29. October 2009 by Assimba.

By Alem Mammo

Displaying his trademark diatribe/rant, Meles Zenawi recently accused international aid agencies of inflating the number of famine stricken citizens in Ethiopia. The reason why aid agencies exaggerate the numbers, according to Mr. Zenawi, is the following: “It is a huge industry, and this industry are actors who have their own views on this condition. They sell food aid because they can sell it above the market price. They get some rent for it,” he said. “It is to their benefit and their advantage. They are selling their food where food is scarce. The same with those who are transporting food in their ships. And those truckers who get it from the ports to the consumer areas. People take quite a chunk of the benefits from this.”¹ —— Meles Zenawi

It sounds like Déjà vu, doesn’t it? We wouldn’t have thought that Meles Zenawi would be echoing the exact same accusation levelled by Mengistu Hailemariam against international aid agencies and donor countries. In his Memoir Red Tears, Dawit Woldegiorgis, head of Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RCC) under Mengistu Hailemariam, discusses his conversation with Mengistu. Upon returning from a foreign trip appealing for food aid, Dawit was subpoenaed to Mengistu’s office and he describes Mengistu’s reaction to Dawit’s effort in convincing aid agencies about the impending famine and it’s magnitude. “…. The imperialist elements would do everything possible to thwart our efforts, to embarrass us, to destroy the gains of the revolution, one way of trying to embarrass us, he said, was by exploiting the drought….” ² ——— Mengistu Hailemariam

Ironic, is it not? Almost 25 years ago one of the most ruthless tyrants of our time accused the donor countries and international aid agencies for fabricating and inflating famine. Today it appears Meles Zenawi is almost quoting Mengistu Hailemariam (without crediting him). Dictators, regardless or which time period they are in or what cultural context they come from, almost always behave the same way.

The statement of accusation presented by Mr. Zenawi is almost comical. I say this because I find it astonishingly dishonest and hypocritical to accuse international aid agencies of benefiting from the misfortunes of starving men, women and children when your political and business empire is built on the famine industry.

There seems to be a need to refresh the collective memory, and in particular that of Mr. Zenawi, as it appears that he is having difficulty remembering his own identity and past actions. It was the 1984 famine, and Mr. Zenawi was one of the senior leaders of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). It was there in the guerrilla camps that he mastered the art of inflating famine and exploiting the suffering of the people so that he could win the sympathy and support of international donors and aid agencies. Perhaps, Mr. Zenawi remembers someone by the name of Gebremedhin Araya. He was a member of TPLF’s and the head of finance. Since leaving the organization, Gebremedhin has exposed the inner workings of TPLF and how Zenawi and his inner circle profited from the famine business.

When Mr. Zenawi accuses the international aid agencies of creating the food aid industry, does he consider providing the names of their local partners in Ethiopia? For example, Endowment Fund For the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT)? The Trucking companies in Ethiopia run by people he might know? Just curious!

Isn’t this thing that Zenawi calls the ‘food aid industry’ the very foundation of one of his own biggest business conglomerates (EFFORT). Furthermore, isn’t it because of his ability to fabricate, exaggerate and manipulate famine that he is in power today? Is this an attempt by Zenawi to play the guardian of moral values and ethics?

Now, this kind of hypocrisy and utter lies are at best not going to impress anyone, both in Ethiopia and within the international community. We all know famine is TPLF’s political and economic capital and the aid agencies accused of creating ‘food aid industry’ have partners in Ethiopia and we would like to know who they are. How about if we start with EFFORT? For 18 years Zenawi has lied to the Ethiopian people and deceived the international community in these dying days his rule. I urge him to change his pattern of deception and lies. Remember, there is a saying that when you point a finger in blame at another person, you have three fingers pointing back at yourself.

The writer could be reached at alem671@hotmail.com.

1 http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-10-11-voa12.cfm.

2 Woldegiorgis, Dawit. Red Tears: War, Famine and Revolution in Ethiopia, Red Sea Press, Trenton, 1989.

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29. October 2009 by Assimba.

By Obo Arada Shawl   November 3, 2009

እኔም ልመስክር…አንተም አንቺም ተወራረሱ

የሥነ ጽሑፍ ሰው አይደለሁም ክቡር አቶ ሐዲስን ለማወቅ

አርቲስት አይደለሁም ወጋዮ ንጋቱን ለማወቅ

ታጋይ አይደለሁም ጸገየ ገ/መድህን (ደብተራው) ለማወቅ

አብዮተጘ አይደለሁም ዋለልጝ መኮነን ለማወቅ

የሠረተጞች መሪም አልነበርኩም ሣሙኤል ዓለማየሁን ለማወቅ

የዩንቭርሲት ምሩቅ አልነበርኩም ፕረሲደንት ሣሙኤል ኣለማየሁን ለማወቅ

አውሮፕላን አብራሪም አልነበርኩም

ለማወቅ ሐዲሱ ዓለማየሁ

ነገር ግና በስማቸው ሳይሆን በተግባራቸው ሁሉንም ለይቸ አውቃለሁ።

አየ ስመ መኩሽነት

የብዕር ሥም

የሱሪ ሥም

ስንቱን አታልለሽ

ስንቱን አስማምተሽ

ተሰባበርሽ

Call me by my name, address or title?

Symposium for Haddis

Versus

Symposium for DEBTERAW

While I was surfing the Internet, I came across some websites that on October 17, 2009 a symposium in memory of a centennial birth anniversary for Ato Haddis Alemayu was scheduled. Many of the speakers were from the old school of Haile Sellasie University.

Last year, it is also to be recalled that Assimba.Org had held a symposium for DEBTERAW for no purpose other than to remind Ethiopians to search for his body or his soul.

What is symposium and what is its purpose? Originally, it was referred to a drinking party but since then it has come to refer to any academic conference.

In other words, symposium will encompass one of the following

• A meeting for drinking, music and intellectual discussion adopted from ancient Greeks.

• A collection of writings on a particular topic

• A meeting or a conference for a discussion of a topic, especially one in which the participants form an audience and make presentation

Many educated Ethiopians have been conducting symposia but there is little evidence for concrete results.

It is to be recalled that the two Tsegaye Gebre Medhins met for the first time in a symposium that was organized by memh’re Alemayehu Moghus to discuss about the real cause of poverty in Ethiopia. It was a lively discussion whereby Ato Alemayehu attempted to convince the audience of the perpetual threat of famine/poverty. According to Memhr Alemayehu, the recurring famine/poverty was because Ethiopians have over two hundred religious holidays in a year. That symposium of the 1970 did not hold to be true. The answer may lie in the works of Samuel Alemayehu’s obstacle to empower and encourage Ethiopian alumni.

Today, this time it is reported that millions of Ethiopians are struck by hungry; I have come to learn about Ato Haddis’s symposium was meant nothing but to celebrate. After 39 years, symposia did hold to be true. What is wrong with those educated researchers or scientists? What a tragedy!

So what is this hundred years of ceremony for? According to the program organizers, known as Tibeb International Project (TIP) along his Excellency’ family members, his close friends and fans came to celebrate not only Ato Haddis’s 100 years of anniversary but to solicit a fund for a foundation. If that is the way foundations are organized and funded, all the good luck for the organizers.

I am concerned that there seems no political contribution by Ato Haddis. I was not in the symposium but from the program it seems to me that Ato Haddis was apolitical man.

His book ኢትዮጵያ ምን ዐይነት አስተዳደር ያስፈልጋታል? What kind of governance for Ethiopia? This by itself was political unless politics has different meanings.

Ato Haddis’s contribution to literature, to humanity and personal philosophy may assist to fund raise for a foundation in his name and honor. As at now, Ethiopia is not in glorifying names and deeds. Its expatriate people are being humiliated, its local population are harassed and imprisoned, its national resources are being abused and depleted and above all its citizens are on the verge of death because of famine. The answer lies, my dear readers, in the primacy of politics.

At this juncture, there is no better time to explain the way Ato Haddis and DEBTERAW has painted and struggled for the Ethiopian people via the art of politics of Reform or Revolution. It is proper to compare and contrast the two giants of a generation.

Ato Haddis and DEBTERAW

Side by Side

• Ato Haddis has exposed the culture of Feudalism by writing fikire eske mekabir ፍቅር አስክ መቃብር whereas DEBTERAW has exposed the nature and culture of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.

• Ato Haddis got married and remained so until death despite no children of his own whereas

DEBTERAW did not marry to a wife but to a cause

• Ato Haddis had aspired to democratize Ethiopia from top down whereas

DEBTERAW believed a change could only become feasible from both top and bottom. In practice, DEBTERAW fiercely struggled from the University community as top down phenomenon and he set an example by teaching from the Agaw Midre - a case of a forgotten place and people - Kehas Ber aka Chagnie - in an attempt to explain of bottom up - change.

• Ato Haddis believed in the perpetual hospitality of Ethiopians to the outside world. DEBTERAW never believed hospitality to the outside world at the expense of Ethiopians.

• Ato Haddis was for a reform whereas DEBTERAW was for a Revolution. Later on Ato Haddis joined the struggle for DEMOCRACIA for he saw the sharp contrast of Socialism Hibresebawinet that was propagated by the DERG and his cronies and the struggle for DEMOCRACIA by EPRP.

The Eway Revolution versus Socialism (hibresbawinet)

As it turns out, Ato Haddis, like the majority of Ethiopian intellectuals became supporters of the Revolution rejecting his old idea of Reform. There was debate after debate for the Revolution but not for reform. That was another reason why we go from one extreme to another extreme even in the present situations having learnt for decades of indoctrination.

The Shengo as described by Ato Tegegne Mogus was not meant to transform Ethiopia from a feudal system to a democratic system via constitution. According to Ato Tegegne Moghus, at a certain point in time, Ato Haddis became a candidate to be a prime minister by the DERG. Further Ato Tegne pointed out that Ato Haddis demanded the need for a provisional government Ato Haddis refused to accept, through the proxy of General Aman Andom.

The call for a provisional people’s government was a revolutionary slogan that was demanded by EPRP. Why did Ato Haddis demand this slogan? Ato Tegne did not elaborate, but here is what I think.

I have no doubt that Ato Haddis had put a condition on his becoming prime minister but for me I have another side of a story.

While Ato Haddis was being solicited to become a prime minister for Ethiopia, Addis Zemen Newspaper was also interviewing him simultaneously. Some of the questions I can remember was about what books he was reading. His answer was Das Kapital. And what he thinks about his critics on his book on explaining democracy. ኢትዮጵያ ምን ዐይነት አስተዳደር ያስፈልጋታል?

His answer was shocking to many opportunists of the time. Ato Haddis responded that he wished that Ethiopia had five such men in order to progress and prosper. He probably has regretted having written that book, (ኢትዮጵያ ምን ዐይነት አስተዳደር ያስፈልጋታል?) after his critics taught him the concept and function of democracy is it in the West or East.

Who were these individual critics? They were Tsegaye Gebre Medhin alias DEBTERAW and Yohannes Berhane. What was the role of these individuals in the Eway Revolution? Both were not only part of the leadership of EPRP but also the members of the Editorial Board of DEMOCRACIA – the mouthpiece of EPRP. I know for sure Ato Haddis and many other intellectuals and ministers were reading the issue of DEMOCRACIA every week though clandestinely. Those who have been reading DEMOCRACIA definitely would not have accepted any position in the DERG regime.

By the way, how did these two individuals have convinced Ato Haddis? DEBTERAW critiqued on Ato Haddis’s ideological philosophy while Yohannes Berhane explained the root and the nature of democracy. For these individuals, life is what one can give up and not what you can get. Herein lies the basic struggle between Ato Haddis and DEBTERAW’S EPRP.

Lessons to be learned

At the time of the formation of the so-called Shengo, it was not peoples’ movement but revolutionary movement Ato Tegegne should correct his position. We all remember that during the peoples’ movement, the Emperor had promised a new constitution. It was a hoax to buy time. It was a missed opportunity by the Emperor to abdicate power to his son or sons.

Most of us remember that the collection of military that were selected from various units was known for their unruly behavior including Menghistu Haile Mariam. I believed that the DERG of 120 were chosen not for their contribution to society but to their negative contribution in their place of garrison or unit. The Shengo was a replica of the Derg council. Another hoax.

I do not know of many others, but in the place where I was working, the majority of employees chose a person not only he was unfit to be representative of the highly esteemed organization but he had neither moral nor ability. The employees just wanted to get rid of him. We have seen this trend again and again. Since there was no other way of controlling the liars, the cheats and the thieves, Ethiopians have a history of disposing the unwanted elements from their surroundings. It was a physical removal not mental. Where there is no democratic right such as to assemble, to speak or to print, it is impossible to elect reliable representatives but to elect/send the bad guys.

Take for instance, the case of Borana boys. The first time Haile Sellasie request the elders of Borana society to send their kids to Addis Ababa for education, the elders decided to send the children of the unwanted elements among them. It was after the first group’s returnees that they began to send their own children.

Take the case of EPDM; those unwanted and tarnished elements of EPRP became another hoax to TPLF’s coalition government.

The lesson here is that, the party of the DERG, the Shengo, and the coalition of EPRDF were/are all fraudulent. Let us get real for a real political party.

Conclusion

Ato Haddis and many other Ethiopian intellectuals have changed position away from the socialist propaganda path of the DERG but to accept the Revolutionary path of EPRP.The clandestine paper of DEMOCRACIA has played a major role in educating ministers, managers and officers during the DERG era thereby to the downfall of the DERG.

The guiding light for EPRP members and supporters was the publication of DEMOCRACIA and without this publication there is nothing that EPRP can do to move foreword. The current issues that are being published by both EPRP and its splinter group not only are tedious but irrelevant to the current situation.

I hope this is a bridge for the splinter groups to come together and make one DEMOCRACIA. It is not about having the name and logo that will legitimize EPRP to come to power. After all EPRP is mostly has been defined by its opponents. What is in EPRP’s historical and potential soft power lies in the concept of democracy – a solution for Aethiopia. Ato Haddis has learnt from his mistakes and why not the Mersha’s and his groups? That is the difference between maturity and immaturity. It is about the postponement of immediate gratification.

It is high time to come together. Why do we have to confuse listeners and readers by having two radio programs and two mouthpieces for EPRP? I suggest that if the Mersha groups do not want to associate with the word “REVOLUTION”, let them use “EPDP”. That would be a perfect compromise.

In EPRP’s goal and operation, it is not about private matter but public. Let those who claim the crown or the political power think about the Assimba-Tselemti-Mercato (ATM) factor. There is a missing link to search.

Even one generation could not afford to wait for one hundred years in order to testify and certify.

For questions and comments

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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23. October 2009 by Assimba.

The author can be reached at alem671@hotmail.com

“One of the remarkable facts in the terrible history of famine is that no substantial famine has ever occurred in a country with a democratic form of government and a relatively free press.”¹ These are the words of the renowned Nobel Peace Prize winning economist Dr. Amartya Sen. His well articulated work establishing the link between undemocratic governance with famine is one of the most significant research findings that sheds light on the causes of famine and starvation.

Sean M. Lynn- Jones, Editor of International Security, the International Security Program’s quarterly journal at Harvard’s Belfer Center, concurs with Amartya Sen’s thesis, and he further elaborates on the link between totalitarian rule and famine. He argues, “Most of the countries that have experienced severe famines in recent decades have been among the world’s least democratic.” Such countries include China, Ethiopia, North Korea, Somalia, Cambodia and Sudan.²

Throughout history, famines have occurred in many different types of countries, but never in a democracy.”³ According to Sean M. Lynn- Jones there are two important reasons as to why democracies do not experience famines. “First, in democracies governments are accountable to their populations and their leaders have electoral incentives to prevent mass starvation.”⁴ Secondly, “the existence of a free press and the free flow of information in democracies prevents famine by serving as an early warning system on the effects of natural catastrophes such as floods and droughts that may cause food scarcities. A free press that criticizes government policies also can publicize the true level of food stocks and reveal problems of distribution that might cause famines even when food is plentiful.”⁵

Repeatedly, humanitarian aid agencies and donor nations have appealed for emergency food aid when there has been a sign of rain shortage or total absence of rain in some parts of Ethiopia. Understandably, it is the humanitarian aid agencies’ job to raise the alarm bell so that they can provide what is needed to those who are unable to feed themselves. There is no dispute over the fact that those men and women, children and the elderly suffering from starvation and malnutrition should be taken care of.

The problem, however, is when those on the giving end of the equation fail to understand the causes of famine in its entirety and view it as a single, simple, or uncontrollable phenomenon — the absence of rain. Sadly, as we begin to hear another appeal for emergency food aid by international aid agencies such as the UN World Food Program and others, I am compelled to call upon responsible citizens of the world to consider a few points before opening their wallets and chequebooks and perhaps elevate the discussion surrounding famine beyond rain shortage.

Background

It is perhaps important to provide an abbreviated snapshot of the history of governments and governance in Ethiopia during the last 8 decades in order to assert Amartya Sen’s argument “democracies don’t starve”. In the last 81 years, Ethiopia has changed hands between three rulers: Emperor Hailesellassie (1928-74), Colonel Mengistu H/Mariam (1974-1991), and Mr. Meles Zenawi (1991- Present). In other words, three men have ruled Ethiopia for eighty-one years. Within the same time period in my adopted homeland of Canada, 40 federal elections were called and twenty-two Prime Ministers came to power leading their political parties. Perhaps the most telling reality for me is that since I began my new life in Canada 15 years ago, 5 free and fair federal elections took place and three different Prime Ministers led their parties to victory. In short, I have seen more frequent change of government in the last fifteen years of my life than the people of Ethiopia witnessed in the last eighty-one years. Certainly, it is unfair to expect the same democratic growth or standard from Ethiopia as compared to Canada. What is inferred here is the fact that the struggle for democracy, freedom and justice took so many lives and continues to take more lives everyday. Forty years after the first march for democracy, forty years after the call for an elected government, Ethiopia remains shackled by a ruthless tyrannical regime.

The most publicized famine of Ethiopia happened in 1988 under the watchful eye of the leader of the military junta, Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam.The constant recurring famine has continued to kill numerous people under the watch of Meles Zenawi. The common denominator between these two regimes is that they are undemocratic, and they are not accountable and responsible to the people.

Why?

It is natural for the reader to ask a question “why?” why do these leaders ignore the plight of their people and expose them to such extreme suffering and even death? The answer is totalitarian regimes are pre-occupied and even obsessed with how to maintain their grip on power. They are trapped by the illusion of their superiority and the knowledge that a population with an empty stomach could not organize itself to challenge their authority. Therefore, one way to stay in power is to facilitate and create favourable environment for famine so that citizens remain pre-occupied with feeding themselves instead of working for democracy, social justice, freedom and human rights.

For example, after the 2005-contested election, which was won by a coalition of opposition parties, the government targeted farmers who supported and voted for opposition parties, denying them access to government distributed fertilizers and other farm support materials and supplying to those who voted for the regime. Such a policy did not only affect food production for individual families, but also it contributed substantially to the decrease in food production at a national level.

The other reason totalitarian regimes starve their own population is the emergency food aid is a valuable incentive to the most important institutions that matters to them: the army, police and security apparatus. It is well documented that the previous regime of Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam and the current regime led by Meles Zenawi diverted emergency food aid to strengthen their security institutions because their very survival was and is dependent on how the members of these institutions are fed and paid. They are well aware that any sign of dissatisfaction and discontent by the members of these institutions puts them at risk.

The third reason why totalitarian regimes starve their people is they want to appear caring and concerned about their people by appealing for food assistance. First, they deny that the famine is taking place and when they are confronted with evidence they minimize the scale of it. Finally, they appear to be shaken by the suffering and appeal for humanitarian support. This, in fact, is the pattern that all of us who grew up in Ethiopia witnessed in the last four decades.

The other characteristics of totalitarian regimes are that they try to create a false image by creating ‘projects’, ‘celebrations’, and ‘economic growth’. During the 1988 famine, Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam spent hundreds of millions of dollars celebrating the formation of the Ethiopian Workers Party, and the tenth anniversary of the revolution, while millions were starving and tens and thousands were dying. He even bragged about the ‘remarkable economic growth and transformation’, which he attributed to his leadership.

The current regime in Addis Ababa has adopted the same approach as its predecessor in manufacturing ‘economic development’ on paper while millions are starving. Furthermore, the regime’s slick ability to speak donor language and charm policy makers in the west created unwarranted collaboration, which contributed to the suffering of the people of Ethiopia. The current ruler for his part has claimed to have been delivering a 6- 11% economic growth increase for the last number of years and yet tens of millions of Ethiopians can’t even feed themselves. At the same time, the regime is spending millions of dollars expanding Zenawi’s personal residence inside the national palace, while aid agencies are appealing for food aid to provide for millions of starving citizens

Famine and shortage of food for totalitarian rulers is an opportunity of a different kind. They determine who gets assistance and who doesn’t. In other words they decide who lives and who dies. Such ruthless and inhumane food distribution policy is currently being implemented by the regime in Addis Ababa towards the inhabitants of the Ogaden region in Eastern Ethiopia. Using Ogaden National Liberation Front’s (ONLF) armed resistance against the regime as a pretext, Meles Zenawi restricted food aid to the population choosing to use food aid as weapon causing the death of thousands.

As the hunger and famine siren sounds one more time the regime in Addis Ababa is too busy selling farm land to foreign governments from the Persian Gulf to grow food in Ethiopia and transport it back to their countries to feed their population because their climate doesn’t allow them to grow food. Readers of this article might be surprised to hear the fact that Ethiopia is growing food for other countries. However, the information is posted on the Ethiopian government web site, describing the deals: “The investment deals are part of an initiative by the Saudi Arabian government to secure food security for the Kingdom by acquiring fertile land in neighbouring countries with sole aim of providing food supplies for the country [Saudi Arabia].” ⁶ So, the question is if Meles Zenawi is selling land to foreign countries to grow their food, why is it that Ethiopia is unable to grow food for its own people? Do the Saudis bring their own rain?

Ethiopia has suffered from several famines, and many Ethiopians are chronically

hungry. The reason for famine cannot be traced just to the shortfall of rain. Economic, political, as well as environmental, factors should be included when explaining the causes of famine. Drought occurs frequently all over the world, and doesn’t always lead to famine. Weather is only ever one of several factors causing famine or chronic hunger. The main factor leading to famine in Ethiopia is the continuation of the cycle of poverty through oppression. Poor people do not have the resources to deal with shocks, and are more likely to be pushed into unsustainable ways of coping such as selling equipment, sending children out to work or eating less. Unequal trading systems also contribute to hunger in Ethiopia.

Another factor contributing to hunger is the land management system. In Ethiopia, individuals do not own land; it is assigned according to the size of a family, and redistributed every few years. Every time land is redistributed it is divided between more people, so each farmer gets less. Lack of investment, and the need for large yields from a small area, leads to land degradation.

What can citizens in donor countries do?

Ask questions:

1. Is the food shortage and famine in Ethiopia simply caused by lack of rainfall?

2. What is the political environment in Ethiopia?

   1. Are people in Ethiopia free to organize, express their political views with out restrictions and chose their leaders in a free and fair election?

   2. When was the last time the people of Ethiopia participated in a free and free election?

   3. Are there political prisoners/prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia?

   4. What happens to those who dare to challenge the authority of the current regime led by Meles Zenawi?

   5. What is the current regime’s policy toward its neighbours and what is the amount of money spent invading and occupying Somalia? Money that otherwise could have been used to alleviate poverty.

The answer to all of these questions could easily be found from the web sites of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Genocide Watch and other human rights and social justice organizations. Furthermore, the roles of these international organizations are now restricted by the new Ethiopian legislation that limits aid and humanitarian agencies ability to practice in the country.

What can policy makers of donor countries do?

The tragic events of September 11, 2001 caused the death of thousands of innocent people and as a result family members of those died were grief stricken. Certainly it is a despicable show of cruelty and ghastly act of violence. Any peace-loving citizen regardless of their geographic boundary felt the pain and shared the grief with those who lost their loved once. People around the world showed their solidarity with the American people. Unfortunately, the militaristic reaction of President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney brought known and condemned tyrants in to the fold of “the coalition of the willing” in the name of ‘fighting terrorism” Among the first once to jump on the band wagon was Meles Zenawi.

82 Million People Taken Hostage by “The War on Terror”

One of the regions identified by the Bush administration as a potential regrouping zone for the terrorist group Al-Qaida was the Horn of Africa. Particularly, the failed state of Somalia was identified as a major destination for the jihadists to expand the radical groups’ presence in Africa (though there was/is no empirical evidence supporting this theory).

Like many of the African tyrants, Meles Zenawi confirmed his loyalty to George W. Bush and his willingness to ‘fight terrorism in Somalia’ and in the region. He was invited to the White House to receive a tap on the shoulder for his performance. In return Bush supplied some military training and hardware including Humvees, which were used to fire on opposition rallies in 2005 killing more than one hundred and fifty peaceful demonstrators. Subsequently, the US ‘banned the sale of Humvees’⁷ after confirming their use against peaceful demonstrators.

For George W. Bush and his Western allies, such as the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, the democratization of Ethiopia is not their primary concern. They wanted their so-called “War on Terror” to succeed. One of the strategies developed by the Bush administration was to outsource the mini ‘War on Terror’ campaigns to those who are waiting anxiously to say, ‘Yes Sir!’. One of the leaders willing and ready to sub-contract happens to be Meles Zenawi.

Tragically, the cost of such an outsourcing enterprise is not just the death and injury of young men and women in uniform. The cost is in fact far beyond that. In Ethiopia, the ‘War on Terror’ became an impediment to the struggle for true democracy, freedom, human rights and social justice. The regime of Meles Zenawi, enjoying the tacit blessing by Western governments to its repressive and cruel policy on its own people, has become more emboldened and so much so that it has begun to design it’s own ‘anti-terrorism legislation’ in the name of ‘fighting terrorism.’ It is an open secret, however; the real reason behind the ‘legislation” is to completely neutralize dissent. Most importantly, by associating all potential opposition with ‘terrorism’ the regime wanted to continue winning the support and blessing of the West and subsequently convince Western policy makers that that there is no viable force other than the current regime to effectively fight terrorism in the region. In effect, tacit approval of the West became part of the largest hostage taking in the history of humankind. 82 million people continue to be hostages of misguided Western policy and under cruel, unjust and repressive regime of Meles Zenawi.

Should these unjust policies of Bush and Blair continue even after they themselves are long gone? The answer is an emphatic ‘No’. The only way to effectively curb the potential violence caused by extremists groups is not by strengthening equally violent and ruthless regimes such as the regime in Addis Ababa. Democratization, freedom, rule of law and respect for human rights is the only way not just to defeat violence in a short term but to guarantee sustainable peace for all. The question is, how should Western policy makers partner with the people of Ethiopia in dealing with the reoccurrence of famine? Here are some suggestions:

1. If they don’t see a good enough reason in joining the people of Ethiopia in the struggle for democracy, at least they should not support tyrants like Meles Zenawi.

2. Learn from history. The ‘strong men’ approach in Africa never worked and it never will.

3. Partner with the people of Ethiopia to fight terrorism instead of collaborating with a repressive regime.

4. Out-line a clear policy statement linking undemocratic governance with food shortage.

5. Stop merely shipping short-term food aid and instead work with the people of Ethiopia to promote democracy, freedom and development, which in return nurtures good economic policy and deals with poverty and starvation.

In summary, a simplistic understanding of famine as an absence of rain does not hold up to scrutiny. Such an incomplete understanding only nourishes tyranny and continues to promote injustice. Broad, deliberate and long-term thinking is required to pull Ethiopia out of famine and underdevelopment. The answer to the problems of Ethiopia couldn’t be found in the capitals of the Western world. Unfortunately, partial causes of the problems, however, can be traced in the West. Western government financial, political and even military support to the undemocratic regime in Ethiopia has enormously delayed the democratization process of the country. This, in effect, has impacted negatively the potential for economic growth and political transformation. Let’s not see famine in isolation democracy, freedom and hunger linked. In the words of Dr. Amartya Sen, democracies don’t starve. Ethiopia’s problem is not lack of rain; it is the famine of leadership.

The author can be reached at alem671@hotmail.com

1 http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/jod/v010/10.3sen.html

2 http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/2830/why_the_united_states_should_spread_democracy.html

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 http://www.waltainfo.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=8929&Itemid=47

7 http://www.voanews.com/english/archive/2006-01/2006-01-05-voa51.cfm?CFID=277693393&CFTOKEN=57060797&jsessionid=8830f5ac180076c27bab322643d352046296

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7. October 2009 by Assimba.

By Hama Tuma

I am sure there are a lot of people who think that begging needs no training, all you have to do is look miserly (which you will look if reduced to that state of starvation and stress or anxiety anyway), roll your eyes, and beg. How wrong they are! Begging is an art like all other such callings, it needs training and expertise and the recent report that in one Indian village such a beggars’ school exists has highlighted the necessity of stopping the amateur beggars in Africa, a continent known for its ultra professional beggars.

In the good old days you could just beg (have pity on me oh passer by, I am starving!) and tug at he hearts of otherwise disinterested citizens. Modern times have hardened the ordinary human being; pity is a scarce commodity, giving help turned into a business unto itself. Consider the number of charity organizations and NGOs around the world (more than seventy in Addis Ababa dealing with the thriving business of child adoption) and the point becomes clear. Begging has become a competitive business, cut throat all the way, very capitalist. You can’t have the millionaire without the beggar. One begs the other, the contrast is all. Beggars have to be professional, modern, savvy– the times require this. In Egypt, India, Ethiopia and other places professionalism has reached the level where a beggar can rent a child for a day; organize an open bleeding wound to expose to appear pitiable and very wretched. The hard hearts need shocks, in the Indian school of begging children are taught how to sound and appear miserable while in places like Ethiopia there is really no need of training for this–we are very miserable.

Professional begging has now become as African as cassava, foufou. matoke, ugali and Injera. Any African tyrant worthy of this name is first of all a beggar par excellence, the only difference he has with the beggar on the street is that he lives in the palace or State House. Those who refused to beg from the Mau Mau, to the “NO” man Sekou Toure, the Amilcar Cabrals, Netos and Machels–where are they now? Those who opted beg had a better end—some ruled for long like Houphet or Bongo senior, Mobutu or Kamuzu. They had the art of begging down to a capital B. One of the main tenets of professional begging is for the beggar not to exhibit inferiority. The assertive beggar is the successful one. The begging tyrant hoards millions, drives posh cars, lives in palaces and yet treks to the West to beg. But, before such pilgrimages and hajjes are made there is a dangerous animal to kill and it is called humiliation. The beggar should never feel this thing called humiliation. The people may be starving, the capital city may be stinking to the seven plus heavens, the oil millions may have disappeared down into the tyrant’s secret bank accounts abroad and hundreds of thousands of starving children may be sleeping on the streets but, as we say in Ethiopia, he must wash his eye with salt and beg. The beggar artist called Meles Zenawi for example begged the West for food aid for the famine stricken millions by boldly accusing the West of not delivering food aid in time. If the young African girl called Dambisa Mayo riles against foreign aid, the fruit of begging, it is because she knew not poverty and the need to beg as she came from a well to do family. The artist beggar must be adept at spinning captivating stories–extending the palm and wailing for help is of no use. Have a story line, drama and suspense, falling down the ladder, endurance and suffering and spin it with good presentation skills. Make the donor part of the operation–give and you shall receive. That is why donors give our tyrants money after money and take back quite a big part of it back while the tyrant gets a considerable sum to add to his coffers. Why should the World Bank give Meles Zenawi and other dictator millions? Surely, it is not because they tell the Bank grim tales of human rights violations, broad daylight massacres, concentration camps and war mongering. The World Bank and the IMF, or the donors in general, do like cruel dictators but they do not like to be told of this in public. They want lying beggars. I once saw in one American city a homeless person with a begging bowl in front of him and a written sign which stated “No need to lie: it’s for the drinks”. Many a kind elderly person passed him by, angry. Few donors want the truth. Likewise, the tyrant beggar cannot openly claim I am begging for money to steal or to buy arms with. He must spin a convincing story of worth, combining arrogance (make them feel guilty with neo colonial and imperialism references if need be) with a we are going to perish like flies if you do not fork some millions over and he must convince the donors who instinctively wonder “what is in it for us.” The beggar must learn to share.

No country is FOB (Free of Beggars) and one of the countries teeming with beggars, India, is trying to use repressive measures to clean Delhi from its thousands of beggars before the October 2010 Commonwealth games. This country touted as a democracy and still practicing the caste system that has rendered millions untouchable and without rights is using courts in vans and trucks to send beggars to detention centers and prisons. Such a round up was also tried by Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia, Arap Moi in Kenya and their attempt to monopolize begging by eliminating the street beggars has failed miserably. If the top man begs the white man the ordinary folk can beg from the black man or woman. It is a desperate situation and in downtown Nairobi enterprising street kids cover themselves with human excrement and threaten office going women to throw some at them unless they give them a few shillings. This aggressive begging has proved effective. Meles Zenawi at the G20 meetings tried to look as one of the donors or the big countries giving us a good example of the professional beggar without any notion of humility. Profitable as it is, begging has branched out and become a nation wide profession. Some expose their wounds and deformities as in the past while others perform, sing or stand as stone statues to beg. The latter do get more money but begging 101 also comes along with teaching stealing expertise as our tyrants have taught us over the years. Beg and steal go together–show me an African tyrant who begs for help from the West but does not steal from it or the people. The tyrants are so in it that they steal elections and innocent lives too.

The beggar is a pauper who has no money and begs for it. And the beggar is also the one who takes the money that is not his and in this definition we can bring in the tyrants and the corrupt ministers like the British MPs who were actors of the recent scandal of appropriating public money fraudulently and illegally. They really do not need money but they cannot kick the begging monkey off their back. Mobutu, Bongo, Meles, Moi, the list is long of those who have become rich by begging and stealing but still continue to beg. They have so crowded the field that the paupers and poor people in need of help are edged out, rounded up, harassed and jailed. It is a tough world out there. The beggar’s school in India teaches how to overcome this and survive in the face of big and voracious beggars called ministers and leaders. The millions of beggars in Africa do need such a school. Can India help instead of taking over our lands and riches just like China and the West?

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