19. March 2010 by Assimba.

Hama Tuma

 Some people claim that Bob Geldof was a much more modest man, though a not so polite one, before the Queen knighted him and he became a Sir. These same quarters, it must be said, claim that Bono was a nice person before he succumbed to the delusion that he has indeed become the saviour of Africa. Delusions, as Napoleon should have said, are dangerous things.

The recent outburst by Bob Geldof against the BBC alarms only those who believed that self declared do gooders are indeed saints instead of cunning business people. Surprised are also those who naively believe that the very many NGOs claiming to help our continent have no ulterior motives whatsoever. The generous people of Ethiopia have, as I pointed out so many times before, continued to stage a famine every five or ten years to give employment to young westerners. Who really knew a group called Boomtown Rats and a hippie type fellow called Bob Geldof before the 1984 Ethiopian Famine? Very few people is the correct reply. How many NGOs were aching for funds before the 1984 Ethiopian famine came to their rescue so much so that some of them (like War on Want) had to deal later with messy embezzlement scandals? For example, George Galloway, War on Want General Secretary, was accused of misuse of funds and of living luxuriously at the charity’s expense. Let alone enlightened Westerners, even we Africans, usually taken to be naive and innocent savages, know that we live in a cruel and callous world. Sympathy and charity often hide self concern and greed. The Lords of Poverty are many and they are actually heartless. How many of the foreign NGO workers in the Sudan during the 1984 famine were accused of diverting money? How many used the NGO cover to engage in what one Sudanese prosecutor later called “big scale human trafficking”–Operation Solomon or the exodus of Bette Israelis through the Sudan to Israel? On the other hand, the victims of famines and disaster are not thankless people at all. Ethiopians for one have said thank you again and again to those who came to their rescue even though no less than a million people did perish from the 1984 famine not only because of the lack of food but because the famine aid or donation was diverted for other purposes by a trio of the military government in Addis Ababa, the Tigrean rebels in the jungle (who are now in power) and quite a few of the NGOs themselves. This is the truth that is choking Sir-Saint Bob Geldof and throwing him into a fit of frenzy.

Sir-Saint-tongue lashing Bob Geldof claims not on penny from the Band Aid money was misused or taken by the Tigrean rebels of Meles Zenawi for their own use. To affirm his point, Geldof has even stooped as low as attacking the former Tigrean front leaders who had and have exposed this unpalatable truth. The neighbours of Geldof, the Scots, say a fool when he has spoken has done all and let me add the Ashanti saying that says: by the time the fool has learned to play the game the players have disappeared. Obviously, no one really likes to be taken for a ride especially if one considers oneself the top intelligent dog and the cheating is being done by African nonentities. In other words, one understands the anger and denial of Geldof, Christian Aid and others duped by the sleek operators of the Tigrean front while other NGOs are joining the protest fray to cover up their conscious role as suppliers of money and grain and sugar and trucks to the Tigrean Front. What really happened?

What was really happening was exposed by other insurgent movements like the EPRP back then in 1984 but the Geldofs, sure of themselves, smugly refused to lend an ear. Saint Geldof was unable to see the sinners playing havoc with the Band Aid money as the truth is that most of the aid diverted by the Tigrean front came from Band Aid itself. What was really happening was the big scale diversion by the Meles Zenawi front (TPLF) of the aid to the famine victims in Tigrai and even parts of Wello (where the TPLF claimed its satellite group, the EPDM, had liberated vast territory of land and people and Oxfam UK, for one. secretly supplied cash to the said group). To get a full picture of the situation we have to go back to the vast operation planned by the CIA (with the full accord of British intelligence) to use the famine situation to destabilize and overthrow the totalitarian and pro Soviet regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. To launch the operation George Bush senior, then vice president, travelled to Khartoum, Sudan, and conferred with Jafar Nimeri, the then Sudanese president. As the wily Mengistu had restricted the presence and activities of the Western NGOs the decision was made to use the backdoor to “embarrass and destabilize” the regime. Meles Zenawi agreed to transport thousands of Tigrean famine victims to the Sudan so that the Western papers can claim people are fleeing from the “government side” and expose the Mengistu regime further. More importantly or ominously for Mengistu, the famine was to be used as a cover to strengthen the Tigrean and Eritrean fronts (the EPLF mainly which the Westerners described as Christian dominated). The operation of transporting thousands of emaciated famine victims from Tigrai down south to the Wedi Kewli camp in Gondar (near the Sudanese frontier) cost the lives of thousands of famine victims (the French MSF was in charge at Wedi Kewli) and brought millions to the Tigrean front.

This was the time of the cold war, the time of the Contras. The US administration had even set up its own Ethiopian Contra group–the EPDA–which, as expected seeing the inept personnel picked by the CIA, failed to take off. Already existing Western NGOs flocked to the Sudan, to Khartoum, Gedaref, Kassala, etc. New NGOs were also set up in haste (Sudan Aid and Grassroots International-come to mind) and a centre was set up in the Sudan to coordinate and channel all donations/aid to the Tigrean front. Norwegian Council of Churches, Swedish and German agencies played a critical role in this. Oxfam UK, Care, World Vision, Save the Children, IRC and some others started to knowingly channel the aid given by the USA, Britain, other western governments and the EU. The Tigrean front received hundreds of Scania, Volvo, Mercedes and Isuzu trucks and Toyota and other Japanese four wheel drives as well as cash. Thousands of tons of sugar that it received were sold as received in the Sudan itself. The same with grain (called Reagan’s wheat at the time). What was going was not secret. Most of the cash thus obtained was deposited in British banks, in the Saudi American bank in Jeddah and other banks in the USA (found in New York and Washington mostly). Again, this was not a secret to the CIA or to British intelligence, to the Sudan or to Ethiopians living in the Sudan at the time. The persistent call made NOT to give the aid directly to the Tigrean front or to the Mengistu regime as both would not distribute it to the famine victims was ignored. Ethiopians told the Geldofs and the BBC too “we know our crooked politicians and they will starve us to death” but cold war politics was played on the life of the Ethiopians and many perished as a result.

Sir Bob can justifiably ask the BBC why the revelation comes at this time, so many years later. But the fact remains that the Tigrean front diverted at least US$ 100 million and used most of the money to buy arms from China and others places using end user certificates signed by the Sudan and Somalia. It is not true that the Tigrean front had enough weapons at the time–everyone knows that had not the famine and money came it was on the verge of collapse. The Tigrean front gained military and economic muscle by diverting food and financial aid sent to the famine victims. Band Aid was one of those duped and robbed as was Christian Aid. Such is the fact that no insult and denial from Bob Geldof and others who abetted in the operation can cover up. This the fact that has been revealed now by former top leaders of the Tigrean front though Meles and others in league with him expectedly deny. Where did the money come to establish the various economic firms and corporations that, when the front took over power in 1991, turned into a conglomeration under EFFORT to dominate the Ethiopian economy? Saint Geldof’s furious denial also sounds hollow as almost anyone with some information knows that aid money has been, was and will be diverted as is happening right now in Somalia and also in Ethiopia (where unless you are a member of the ruling Tigrean front no food aid would be given to you). Geldof should cool down, muster up a mea culpa and learn from his mistake rather than hurling insults at those who, better late than ever, have exposed the truth.

I must confess to a strong aversion for those Westerners who appoint themselves our saviours, who become our spokesmen without our permission and who still hobnob with our tormentors only to call them cleaver, intelligent and democratic minded. Meles Zenawi is a scoundrel who sat and still sits on an ethnic mafia outfit. He was and still is a ruthless and cunning thief. I pity Bob Geldof as I fear he would never have the courage to admit he has been had by a street smart con man whom he considered to be a wise political leader. As the Scots (and Indian Tamils) like to say: confession of a fault is half amends. Unless British Knights never admit their mistakes.

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13. March 2010 by Assimba.

By Obo Arada Shawl  03-13 – 2010

The title seems a bit odd and perhaps ambiguous. Yes, the word ADWA has a double meaning; you guessed it right.

The question is whose side are you on?

Headline News

Last year, March 2009, a conference on a choice between CONFEDERATION and FEDERATION – between Ethiopia and Eritrea was held in Oakland, California. The main proponents for either Confederation or Federation were Professors Tesfazion Medhane and Daniel Kinde respectively. Both professors have presented their proposals in book forms as well as in different mass media – RTVO- አርቲቮ. That conference was discredited by Aiga forum but was endorsed by President Issais of Eritrea.

This year it is expected to continue the same discussion more so with identified problems and studied solutions for in this conference, sixteen professionals comprising six professors, four Drs (PhD) and six Messrs will be attending as keynote speakers, panel discussants and presenters of researched papers.

We all know that there are solutions out there, but we have to figure out which one fits best for all Eathiopians, federation, confederation or other alternative choices.

As a reminder for the participants of the conference, before forging friendships, one should delve into the main reasons for their separation. The participants would have to agree on answering the following three basic questions in a precise and concise manner. (Hint: colonialism or confusion or betrayal etc)

What was the main cause for their separation?

Why do Eritreans now need to have a relationship with Ethiopians?

How do we go about forging relationships? (Hint: 16 monetary countries or 27 political countries of EU)

In the past, it was true that most Eritreans and Ethiopians did not differentiate between Wars and Revolutions. Federation or Confederation may also be a difficult concept for our understanding. Otherwise, we are all enthusiastic to support especially the researched papers from our beloved scholars and academicians of Eathiopia. I hope they will come up with real solutions.

The above are the basic questions to focus on for forward looking, otherwise, it will be a futile attempt to search for an answer be it from legalistic, economic, political, moral or cultural points of view.

If nothing concrete comes from the planned conference, In the meantime, I ask readers to ponder over the following two concepts with almost the same vocalization.

ADWA: the place for Conquest

The majority of urban Ethiopians and Eritreans recognize the name of Adwa. First of all, it is the place where the Eathiopians defeated the Italians some 113 years ago (1896). Secondly, it is the birthplace of the current leader of Ethiopia with many of his top entourages. I cannot emphasis enough to the reader about the significance of these two events for recognition and birthright, both in the name of liberation and freedom.

It is true that all people are all born ignorant (without facts and figures) but not stupid. Much of the stupidity we have been witnessing with our political leaders and their advisors from the educated class - ምሁራን was induced by the educational system that was imposed from elementary through universities. We were indoctrinated which meant that our education did not involve the inheritance of knowledge, experience or culture in order to pass it on to the next generation. Our educators have dwelt on promoting fashions as in the case of Haile Sellasie’s government, notions as in DERG’s dictatorial regime or ideologies as in EPRDF’s governance of confusion and terror. In other words, indoctrination is not the same thing as education.

Denial and counter-denial is a river that runs through the heads of the first category of ADWA. Some of us think that defeating the foreigners in battles was much important than abandoning the Eritreans and conquering the Oromos. The experience of life could help us outgrow whatever we were indoctrinated with. What may persist though, however, is the lazy habit of hearing one side of the issue and being galvanized into action without hearing the other side and more fundamentally, not having developed any mental skills that would enable one to systematically test one set of beliefs against another. It is a sad story that the Eritreans, the Oromos and the Ogadenis dwell too much on the past history of Adwa and its aftermath. I hope it is not the same story to tell to their children about the current governance of the Adwa cliques. Let us close the chapter of the place called Adwa and move on forward. Let us share honestly both the victory and the betrayal from the annals of historical Adwa.

It is wise for any solution seekers to understand and to reconcile Adwa, the place either for Liberation or for Slavery. It is sad that Adwa was and is a place for both events of victory and defeat. There is not even a middle ground.

ADWA: a concept of Conversion

Peasant Eathiopians once exposed to the outside world are apt to copy and emulate ideas and issues very quickly. But fortunately or unfortunately, their country’s physical geography and their “philosophical” moral belief or Orthodox Christianity prevented them from fully endorsing new ideas or issues. As a result they ended up in what one writer described them as “impenetrable personality sustained by self-deception.”

Whereas ጽንሐተ-ምሁራን Ts’n’hate M’hu-ran have the tendency for emulating victory like the Romans (examples EPLF and TPLF), others emulate the Jews while still others seek for knowledge following the traditions of the Greeks. In other words, conversion is possible among Eathiopian intellectuals.

ADWA is the Footprint, the Missing Link and the Vision of EPRP.

It is an acronym for a place called ASSIMBA signifying the heart and soul of EPRA, DEBTERAW signifying DEMOCRACIA and WALLELIGN embodying the concept of freedom and democracy.

It was against such proud declaration of many Haile Sellasie I university students who went to EUS service who said loudly and clearly to their student in the countryside of Eathiopia “we are here to teach you how to think, not what to think.” This was in spite of the career teachers and professors of the time and Peace Corps who were teaching their students what to think, about everything including their tribal race and gender.

It was against these backgrounds that the Eway Revolution in concordance with a philosopher who taught that the most important knowledge is knowledge of one’s ignorance. Those who understood these conversions for vision firmly stood against the mighty forces of Haile Sellasie, the DERG and the current regimes of Melese’s. Their defiance against ethnicity, narrow nationalism and reactionary education has proved them right. Viva AADWA. The Eway solution is eminent.

If our educated classጽንሐተ ምሁራን mihuran such as the ones who are going to propose solutions, it is a welcome event.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For questions and concerns

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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12. March 2010 by Assimba.

By Alem Mamo

The year was 1984. A famine of unimaginable proportions was ravaging the northern region of Ethiopia. Besides the famine, that part of Ethiopia was also in the midst of a multi dimensional bloody civil war that took so many lives and destroyed infrastructure. The fighting parties were the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), operating in a close alliance, launching a coordinated political and military operation against the regime in Addis Ababa. In 1991, the civil war came to an abrupt conclusion and as a result EPLF declared Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia while TPLF abandoned its program of succession from Ethiopia, preferring to form a central government ruling the entire country instead of just one province of Tigray.

The tragic famine of 1984-85 understandably pierced the consciousness of all citizens of the world, prompting a massive fundraising mobilization that managed to collect millions of dollars from around the world in a very short period of time. In the spirit of human solidarity, people of all ages pitched in to assist their fellow human beings in a far away land. Here in Canada, for example, school children launched a ‘30 hour famine’ campaign, donating their allowances and cost of food for thirty hours, which they could have spent otherwise. It was a demonstration of remarkable human solidarity and connectedness in a time of suffering and anguish.

Obviously, in circumstances such as the 1984-85 famine in Ethiopia our collective response is driven by emotional instinct and urgency with a single purpose of saving lives. Which certainly is a natural and genuine reaction from the point of an individual citizen. Understandably, under such tragic circumstances of emergency, donor individuals are not preoccupied with the details of aid delivery, accounting or transparency. Their primary objective is to reach out to their fellow human beings and do ‘something.’ Hence, they offer whatever they can hoping and believing their donations will be delivered fully to those who desperately need it. Clearly, the full responsibility of transparency and accountability ultimately lies on the shoulders of those who are on the ‘front lines’ of aid delivery and management both from donor and receiving countries.

Unfortunately, this is where things get murky and perplexing because to our surprise there are spectacular failures by aid agencies and organizers of aid efforts to carefully account for and monitor the spending. Particularly, questions such as how is the accounting and transparency of aid delivery monitored? What are the mechanisms used to prevent aid money intended to save lives potentially being used to purchase weapons used to slaughter innocent civilians? These and other relevant questions have been often avoided and even ignored in the process of emergency food aid delivery in a conflict situation. While such emergency aid certainly did save countless lives, there is also a growing body of evidence that it is also prone to abuse and could be diverted for non-humanitarian purposes. Particularly for the purpose of purchasing military hardware and building of a repressive political machine, such as the one built by the TPLF to brutalise the people of Ethiopia for the last 18 years.

The recent investigative report by Martin Plaut of the BBC has hit a nerve among all parties involved in the food aid delivery of the 1984-85 famine in Ethiopia. The angry reaction from Sir Bob Geldof, in particular, was surprising and most certainly unwarranted. I could only guess why Sir Bob Geldof could react with such fury, as if he had every detail of the accounting work regarding how the Band Aid money was spent. I think the reason why Sir Bob Geldof and other aid agencies reacted with a loud fury is simple: in the past no one dared to question or challenge the authenticity of the emergency aid delivery mechanism and its transparency. As a result, the likes of Sir Bob Geldof and NGOs built the unquestionable saintly image whose mission is saving the world and, therefore, their work is above scrutiny. Perhaps even no one is qualified to question them.

The investigative report of Mr. Plaut may have startled those who were moved by the images of 1984-85 famine because they never imagined money they donated to feed a starving child could be used to buy weapons. The fact is that, for the majority of Ethiopians and others who know the political and military dynamics of the last 30 years in Ethiopia, the news is not some spectacular discovery. In fact, since the coming of the TPLF as the government, the majority of the Ethiopian people, some publically and others in a quiet whisper, will speak of the ruthlessness of TPLF and how far this organization is willing to go in order to control the helm of power, even if it means starving citizens to death.

To put things into perspective, when the famine hit northern Ethiopia, the TPLF as an organization was less than 9 years old; an infant in any political and military measure. However, TPLF’s political and military growth rate began to dramatically accelerate during and immediately following the 1984- 85 famine. The nourishment of TPLF as a political and military organization came on the back of tens of thousands of starving children, men and women. In effect this catastrophic famine became political, military, propaganda, financial and diplomatic gold mine for the TPLF.

Politically, TPLF asserted itself as a player on the international stage dealing with international aid groups and gaining recognition by the agencies as a viable force qualified to participate in the process of aid delivery, and in the process gaining access to international diplomats and heads of NGOs and charitable organizations. Before the famine, TPLF was little known in the international arena. Militarily, TPLF incorporated the food aid operation as part-and-parcel of its military strategy. By claiming that the Ethiopian government was hampering the aid delivery, TPLF frequently appealed to the international community to pressure the Ethiopian government for a safe relief passage so that it could use such arrangements to regroup and launch military operations. Propaganda-wise, the TPLF portrayed itself as a strong political group, capable of delivering food aid and collaborating with other stakeholders. Furthermore, the famine provided a propaganda niche for TPLF to admonish its opponent (the military regime) and claim that the famine was partially a result of a repressive political and economic policy of the military regime, which it clearly was.

Obviously, the most valuable fortune TPLF extracted from the famine was the financial wealth that it managed to access during the famine and in the subsequent years. As stated above, exploiting the international focus on the famine, TPLF began to assert itself as a reliable and trustworthy partner. Hence aid agencies decided to hand large sums of money so that the TPLF could purchase and distribute local grain to the starving people. In truth, this was in fact a jackpot for TPLF. A little known organization up until the famine was now basking in the glory of dealing with international aid agencies.

In the chaos and urgency of humanitarian catastrophe, aid agencies pumped a huge sum of money directly to the TPLF. This from the part of aid agencies, I believe, was a genuine effort to find a quick and practical channel to assist the needy. However, it was also naïve and to a certain extent lacks a long sighted reflection of responsibility, and it was simply driven by raw emotion, rather than a systematic and deliberate mechanism that promises not to do harm in the short and long term.

For almost two decades, the famine military complex in Ethiopia has been the core component that shaped politics and directed military strategy. Those who are starving are used and abused by TPLF to win the propaganda war and to gain international recognition and legitimacy. If there is anyone who doubts this fact he/she must be living on a different planet. Maybe we could all agree, the world of celebrities is a different planet and things are constructed, interpreted and analysed differently. In reality, though, it is utterly naïve and even preposterous to think that famine, as a phenomenon, and food aid, as a practical life saving tool are not exploited to advance a military and political objectives by all parties involved. The truth of the matter is that it has been and it continues to be.

In the end, the highlight shouldn’t be about Sir Bob Geldof or any other celebrity saint. This most certainly is about more than 80 million Ethiopians suffering under the tyrannical rule of TPLF, partly because of the aid money that built the political machinery of one of the most ruthless regimes in Africa, and the Ethiopian people continue to struggle to rid of the menace of Meles Zenawi and his gang. Any emergency aid or development aid, therefore, should keep the principles of Do No Harm at the forefront.

As for Sir Bob Geldof, with all due respect, his characterization of TPLF as a ‘brilliant’ organization is a clear demonstration of the celebrity saints’ interpretation of the real world. What if someone in Ethiopia would have told him about the brilliance of the Real IRA or other political organizations in Northern Ireland? I think such decisions must be left to the Ethiopian people. To reduce a country’s consciousness and right to a bag of wheat or high energy biscuits is quite insulting. The people of Ethiopia deserve democracy, freedom and justice more than a bag of wheat.

TPLF diverted the aid money to buy military hardware during the guerrilla war. Since becoming the government, administering the entire country, the regime has used food aid as a political weapon. In his recent report, the former member of TPLF and the first defence minister outlines his findings on how the government determines who gets food aid depending on the political loyalty, voting record and affiliation with the TPLF http://www.ethiomedia.com/course/5155.html. This clearly indicates the fact that TPLF never stopped using food aid for its own political and military objectives.

Finally, as the May 2010 national election approaches, people in Ethiopia are nervously watching the political situation very carefully. Those who know and understand the politics of Ethiopia applauded Gebremedhin Araya and others who continue to speak up about the true nature of TPLF. These individuals simply could have stayed with their former comrades and enjoyed the benefit of being a cabinet minister, Ambassador or any other high profile political position. Instead they opted for the truth, and they deserve credit for that.

The writer could be reached at alem671@hotmail.com

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5. March 2010 by Assimba.

By Luelseged Degu
March 5, 2010

Introduction

By all counts, the issue of land grabbing or as the EPRDF government would call it “the Ethiopian Green Revolution” has become paramount to our future existence as a nation.

Apart from a five-year occupation by Italy, Ethiopia has never been colonized, but several Ethiopians feel that the government of Meles Zenawi made them the victim of new-colonial land grabbing. Given the corrupt and irresponsible behavior of Zenawi’s government, human right activists, analysts, food experts, columnists, FAO, and IFAD are opposing Ethiopia’s land deals, deals which are destined for more risks than benefits.

Mafa Chipeta, FAO´s representative in Ethiopia, told the Washington Post that the Ethiopian Government is allowing Ethiopia to be used like an “empty womb” by foreign investors, an action which “the human spirit would not allow it.” His statement is a stern warning that EPRDF is trading away Ethiopia’s best land for one time investments. The deals are so reckless and void of concerns for human rights violation of tens of thousands of poor farmers who have been displaced from their farmlands without any compensation and means to generate income for their livelihood.

In spite of this, EPRDF refutes this notion and hails its farmland deals as the path to Ethiopia’s “Green Revolution.”

Background

EPRDF has reportedly leased and continues to lease millions of acres of Ethiopia’s fertile lands to foreign entities for up to 99 years for 15 birr ($1.18) per acre per year. According to the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, the Oromo Studies Association (OSA), and other sources, so far, the following entities [investors] have made deals with EPRDF and acquired farmlands and urban lands^*:

1. Mohammed Ali Al-Amoudi’s company, Saudi Star Agricultural Company: 10,000 hectares of land in Gambella (expected to increase to 250,000 hectares) and 100,000 sqm of land in Bishoftu (Debre Zeit) with a 60-year lease;

2. The Indian Company, Karuturi Global: 741,000 acres in Gambella, and 2 million acres in Oromia. Karuturi is also acquiring around 311,700 hectares of land to grow crops like cereals, sugar and palm, which could be exported.

3. TPLF and its Supporters: 90,000 hectares of farmland in Gambella and hundreds of thousands hectares fertile land in Welkayit Tegede, Gondar (now in Tigray Region).

4. Chinese Consortium: 60,000 hectares at Shiniile, Ogaden,

5. Djibouti’s Prime Minster: 25,000 acres of farmland and 13,000 sqm of urban land in Oromia

6. Nigeria’s former President Obasanjo: 40,000 square meter of urban land in Oromia

7. Egypt: 50, 000 acres of farm land in Oromia

Green Revolution

1940s are best known for the Second World War, the establishment of the United Nations and the beginning of colonized countries to win their independence. These are the culmination of the history of that decade making the 20^th century’s fabric. Least known but by far with a success story is the Green Revolution which transformed several countries’ habit of farming. This revolution was launched in 1945, largely due to the life work of Norman Borlaug factoring significantly the Mexican government’s desire “to establish an agricultural research station to develop more varieties of wheat that could be used to feed the rapidly growing population of the country.” The effort was largely measurable. Within 13 years, Mexico stopped importing wheat and became self-sufficient, followed by export within 19 years.

The progress of the green revolution scored magnificent results and continued to do the same supporting by agricultural research, extension, and infrastructural development. Because of its measurable agricultural development success, it was sought to replicate it to other nations. In 1961, India became the first stop in replicating the success of Green Revolution. In its Punjab Province, India started a program of plant breeding, irrigation development, and financing of agrochemicals, a farming that has been commendable for its huge success. Other countries like the Philippines also passed through Green Revolution, increasing its annual rice production from 3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two decades, and the country continued exporting rice.

EPRDF’s Green Revolution

There have been numerous attempts to introduce the successful concepts from the Mexican and Indian projects (Green Revolutions) into Africa. However, almost all efforts have been unsuccessful due to widespread corruption, insecurity, a lack of infrastructure, a general lack of will on the part of African governments, and the concerns for environmental factors, such as the availability of water for irrigation, the high diversity in slope, and soil types in one given area.

Nonetheless, because of food security concerns and investment opportunities, in the last two years, investors seem to worry less and have started to lease or purchase farmlands in Africa, including Ethiopia. Specifically the key factors driving new patterns of land investments have been:

1. The prices of staple foods which increased unexpectedly that in turn alerted food-importing countries like Saudi Arabia, a country with scarce arable land but lots of cash, to look overseas in order to secure food supplies; and

2. Global demand for bio-fuels and other non-food agricultural commodities, expectations of rising rates of return in agriculture and land values, and policy measures in home and host countries.

The Fallout

EPRDF is at full speed working hard to convince Ethiopians and the international community as if the Green Revolution which ignored Africa for decades has finally arrived in Ethiopia.

Zenawi recently stated that “the investments have the potential to increase local food availability and create badly needed jobs.” He refuted critics’ argument for not standing for the Ethiopian farmers. He said, “The policy of the government of Ethiopia regarding agricultural land development has always been based on the small-scale farmer, but the strategy also included the possibility of the private sector playing a supplementary but vital role.”

EPRDF further argues that the Green Revolution has a proven track record for ending food shortages in other parts of the world decades ago and there is no reason which stops this revolution succeeding in Ethiopia, bringing “the promise of plenty harvests” in a country more often associated with drought and famine. However, replication of the success story of Mexico and India may be a long way for Ethiopia. Here is why:

1. Ethiopia is a country where food security is always a challenge. Displacing the local people for investment without compensation and sustainable plans for their livelihood and making them lose access to the resources on which they depend for their food security is EPRDF’s policy abortion. The land deals clearly fail to protect the interest of local people and farmers.

2. Ethiopia’s land deals are “about exploitation of the people, many of the most vulnerable, who are being robbed of all they own while the government threatens them into submission; sometimes literally holding a gun to their heads; poor Ethiopian farmers have been displaced while foreigners are thriving.”

3. EPRDF’s land deals are not well thought and analyzed, impacting negatively on the small rural farmers whose lands are being leased.  Over 85% of people in Ethiopia live in rural areas and some 90% of agricultural production comes from small-scale producers, with an average of two hectares of land per farmer. In contrast, many land acquisitions are in excess of 10,000 hectares, up to one million hectares. High-quality value land tends to be sold or leased first and this generally for a long, over fifty year, period while the poor farmers don’t have an opportunity to own more than two hectares and such high value lands.

4. The contracts fail to cover economic reality of the transaction. For example, for its farm in Bako, Karuturi is paying no rent for six years and then only 135 birr ($13 USD) per hectare per year for the remainder of the 50-year lease. This deal is unfair this year let alone 50 or 90 years from now; it generates only “$13 USD per year for each 10,000 square meter of arable land.”

5. Reportedly, compliance issue is thrown out and it is not clear if investors would be held liable for commitments. Contracts either ignore or vaguely touch upon the key issues like enforcing compliance with investor commitments, maximizing government revenues and clarifying their distribution, promoting business models that maximize local benefit through employment creation and infrastructure development, and balancing food security concerns. On the same token, health and environmental concerns have not taken in to consideration.

Conclusion

No one would object in his/her right mind the “economic growth and development, foreign and private investment or capitalism in general if the land deals were undergirded by appropriate legal protections and procedures.” It is fair to say that the critics have rightly faulted EPRDF’s farmland deals for not taking into account the needs of the majority farmers in this mainly rural nation, which accounts more than 85% as well as health, economic, and environmental concerns. The deal is no near to be called “Ethiopia’s Green Revolution;” rather it is unfair land grabbing, calling spade- a spade.

The writer can be reached at luel.degu@yahoo.com

* The list may not be exhaustive as several entities are reportedly making land deals with EPRDF. Morever, the actual acres of land acquired by foreign investors may be slightly different.

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2. March 2010 by Assimba.

Abdullah A. Ado – Email: abdullahadoa@gmail.com

Background:

There are few highlanders versus lowlanders stories which, when put in contrast, highlight why we need our political reform reality check. In terms of instinctive feel for public opinion on Eritrean peoples’ contemporary status, majority are disappointed by what the see and hear. Indeed, Afewarki and Shaabia followers are nothing but far too willing prisoners of the false arguments they have intentionally been creating and nurturing since their hay days in their hideout resorts as gorilla fighters of the 1970s through to 1990. To this effect, I made few basic contentions in my earlier articles where I portrayed the true features of Issayas Afewarki, Shaabia and the contemporary PFDJ-junta. Similarly I happen to come across Afewarki’s latest interview at:

http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/talktojazeera/2010/02/201021921059338201.html; where Al Jazeera’s Jane Dutton made an interview with Issayas Afewarki, by confronting him with allegations about Eritrea’s ties with Iran, Hamas, Al-Shabab in Somalia and rebel groups in Darfur Sudan as well as the Houthis in Yemen. In the same tone, she confronted him with allegations on Eritrean exodus, food shortage and famine, lack of freedom of expression and mass media control, Sawa draft, border tension with Ethiopia, disappearance of the football team in Kenya and others in Scotland. In reply Afewarki insults, tantrums and uses defensive attitudes instead of responding with diplomacy, patience and calm attitudes. To all genuine and justifiable allegations Afewarki blatantly denies by calling them a pack of lies fabricated by the USA-government, the CIA; and conspiracies cooked and dispatched by the Western media to take Eritrea for a sell ride in collaboration with Aljazeera. Nevertheless, all these reality checks are brought to the attention of the on looker to judge Eritrea’s present status and its future soon after Wodi-Afom’s downfall.

To this effect, although those of us supporting RSADO and its causes did send our subsequent articles to several Eritrean websites only few half-heartedly indicated our articles’ publication sources to interested readers; and thereby refused to directly publish on their own websites; the reason being for fear of raising tensions along the latent ethnic, religious, cultural, linguistic, and other underlying attitude differences that have been there for several decades. Whether we like it or not, the crystal clear fact we all know well is that: Eritrea is a fragile territory with its unfinished business of state formation. Economically, Eritrea is so ill-structured and weak; leave alone to stand independently on its own and feed its population satisfactorily. Socially, Eritrea is a giant prison where the Eritrean silent and salient majority is prisoners of Wodi Afom and his Gestapo like PFDJ-military junta.

Yet Wodi Afom, the well-known fighting phantom, still holds his hegemonic aspirations alive far beyond his own ability to manoeuvre circumstances falling within his ideological flip-flops. Likewise most opposition websites owned by highland Eritrean groups in Diaspora desperately continue to propagate and portray a pattern of face-lifting reform alternatives as outlets to Afewarki’s ongoing tyrannical rule; simply to maintain Eritrean highland Tigrinya supremacist hegemony by enslaving and by proudly and jubilantly ruling the forgotten silent and salient majority Eritrean pastoralists and peasants alike.  

Eritrean highlanders versus lowlanders:

As Afewarki’s hegemony is becoming solidly vivid by the day, we in RSADO are equally glad to have witnessed the following three concrete predicaments among Eritrean highlander elites:

The “Eritrean identity gridlock” that has been wrapped-up by false aggrandizement tales of Eritrea being a more superior territory than its neighboring nations; be it intelligence wise or from socio-economic stand points; is becoming clearly false argument. On the contrary, the more we open our naked eyes, check the Eritrean reality by looking critically inwards at ourselves and question what makes who we are, there always arise hot and hiked debates in our respective highlanders versus lowlanders political kitchens.

Eritrean highland Tigrinya groups somehow believe that they are far more superior (in terms of cultural and political sophistication) to the other 8-ethnic groups within Eritrea; and to the pastoral lowlanders in particular.

By creating a filter-system for Eritrean Highland Tigrinya Puritanism within themselves highlanders classify those Tigrinya individuals born outside highland Eritrea as what is pejoratively known as: AMICE / AMICHE - meaning spare-parts exported from highland Eritrea and assembled inside Ethiopia. As such, Amices are looked down upon as 2nd class people within Eritrean highland Tigrinya groups; and are considered as untrustworthy; and doubtfully watched for inclining in their thinking pattern to their Ethiopian background and sympathy for reunion by mental make-up. Indeed this is the sole reason why Afewarki strongly believes in continuing to indoctrinate and brain-wash the youth group in Eritrea’s SAWA-military garrisons to act and behave in a newly molded “Eritrean” behavioral pattern; while at the same time preaching his disintegration Gospel to other opposition groups coming from outside his jurisdiction. To this effect, in order to disprove the doubts posed on them the Amices have become diehard, ardent and new-born Eritrean in their attitude.

The need for reality check in Eritrea is a timely factor where the truth must be told once and for all. After all, population wise, Eritrean Highland Tigrinya groups are simply not more than 700,000 inside Eritrea. Affected by persisting exodus, majority Eritrean Tigrinya groups permanently live in Diaspora because they are caught-up in a ‘hate-love syndrome’ towards Wodi-Afom and his PFDJ- military junta. And yet, these highlander groups look upon their kin in Tigray, Ethiopia, who are about 6 million, as Agamie or Agamido – a pejorative term used to distinguish those Tigrinya from Tigray as servants. Eritrean highlanders even dare to deny and hide the brunt of the priceless help they acquired from TPLF-forceful-fighters who paid not only in limbs and lives for liberating Eritrea, but also took the lead in bestowing self-governance to Eritrea proper. As truth is such a painful issue highland Eritrean Tigrinya people don’t like to be reminded of this very reality. Neither Issayas Afewarki, nor his henchmen within Shaabia would like to mention the crucial support generously obtained from the TPLF up until the euphoria of Eritrea’s de facto independence 1993. Nor do they want to acknowledge the millions of pastoral and peasant Eritrean fighters’ death. All they sing, dance and talk about is nothing but their stereotyped highland Eritrean ghedli all the time and keep on performing their circular dance just like an airport ‘luggage-claim-conveyor-belt’. Except for their songs and Marry-go-round-ghedli dances admiring themselves, it is rarely highland Eritrean groups admit that others are also part of the martyrdom bandwagon.

Overall, highland Eritrean people have such bleed dry superiority complex to its maximum that Issayas Afewarki himself even thinks Eritrea under his dictatorship is number one in the whole of Africa. At least he showed some decency for not comparing Eritrea with the whole wide world. Overall, Issayas Afewarki is consumed by self-aggrandizement and infatuation in which he plays the victim of Western Power and CIA-conspiracy. It seems to me he will continue his finger pointing attitude on external bodies for all the fallacies taking place within Eritrea by labeling them as pack of lies and bunch of unfair bias against him and his PFDJ-ruling junta. In his usual flat denial Afewarki responded to the disappearance of Eritrean football players in Kenya as strange news. Issayas Afewarki is now known by the entire world for his hitherto committed fallacies; among others, for his: (a) absolute defiance to opinions other than his; (b) cruelty for mercilessly killing his own comrades in arms that have struggled for decades to see light in Eritrea at the other end of the tunnel; (c) keeping distinguished individuals for their struggle to languish in jail without any trial; (d) illegally keeping prisoners of war subjected to hard labor in confinements like Adiqualla; and in a condition that is totally inhuman; (e) clutching incommunicado several journalists, religious leaders, human rights activists and the Eritrean escapees accused of treason and other dizzy charges. There is no freedom of the press, no election; not even a fake one to name one as such. In fact the basic freedom to assemble, to express one-self, to worship, and the like inside Eritrea proper are all denied out right. Amidst all these intolerable criminal acts Issayas Afewarki feels that the whole world is against him; and continues to chastise the USA, CIA, the UN, the AU and key nations within the Western world as likely scapegoats. But as far as Eritrean pastoralists and peasants from Afar, Kunama, Saho, Bilen, Beja, and other minorities are concerned Afewarki is nothing but the worst nightmare for all of us to deal with; since we have already lost our sincere hope in the future of Eritrea. Consequently, we continue to flee from Eritrea in all possible directions and by all means in hundreds to which Afewarki responded to Aljazeera’s recent interview as caring the least if such exodus happens (See, http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/talktojazeera/2010/02/201021921059338201.html).

Back on 19 November 2008, a press release was made by the Board of Eritreans for Human & Democratic Rights in UK (EHDR-UK); basically a group made up of Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders; condemning RSADO when our RSADO heroes hit the snake known as Shaabia on its head in Afambo. As a result of such persisting attitudes we observe among Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders we cannot easily and quickly merge and identify with them before we realize as to who is truly a friend or an enemy to RSAD and similar other movements run by pastoral and peasant communities of Eritrea. If highland opposition groups actually want our sympathy then they should make attitude shift from arrogance towards respect, set and lead by visible examples and not throwing empty flowery words. They should instantly advocate and speak on behalf of the Afar Kunama, Saho, Bilen, Beja and other marginalized communities within Eritrea; and not work against us; be it by the gun or by the pen. Time and again, articles posted by highlanders propagate as if there are no problems worth mentioning in terms of Eritrea Ethnic-based-federalism. Intentionally they rarely or never mention Afar, Kunama, Saho, Bilen, Beja or marginalized communities within Eritrea; simply not to recognize Dankaliya of its Afar owners or that of the Kunama and others. If they do touch upon these societies then they feel as playing with fire by pushing the panic button to its heights and blow Eritrean highland Tigrinya supremacy; and put them altogether in a challenging position. So all they want is the easy way out to simply maintain the status quo as it is; and only make face lifting reforms once Wodi Afom is deposed from his throne.

Gone are the hay days of the 1990s when Issayas and his cronies had direct access to and control over valuable Ethiopian resources; when they enthusiastically jumped and started sucking all Ethiopian resources with full speed until May 1998 as if there is no more tomorrow. At that time, only when Issayas Afewarki, in person, picked his usual fighting-spirit against the EPRDF-regime inside Ethiopia, for failing to maneuver the regional politics in his likings, the border skirmishes occurred to remain unresolved to this very day. So those Eritrean highland opposition in Diaspora who think they can still partially trust Issayas Afewarki as their sole savior are simply committing a strategic mistake and a political suicide by allying themselves with this sworn enemy of the Eritrean silent and salient majority. For as long as the pastoral and peasant Eritrean population are concerned, despite our enormous struggle and sacrifice, we didn’t get a chance to either elect our own local leadership; or given the opportunity to hold a democratic referendum. To our dismay, the whole Eritrean formation thus far has become a fiasco; hijacked by Issayas Afewarki and his PFDJ-junta that force our people not only to lead a miserable life but also consider Eritrea as their sole “Real Estate - not for sell”.

Conclusive Remarks:

For those of us who belong to lowland Eritrea, it is only Allah who is the almighty and superior; in turn, we are our own masters. We don’t need what belongs to others in highland Eritrea; nor do we like others to come down to lowland Eritrea to intervene in our lives; and tell us what to do, how to behave, and how to lead our daily livelihoods. As far as RSADO is concerned: (1) Eritrea as a territory and the silent and salient majority of Eritrean societies are vulnerable at this time because of Afewarki and his PFDJ-junta inflicted oppressions, enslavement and unbearable militaristic living conditions. (2) Issayas Afewarki and his PFDJ-junta must therefore be charged by the International Court of Justice in Hague for: (a) crimes committed against humanity, (b) war crimes committed in the last four decades up to 1993, (c) crimes committed since 1993 while ruling Eritrea with fear, terror and deaths by using the “Red Flower” (KEYEH EMBABA) thugs as their culprits who spill the bloods, sweats and tears of the silent majority in vain; and (d) for destabilizing the regional peace and stability by supporting international terrorism. Even Eritrean highland oldies like Bereket Habteselassie, Kibrom Dafla, Gaim Kibreab, Asmerom Legesse to name few, who once worshiped Afewarki as their idol by wagging their tails for his servitude, were thrown out after the “independence” euphoria by Wodi Afom as mushy washy paper tigers lacking vitality. Consequently they have turned their back on Shaabia and the PFDJ-junta. So we can no longer join the ghedli bandwagon purely conceived of Eritrean highlanders; nor can we continue clapping our hands in approval of Afewarki’s tyranny. For us Wodi Afom’s autocracy is immersed in innocent peoples’ streams of blood all over Eritrea. So in order to obtain an accurate Eritrean picture, it is high time to re-examine the past and present realities on the ground and come up with fair reality checks for devising our road maps for future consideration.

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