13. November 2009 by Assimba.

November 10, 2009  By Alex Birhanu - alexbirhanu@yahoo.com

In today’s Eritrea, a country of 5 million people, the acute needs are becoming boundless by the day as this tiny nation is continuously slipping down into its deepest political isolation and economic stagnation since its de-facto “16 years of fuzzy independence”. A decade after the 1998-2000 devastating border flare-ups with Ethiopia that remains unresolved to this very day, Afeworki has never been permitting popular political elections in country. To the contrary, according to the US-State Department human rights report that came out in 2008, he banned opposition groups and independent media, and reportedly banished thousands of people to remote desert prisons where they languish without trial in “harsh and life-threatening conditions”. The unresolved border dispute with Ethiopia is used by Afeworki and his regime to justify the severe restrictions held on civil liberties by effective control of the security force (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2008/af/119000.htm).

Men and women younger than 50 within Eritrea rarely get permission to leave the country as the entire able-bodied population is assigned on military reserve duty frightening and flexing such duty against the Ethiopian army posted along the border-lines along Badme–Tsorena zones. In fact, anyone who resist the service are routinely imprisoned and tortured, as documented in a 96-page 2009 report by Human Rights Watch, which found that Afeworki’s regime had issued a ‘shoot-to-kill’ orders for anyone caught trying to cross any of the borders without permission.

Amidst all these flexing and frightening regime-led chaos, the fabrication of non-existent national attributes in order to arouse the attention of different religious and ethnic groups of people in Eritrea from the mainstream political status quo to less critical issues of separating the Eritrean people from the rest of Ethiopia has remained an age old trick employed by Afeworki and his stooges working for the Eritrean regime that bids mainly to lengthen Afeworki’s stay on power.

Thanks to Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia who persistently kept Isaias Afeworki in chase and check positions since the mid-1990s, Afeworki’s regime is now almost on the verge of collapse and his tiny nation’s economy, education and all other social fabrics are constantly squeezed simply for maintaining its fuzzy and bloody borders watch efforts. Eritrea’s de-facto independence has become a high costing game to toil for. Evidently, the Eritrean peoples under 50 years of age are held to indefinitely serve in the national army hiding behind deeply-dug trenches stretching across thousands of kilometres from Badme to Tsorena fronts. And at all times, these SAWA-military graduates remain restlessly alert for any likely flare-up of skirmishes with the Ethiopian army standing equally alert on the other side of the ‘no-man-zone’.

Yes, Afeworki’s regime keeps on digging-up and employing a series of flexing and frightening old tricks in the same fashion as it used to do during its good-old EPLF-frontal stance of the 1960, through to 1990s by causing riffraff, rifts and ethnic-division among peoples inside Ethiopia; simply to enrich its creational tiny nation that hardly withstands the existence of a united and stronger Ethiopia. While keeping the entire Eritrean population as part of its military garrisons stretching along the thousands of miles of trenches in the wake of likely attacks by the Ethiopian army, Afeworki simply remains naive enough to assume that his age old flexing and frightening dirty tricks will continue to work for the despotic regime; but it is vivid to anyone today, including the overwhelming Eritrean population, that his outmoded regime’s flexing and frightening strategies have failed to work for the past seventeen years.

And now, it is out of context for Afeworki and his totalitarian regime to speak about their flattery favour of the Ethiopian unity and oneness at this 11^th hour of the Eritrean regime moving towards its doom. At the cost of repeating history, it is to be recalled from the early 1970s that, Afeworki personally created and reared TPLF as its political baby inside Eritrea; and instructed TPLF to author the 1968 Manifesto while operating underground in its infancy days of their joint political meandering. From the start, this manifesto outlined by TPLF specifies targets to forward its inner wishes and desires on how to manoeuvre the circumstances along with EPLF and come to power, than work towards creating a democratic and federated regime that maintains the unity of Ethiopia in tact.

Although initially the EPLF of those days seemed to oppose the contents of TPLF’s initial manifesto and demanded a milder version of it by instructing the fundamental inclusion of the question of colonization of the Tigray-Tigrign peoples into the manifesto; it eventually agreed upon the inclusion of self-determination up to secession of all nationalities. Thanks to the boundless inputs, zealous efforts and strong bondage and comradeships of TPLF, Afeworki and EPLF ultimately succeeded to come to power in Eritrea through involvement in their outlandish public acrimony and playing down the need for the existence of a united and strong Ethiopia in the Horn of Africa. And ever since the TPLF-captured power in 1990, it ratified article-39 in its regime’s constitution; and even approved this infamous article that made secession legitimate within Ethiopia. But Ironic enough, in Eritrea, there has never been such talks of self-determination up to secession of all nationalities.

Today, after having successfully done the infrastructural damage and the human harm that divided the Eritrean and the Ethiopian peoples, Isaias Afeworki’s regime in Eritrea is trying to shade its crocodile tears by openly voicing its concerns about a strong and a united Ethiopia. Although secession was a cardinal decision that belonged jointly to both the Eritrean and the Ethiopian peoples to fraternally hold a democratic referendum such and many more incidents illustrate the fact on the ground, that it has never been the desire of either the Eritrean or the Ethiopian peoples; except for the joint Afeworki and Zenawi decision of the time who wished initially to see a divided and weaker Ethiopia.

Particularly, the Eritrean stance on the issue of Ethiopia has always been unwaveringly agitated on the wrong path since the times of the EPLF-TPLF marriage, forward moving relationships and struggles for power seizure. Ever since its creation, Afeworki and his regime have always entertained a ruse to divide Ethiopia by working hand in hand with different ethnic-led Ethiopian political entities to eventually split Ethiopia into smaller nations; and sought to open a new Eritrean regime’s chapter of mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence with these smaller nations. It has consistently been the desire of Afeworki and his regime to work against a united and strong Ethiopia, because, strength and unity in Ethiopia, means weakness and subordination of Eritrea.

Flexing and Frightening Domestic and Foreign Policy

At the domestic front, lack of basic human rights, food shortages and frustration due to lack of popular government election in Eritrea are few of the trifling faces of deeper problems: a government that commits flagrant human rights abuses suppression and dissent. In future these could be merely the tip of the iceberg if the underlying detailed issues are not addressed. For instance the repression of the Kunama minorities, and religious sects, the widening cultural separation between Moslem lowlanders and the Christian highlanders could lead to the kind of anarchy that has plagued Somalia for a generation.

Regarding law and order in Eritrea, the U.S. State Department’s 2008 Human Rights report contains a chilling inventory of Afeworki’s regime practices. Lists of abuses are too long to repeat here. Main highlights include: limitations on citizens’ right to elect a government; unlawful killings, torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, usually with impunity; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers of forces opposed to Afeworki’s regime. In fact, the terror Afeworki has inflicted on his own people threatens to turn Eritrea into a failed state and a haven for terrorists by breeding constant fear, violence and systematic repression. In the absence of outside pressure, Isaias Afeworki and his cronies will never willingly change their dogmatic stand.

From its foreign policy point of view, the United States and other international bodies have consistently accused Isaias Afworki of funnelling arms, money and clandestine piracy supports to Islamist insurgents in Somalia and opposition groups in Djibouti (see the June 2009 report issued by the UN Munitions Monitoring Group) and have even threatened to slap him with sanctions. Regardless of such warnings, Isaias is bent on wresting influence from neighbouring nations including Ethiopia and has opened-up training centres for several rebel groups coming from various parts of the Horn of Africa. To our dismay, since some years now, Afeworki and his regime keep on accusing the UN Security Council of ignoring what it called “breaches of international law by Ethiopia”, with which it fought a 1998-2000 border war that ultimately killed about 70,000 people. On the contrary, critics including the U.N. Security Council, the African Union and the United States Government have repeatedly and openly stated that Afeworki’s regime has isolated itself; and consequently, it has become a danger to the national and regional security of the Horn of Africa; attempting to destabilise neighbouring nations including Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan. But Afeworki has always denied claiming that his regime has long been the victim of pro-Ethiopian prejudice and unfair meddling by the international community, particularly pertaining to its border dispute with Ethiopia (See: C Thomson, Reuters 2009).

Conclusive Remarks:

It is high time and quite essential that the international community tied in globalization frameworks, especially the United States of America, press the Eritrean regime to allow the Eritrean people to exercise the most basic human and democratic rights including justifiable referendum to outweigh the likely federation with Ethiopia. On a serious note, the U.S. government should align its rhetoric with its policies by putting critical embargos on Eritrea’s outlandish foreign affairs and domestic policies. It should also demand Afeworki’s regime to remove restrictions on foreign assistance to non-governmental organizations and give opposition parties access to function within Eritrea and to the media. Or else, the USA should help Eritrean opposition groups in Diaspora to remove Afeworki and bring democratic governance to Eritrea.

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13. November 2009 by Assimba.

By Alem Mamo

“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”

—Martin Luther King, Jr.

Much has been said about the curse of natural resources in the African continent. From the suffering of the Ogony people and subsequent murder of environmentalist and human rights activist Ken Saro-Wiwa in the Niger Delta, along with eight fellow activists, to the displacement of millions of citizens across the continent so that tyrannical regimes and multinational corporations can exploit and benefit from the riches that cover the beautiful landscape of Africa. Certainly the most publicised of all such enterprises is the diamond trade and how it has oiled and fuelled conflict in parts of Africa. As repressive regimes, lawless rebel groups and multinational corporations have juggled for portions of the pie, the inhabitants of the land have been uprooted and persecuted for voicing their opposition.

The abundance of natural resources in the context of fair, just and equitable social, economic, and political systems is a blessing, as it can be used sustainably and wisely to reinvest in local communities, for instance through building infrastructure and schools, and providing health care. In dictatorial regimes, however, it is capital for oppression and is used to silence dissent. Furthermore, it is often utilized to build the military and security apparatus that is established to maintain a grip on power. One such regime identified by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Democracy Watch and other international human rights organizations is the regime currently in power in Ethiopia - the original homeland of coffee. After overthrowing the military dictatorship of Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam in 1991, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), with Mr. Meles Zenawi as it’s head, has established one of the most repressive regimes in Ethiopian history – and is using Ethiopia’s great resource, coffee, to finance its oppressive efforts.

Coffee, the aroma of Ethiopian culture that brings family, neighbours, friends and even strangers together everyday, now has become a curse to the people of Ethiopia. In line with the typical practise of tyrannical regimes in Africa, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) currently in power in Ethiopia¹, has maintained a stronghold not only on political power, but also it has continued to stifle any economic progress by imposing one of the most illiterate economic policies in the African continent.² This policy has only benefited the business enterprise of the regime’s senior echelon, their families and close associates. On the other hand, millions of Ethiopians struggle to feed their families and children, and men and women continue to depend on food aid.

The recent announcement by Guna (TPLF owned business enterprise that operates several parastatal) declaring their intention to monopolize the coffee export business is a brazen declaration of total economic and political monopoly that has the hallmarks of absolute dictatorship. The impact of such a policy on the average farmers and their families predictably is making a tragic situation even worse. Coffee, the main cash crop of the Ethiopian economy accounts for 65% of foreign currency earning in Ethiopia, and the economic survival of many depends on it. Now, with this recent declaration what the regime effectively has done is take control of perhaps the most vital source of income for the country. Given the government’s record of spending in the past several years, it is a justifiable fear that this new income would be used to purchase military hardware for the purpose of strengthening its security, intelligence and police force with the prime assignment of quashing descent, silencing potential opposition and intimidating citizens. Since coming to power in 1991 the regime spent 5, 402 billion dollars on the military and security that terrorized the Ethiopian people for the last 18 years. The primary source of foreign currency used to purchase these deadly weapons is the export and sale of coffee.³Coffee, the centrepiece of Ethiopian culture, a gift of Ethiopia to the rest of the world, now has become the fuel of a dictatorial regime that has no regard for human life and human dignity. By officially declaring its intent to control the coffee export business, the regime’s calculated move places under its power the major source of foreign currency earning that it needs for the purchase of military hardware.

For the last 18 years the people of Ethiopia have endured unimaginable suffering in the hands of a regime bent on staying in power at any cost. As a result, tens of thousands of people have left the country and countless languish in the dungeons of prison, simply for voicing their opposition or for being suspected opposition to the regime has terrorized innocent civilians by its security, army and police force.

Despite the imprisonment, torture, disappearances and deaths, however, the people of Ethiopia continue to show their disapproval of the regime and resist it in any way they can. As history tells us, the struggle for freedom, democracy and justice should not be confined to the political boundary of a state or certain territory. As martin Luther King Jr. said, injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere.⁴

The same way that coffee, a gift of Ethiopia to the world, became universal, the struggle of the Ethiopian people for democracy, justice, human rights and freedom must become a common struggle of humanity. In the past, the appalling oppressive system of apartheid, the unjust system of slavery didn’t end only through the resistance of those who were oppressed. Anti-apartheid movements on the streets of Europe, North America, Africa and elsewhere were a strong part of the freedom movement.

The recent declaration is simply a matter of formality and a demonstration of the regime’s determination to consolidate all economic and political power. Since coming to power 18 years ago the TPLF regime has directly and indirectly asserted its control over vital economic sources and financial institutions. What makes the recent declaration about monopolizing the coffee export market different is that the regime is not even pretending to be an advocate of free market economy, as it tried in the past to deceive donor countries and international financial institutions.

For coffee drinkers around the world, particularly to those who are fond of the Ethiopian brand, I urge you to consider and reflect on a few points before you order your morning medium or dark roast Ethiopian. Ask the following questions:

• What if the transaction you make to purchase a cup of coffee is helping to strengthen the oppressive institutions of one of the most ruthless regimes in Africa, if not in the world?
• What if the money you paid for a cup of coffee pays for the purchase of bullets and weapons used against pro-democracy activists?
• What if your coffee money pays the salary of those who torture and kill innocent civilians, human rights activists and advocates of social justice?
• What if your warm cup of coffee funds the luxury life of those who work full time against democracy, justice, human rights and democracy?

If you have answered these questions sufficiently and formed an opinion on the ongoing struggle for the establishment of a true democracy in Ethiopia then you should consider a form of action to carry out your global citizenship duty and responsibility. Here are some suggestions:

• Stop helping the machinery of oppression, injustice and terror.

• Gather information about the violations of human, democratic and political rights in Ethiopia. You can access factual and reliable information from the websites of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Genocide Watch, and Committee to Protect Journalists and other international advocacy organizations.

• Educate your classmates, colleagues, friends and family members about the appalling human rights situation in Ethiopia.
• Question trade labels. Although some of them may be genuinely helping those in need, there are some “fair trade” labels that still fatten the pockets of tyrants and their cronies.
• Join existing online campaigns for human rights, democracy and justice in Ethiopia or start-up a new campaign on Facebook, MySpace or other online social networking sites.
• Remember, we cannot make poverty history unless we make injustice, tyranny and dictatorship history. Therefore, do not fall into the trap of treating the symptom – help get rid of the cause of poverty.
• Your government may be showing unwarranted indifference when it comes to the pro-democracy movement in Ethiopia, perhaps even tacitly approving of the actions of the regime in Addis Ababa. Educate yourself about your government’s role and write to your representative voicing your concerns.

A responsible global citizen is not bound by geographic or political boundaries. The actions of someone somewhere could make the difference between life and death to those who are shackled and unable to speak for themselves. For some, the consequences of speaking up could prove to be deadly, particularly under a regime such as that in power in Ethiopia. These are a few suggestions, and they are not the only ideas to support the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia. Choose your own form of involvement that you think could be more effective. Finally, in the words of Archbishop Desmond Tutu attributed to the African philosophy of Ubuntu “I need you to be all you can be, so that I can be all that I can be. It is that my humanity is caught up in your humanity. The solitary human being is a contradiction in terms. We say: a person is a person through other persons.”⁵ Finally, don’t be a bystander in this worthy struggle. After all, Ethiopia is your original homeland, too. The land of Lucy and Ardi where the initial journey of humanity began. Join the struggle for freedom! You will be rewarded with nothing more than the freedom of your fellow human beings.

“Use your freedom to promote ours.”

Aung San Suu Kyi

1 A reader unfamiliar with Ethiopian politics might be surprised to hear a Liberation Front runs Ethiopia, and that by itself is a topic of discussion to which I intend to address in the near future.

2 http://www.cbc.ca/world/story/2009/10/09/f-vp-stewart.html

3 http://milexdata.sipri.org/result.php4

4 http://www.africa.upenn.edu/Articles_Gen/Letter_Birmingham.html

5 http://www.weltethos.org/00–home/tutu-e.htm

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