driving sit in Ethiopia. When things are tough the PM remains pragmatic and takes critical measures regardless of their repercussions on TPLF’s political features. This might have served him well during those hay-days in the struggle against the DERG regime; but this time around, that same stubborn political stand is simply eating him up alive by each day that goes by; and by depraving him of all the dignity and glory that might be bestowed up on him as a good leader otherwise. Usually, the PM is known for taking swift and decisive actions no matter what these actions might ensue at the end of the day. A case in point is the expulsion of Eritrean persons from Ethiopia. And if such situations start to slide out of hand the TPLF-regime will deal with each, till such time it builds its own glory out of each case. The worst problem with TPLF is that it listens to no one, but to itself.

Lessons Learned From Past Mistakes:

Focusing on the current predicament of the idealist opposition camp, one can see that the number of Ethiopians opposing injustice is increasing by the day; not excluding those who are indifferent and those withdrawing their consent silently. However the leadership of the idealist opposition camps is not yet able to harness or channel this mass opposition inertia of pluralistic nature into a constructive unitary political entity. That means we need to learn from past mistakes and stop acting as vocal opposition only barking from Diaspora or from the Parliament House in Addis Ababa. We should go for winning the hearts, souls, and minds of the Ethiopian public at home and abroad; and bring about a fair and fraternal change without causing havoc or destruction; or without many losses of valuable human lives and property. This can be achieved only when the opposition groups at home and in Diaspora are ready to merge and do away with our die-hard differences for the sake of rescuing Ethiopia’s unity and national stability. We need to come to a workable consensus beyond crying foul on ethnic, religious or worldview differences among us. The idiomatic expression: ‘United, we win; divided we fail’ has been preached many thousands of times but in vain. It is easily said than done. In a serious note, we seem to remain stubborn, and go our own individualistic way to oblivion. When the quest for forging a firmly united opposition force remains at stake; and when the 2010 election is coming closer by each day that goes by, we seem still not fully prepared to deal with our heart-aching tasks properly beyond tones load of vocal opposition. How much of the homework expected of the opposition group is done in a systematic and structured manner compared to the vocal opposition and lip services we rendered thus far? The judgment is left for each reader to outweigh the gravity of our failures thus far.

Ernest Call for a Solidified United Opposition Front:

Transforming those who are in the opposition camp into change agents must be the priority of the opposition camp leading us eventually towards forging a solidified united opposition front. By converting ourselves beyond vocal opposition into fierce fighters and practically contributing partners we can enrich the struggle by the opposition’s united front to achieve results. There is no question regarding our vested will to bring about government change in Ethiopia. Both the overwhelming majority of the Ethiopian public and the well-trenched opposition party sympathizers and members dream of government change. But translating this existing political inertia and vested will into concrete actions require technical expertise, financial, human and material resources. That means both at an individual and group levels, the opposition camp must be more committed and more proficient in our collaborative efforts. I realize that Diaspora people do have other responsibilities. On top of our daily concerns for Ethiopia we remain providers not only to our family members in our immediate surrounding, but also to extended family members in Ethiopia. In order to draw more and more Diaspora groups into the opposition camp for the actual struggle, there is no other alternative than to devise more appropriate means which are compatible with or complimentary to our lifestyles here abroad. Provided that we are solidified as a united opposition front both at home and abroad, the Ethiopian people know well not only that the TPLF regime is on its way out from office, but also they know it will happen pretty soon. For that reason, it is our common task to create a favorable environment for Ethiopians of all walks of life to involve us in the struggle for victory by a solidified united opposition front both at home and abroad.

Finally, the opposition group has to be disciplined. It must learn its lessons from past emotional mistakes and act purposefully, swiftly and by rational reasoning means on the following 3-crucial factors outlined for further consideration:

Firstly, the opposition should act strategically on matters pertinent to foreign relations and seize opportunities to its advantage when they surface incidentally. It should try to hold the balance between political principles and passionate interests concerning foreign policy.

Secondly the opposition should make a strong presence inside Ethiopia. As a united and firm standing body, the opposition group must be solidified, united, and well equipped to do the grass-roots concretization job at home inside Ethiopia with relative ease. Those groups with knowledge of the local background might do well in each ethnic region that they are familiar with. This will help the opposition executives to critically and rationally allocate organizational roles according to merits rather than emotions. Politics is about reality, and reality is created by perception or reasoning. So there has to be a will and a way the opposition group can compliment each other’s weaknesses and strengths. The opposition group should collectively draw strategic action plans on how to stay united, solid, and remain relevant for winning the struggle waged by the opposition camp. The opposition camp must forge viable semblance for national unity rather than going one’s own way single-handedly.

Thirdly, the opposition group must realize that time is a critical factor of essence. In that case, why is the process for unification taking such a long time? It is very shocking and saddening to watch each opposition group behaving as if it has all the time in the whole world to unit itself gradually with others in the distant future. This shows that time is taken by the opposition groups as luxury entity and opposing the TPLF-regime is taken as an easy job to be accomplished in the unforeseeable future. Let us not be mistaken. The road to freedom is a long and tiresome march. The opposition has to identify and manage its passionate desires and its idealist political principles in clear terms so that some compromise is forged for the good of unity; and for jointly achievable outcomes in a reasonable window of time. Meanwhile each opposition group should place a means of checks and balances that help the smooth working relationship between the two extremist traits. Actually, the opposition group needs to balance its politics between forging shrewdness and aggressiveness of pragmatists and considering its idealistic and current global political perspectives for brighter Ethiopian political governance.

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