6. February 2010 by Assimba.

Abdullah A. Ado – abdullahadoa@gmail.com

Background:

For those of us who originate from rural Eritrea (pastoralist and peasant communities alike) it is utterly disappointing to observe negative or indifference reactions exhibited by Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders who fail to understand our devastating plights within rural Eritrea. On our part considering highland opposition website editors like Awate and Asmerino as the voice of the opposition groups to Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta, we tried to negotiate with them in good faith, but each time they force us to a condition where hell will break loose soon. Even when we come with our olive branches in good will gesture, Awate and Asmerino repeatedly refused to publish our articles of serious concerns. With an odd mix of xenophobia, contempt and supremacy, they denied us access not to reach Eritrean opposition groups with our opinions. Generally Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders evade from linking with and creating understanding between them and us; still they continue to look at peasants and pastoralists as their 2nd class citizens whose cases they bully, shovel and shelve as secondary matters. Indeed PFDJ, Awate and Asmerino Team are nothing but two faces of the same Eritrean Tigrinya highlander supremacists’ coin; where the latter two provide their indirect bare-foot soldier servitude to the former. But, at the end of the day, this will not do any good for Eritrea’s future stability. So in what follows I write in plain language pointing out the reality on the ground.

Reality defied clouded by contempt:

Regardless of belligerent, bossy, denial, and headstrong empty pride manifested by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta and Eritrean highlanders who cling on to the status quo; by claiming that nothing political is happening on the ground in rural Eritrea; it was proved last month alone that our heroic pastoralist brothers and sisters had skirmishes against Afewarki’s PFDJ-junta in different fronts with full determination and vigour. To this effect, suffice to cite the following 2- major events:

1. On December 29, Mr. Qernelios Osman, the leader of the Democratic Movement for the liberation of Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK), told AFP that the Security Council’s sanctions on Afewarki are a “good opportunity for the opposition” and that his forces are “inside Eritrea and will hit selected targets and institutions.”

2. On January 1^st, 2010 two Eritrean rebel groups, the Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization (RSADO) and the Eritrean National Salvation Front (ENSF) conducted “lightning strikes” in two major PFDJ-junta reconnaissance stations by obliterating PFDJ’s Division-39 (at Senafe) and Division-13 (at Tserona) where heavy casualties were inflicted specifically at Agulae, Gunaguna, Mes’hal Akera and Kermed fronts; by killing over 50 PFDJ-soldiers, destroying 2-camps, leaving 38-injured and confiscating 11-Kalashnikovs (AK-47), 7-hand-grenades, and other infantry gears.

So the struggle is relentlessly on the move; and it will continue so until we, the group representing rural communities, strike a common deal with Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders to the points where: (a) our basic rights are kept in tact; (b) we have a say on whatever is affecting our livelihoods and lives; (c) our cultural and social ethos are left for peasants and pastoralists to determine; (d) our women are no longer snatched by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta officers to become concubines in towns against their will. And for as long as we are pushed aside, we will fight with full force causing a tsunami-like affects in Afewarki’s unresolved fiefdom.

Caught in nostalgic clock-stop syndromes:

Behind the facade that Afewarki and his ruling Junta would always like to portray as “equitable prosperity, Warsai-Yikealo, Asmara’s beauty and cleanliness, and patriotic pride, they omit speaking about Eritrea’s dark side where a human tragedy of grand proportion is in the making. In fact, what had started arrogantly and erroneously since the hay days of the 1960s with the revolution as “sacrifice undertaken for the sake of moulding Eritrea as a fiefdom” Afewarki’s tyrannical rule has reached its depths of despair where the rural population is asked to carry the brunt of the burden by continuing its sacrifice to save Afewarki and his empty supremacist arrogance. Ever since the 1960s, all that Afewarki and his ruling junta know proficiently well is nothing but forceful militaristic bravado. As a result, the rural poor are held tightly to a point where they are mercilessly exhausted by hard labour; and they are impoverished, famished, internally-displaced, and forced to go on refuge into neighbouring countries. The perverse logic of these paranoia sacrifices set no limit to Afewarki’s consistent demands for human force; nor do they set borders to his interference in neighbouring countries’ affairs. In the name of “national security and unity” Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta control all media, the politics, and the economy by posting tens of thousands of people to labour camps. Simply said, Afewarki barricades himself into a defensive bunker from which he surveys a world of conspiracy theories and “special interests” plotting against him; and clings on to his guerrilla rebel ideology and habits; which enforce his tyrannical values with its ill-conceived land expropriation, market monopolization, indefinite Sawa national service and pervert policy against external power. When all is said and done, under his grandiose mantra of “self-reliance” (or its media variation, “bitsifrina”), Afewarki and his PDFJ-ruling junta are taking the Eritrean fiefdom in a high speed down the drain. Following his venerable and long-standing banditry tradition of arrogance, blunder, denial, and pride, Afewarki is unwilling to admit the presence of public resentment against his “self-reliance” utopia held firmly with an odd mix of xenophobia and Eritrean highland Tigrinya supremacy.

An Autocrat without Borders:

Tyrant Afewarki, Shaabia and PFDJ-junta are nothing but arrogant paranoids determined never to admit even a single mistake they committed within the last half a century. On the contrary, they finger point and put the blame on external forces beyond Eritrea. In fact, Afewarki uses specters of security threats to justify his authoritarianism. Out of sheer Eritrean highland “ghedli” culture of arrogance, blunder, contempt, denial, and empty-pride Afewarki blames others everywhere else for all the problems cropping up within his fiefdom; but never on his power-mongering political machinery circle. As always, Afewarki’s priorities are: buying all kinds of military gadgets; fighting left and right without borders; financiering all kinds of militant groups coming from the region; engaging his PFDJ-junta in clandestine piracy and banditry operations; setting secretive pacts and deals with regimes opposed to the Western world; and continuing with his utopia policy backed by his banditry tricks funnelling deaths and destruction. Yes, Afewarki is tirelessly experimenting with his wasteful white elephant projects within his fiefdom and camouflages his banditry acts with lame excuses usually bundled with musically orchestrated annual celebrations of “martyrdom”. By squeezing out the youth group from villages, he tasks them with Sawa where they ultimately become cannon fodders of his persisting military operations. Playing on Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders’ sentiments and psychic, Afewarki knows perfectly well how to get away with his age-old “Eritrea’s sovereignty and territorial integrity” mantra. It is with these tricks and traps he bargains excuses from the Eritrean Diaspora; and even milks their hard earned currency into his treasury. Whereas Issayas Afewarki presides over his subjects with unapologetic and repressive ruling mantras; whereas his top secretive and hermit like PFDJ-junta remains loyal to Afewarki’s “self-reliant” utopia; whereas Afewarki persistently fights left and right without borders; Eritrea still undergoes through its unfinished fiefdom formation exercises.

Overall, obsessed with autocratic control of every resource within his fiefdom, Afewarki remains an iron-handed ruler, whose secrecy of “self-reliance” utopia is to maintain his central power by imposing a 4-pronged policy as indicated below:

1. Finger pointing on CIA& external forces: Afewarki has made it customary to accuse CIA and the Western world of supporting and funding Eritrean opposition groups; a ploy to siphon-off the badly needed hard currency to Shaabia’s standing coffers.

2. Land policy: Afewarki and his ruling junta have grabbed prime farmlands; by depriving peasants and pastoralists their most productive farmlands and livestock products; and relegating them into smaller and infertile plots and to ownership of fewer livestock herds.

3. Market policy: Afewarki has made farm and livestock products inaccessible to sellers and buyers.

4. National service policy: Afewarki has gutted villages across Eritrea out of their productive labour forces and conscripted these into Sawa-garrisons.

Plainly speaking, Issayas Afewarki’s “self-reliance” policy is directed at centrally controlling over: (1) CIA and Western aggressions, (2) land, (3) market mechanisms, and (4) labour. Hence, Afewarki has mounted his wide-spread tentacles on his slave-labour (Warsai-Yikealo projects) where every morning every waking person is asking why the hell he or she has to toil and suffer so much at the mercy of Afewarki; the tyrant without borders; the master who must be obeyed by all and any means. Fixated at moulding Eritrea as a totalitarian fiefdom, Afewarki expropriates the communal resources of the rural poor. The reason is simple. If they are permitted to maintain their livelihoods as usual, then “Afewarki’s key task of nation crafting would be badly affected; and his pompous “honour and pride” would equally be ruined. So instead, the rural poor are coerced to suffer to the point of death in order to ensure Afewarki’s personal pride and his fiefdom crafting project in tact. And to Afewarki, this entire episode can be curbed up by his attendance of the regular annual “martyrdom” memorial ceremonies for the fallen. So Afewarki continues to strike left and right without borders with his Shaabia military operations yet in preparation for more martyrdom offers; and what we are witnessing is keeping the status quo of decades of banditry exercises led by Afewarki and Shaabia both internally within Eritrea and externally in the internal affairs of neighbouring countries. Internally his dubious acts are stretching from rampant land expropriation to all kinds of monopolization; and from Sawa militarization. For a paranoid Shaabia banditry group, roaming around without borders, the only language it understands is waging war everywhere; and stretching its tentacles for a totalitarian control everywhere. For this autocratic tradition, Afewarki has three recurring themes: Firstly, Shaabia and the PFDJ-ruling junta have the appetite for extending their tentacles and tapping whatever hard currency comes into Eritrea. Secondly, they hold on to their irrational fear that empowering peasants and pastoralists will dethrone Afewarki from his tyrannical leadership role. Thirdly, amidst the periodic political and economic crisis taking place, Afewarki projects all problems as caused by CIA and external forces; and accuses them of funding Eritrean opposition groups to disturb the reconstruction of his fiefdom. Thus Afewarki never admits to gulp down his Eritrean highland Tigrinya empty pride. On the contrary, to him, it is Eritrean rural communities who have to carry the burden of their abject poverty on the one hand; and suffering quietly to defend Afewarki’s arrogance that is ever widening without borders. As if the metaphor: “In the country of the blind one eyed man is a king!” befits Afewarki’s tyrannical profile, the rural poor continue endlessly to “sacrifice” perverted through decades of brainwashing for “ghedli” to save Afewarki and his highland Tigrinya kin on power by paying final and irrevocable price with their lives.

Snatching resources from the voiceless

Since 1993, Afewarki’s first goals have been snatching the meagre farm and livestock products by force from peasants and pastoralists and ensure his survival on power. To this day, every measure taken since the advent of Afewraki’s stringent market rules, criminalization of private food transactions and confiscation of peasants’ food “surplus”, increase in curtailments of movement, and killings at border crossings is explained as responding to PFDJ-junta’s and Asmara urban-dwellers’ needs. Peasants are forced to sell their so called “surplus” food products and livestock herds to the junta at very low prices. Indeed PFDJ-junta is looting villagers’ k’offos under a gun point to feed the half-starving Sawa-garrison subjects. It is common place for Afewarki’s tyrannical rule to confiscate farm products and livestock herds intended to reach urban markets; criminalizing the selling of most staple grains in markets; limiting the amount of food supply peasants could keep for their own consumption; decreasing the amount of rations provided by the PFDJ-ruling junta to consumers in Asmara; and drastically cutting the food amount it provides to the military camps and prisons. Sporadically, towns and villages are emptied of their youth groups, with hundreds of thousands seized and put into “Sawa-garrisons” for compulsory military service. Several labour concentration camps are proliferating everywhere. Tens of thousands of political prisoners are indoctrinated, tortured and worked-out to death. The lucky ones are fleeing in all direction to escape Afewarki’s forced call-up into Sawa. But without any reference to the rural poor’ welfare, Afewarki propagates his age old “territorial integrity, economic and political independence” utopia. As if primary matters about the Afar, Kunama, Saho, Beja and Bilen communities are secondary to his rule, Afewarki prepares peasants and pastoralists for his intense, frantic, and wild totalitarian war-mongering missions. And where areas are prioritized, he does so according to their “worth” to his political survival. When it comes to food rationing, his priority groups are: PFDJ-junta, Sawa-garrisons, and Asmara city dwellers. These 3 groups are at the top of his list because Afewarki knows well he can’t antagonize these three groups for the following obvious reasons. (1) PFDJ members are firmly embedded within Afewarki’s ruling junta framework. (2) Although too dangerously armed for his safety, Sawa-garrisons are vital for Afewarki’s power defence. (3) Since dwellers within Asmara are closely watched by global surveillance Afewarki’s easy way out is to resort to rural peasants and pastoralists who are the silent majority carrying the brunt of burdens in Eritrea. But, from pastoralist and peasant perspectives, we consider Tyrant Afewarki, Shaabia and his PFDJ-ruling junta as a 3-tyered totalitarian, militaristic and banditry machinery breeding and imposing the inconceivable utopia on our rural communities. And for this, the Afar, Kunama, Saho, Beja and Bilen are paying dearly with their lives in sacrifice for Afewarki’s autocracy without borders; and for his quest to cling on power and maintain his self-aggrandizement.

Silently toiling rural poor

Tampering with Afewark’s Eritrean highland Tigrinya led pet projects is considered as stepping on his toes. On the reverse, the silent majority of the rural poor must quietly accept the norms set for them by tyrant Afewarki, who must be obeyed at all costs. Hence, the PFDJ-ruling junta continues to milk human and natural resources without the consent of the rural majority; and forcibly takes away these resources to urban centres. In a strange reversal of priorities, instead of asking himself what Afewarki can do to his ill-conceived fiefdom, he continues to ask the troubled silent majority of peasants and pastoralists what they can do for him to preserve his fiefdom at his own hour of burning needs. Thus the rural poor continue to pay the price for Afewarki’s endless blunder and empty pride by their sacrifice. In turn, Afewarki, who loves watching the annually held dance of admiration for the fallen martyrs, continues to engage in his customary troubles that know no borders. After all, for Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta, what matters is not resolving the crisis faced by the rural poor inside Eritrea; but how he and his henchmen preside on power and continue creating a series of havoc without borders at the cost of the rural poor sacrificing itself in the name of ironic martyrdom. Indeed, in his quest for power, Afewarki imposes the urban dwellers’ consumption needs on the rural poor by directly: (1) Deploying each conceivable means and measures to ensure his authoritarian power intact. Thus far, he has imposed a food market control system on the rural poor as regular suppliers. (2) Accepting Afewarki’s “self-reliance” policy and entertain it by acclaiming him as: “Our heroic leader who must be obeyed by any and all means”.

So only Afewarki, who presides over a fiefdom without borders; and only he who acts without any legal or moral limits, continues to conduct such ill-conceived rules unto his own rural folk; by drying up all the farm-food and livestock products in villages and towns. This Afewarki plan is clear: if most of the farm and livestock supplies pass through PFDJ-ruling Junta’s own apparatus (such as diquan rit’i, the coupon/ration-system, the military, “cash for work”, Highdef-owned companies, etc), then, in the process of redistributing food and livestock rations to urban consumers Afewarki makes sure that these commodities are to serve his political survival; and gives directives as to whom to reward and whom to punish; and who to selectively let survive as consumers and who to hold on to servitude position to produce regular supplies to urban dwellers and to his subjects at Sawa-garrisons.

Fate of “ghedli” and fiefdom forming

For decades now, pastoralists and rural peasants remain brainwashed by force to internalize Afewarki’s complicated “sacrifice” propaganda ploy. Plainly speaking, the rural poor are silently suffering while the “Highdefites” of highland origin both at home and in Diaspora are cheering autocrat Afewarki simply to save his pride as a kin; and to help his “self reliance” mantra. Some Diaspora highlanders in the opposition camp have even started especially preaching about peaceful opposition to the tyrant by disjointedly mumbling some mysterious ways of bringing change within Eritrea. But let them face the truth. At the end of the day, Afewarki’s ghedli and fiefdom crafting dreams and rural peoples’ sacrifice paid to this dearly project in the name of “martyrdom” is degenerating into a personal identity crisis. The salvage cry where Afewarki-Shaabia and the PFDJ-ruling junta jointly claim as having so much stakes invested on Eritrean protracted fiefdom formation fight thus far. And to them, to let this project go loose can become a mortal threat on their individual identity and on the idea they have nursed and nurtured for so many decades so long. So they seem to have come to a decision to do anything and everything; even if it costs huge sacrifices of lives from the population inside Eritrea. In particular, the Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders’ unanswered love affair with “ghedli”; and their likely scenario to rescue Afewarki-Shaabia and the PFDJ-ruling junta without harm simply forces them to stick to their nostalgic past. But this nostalgia is nothing short of killing peasants and pastoralists for the benefit of highlanders; and to keep Eritrean fiefdom formation process alive.

Concluding remarks

Sensitive issues dealing with “ghedli” and Eritrean nation forming are deterring most Diaspora Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders from taking meaningful steps towards any equivocal merger with those of us advocating for peasants and pastoralists; and from forcefully fighting against Afewarki-Shaabia and his PFDJ-ruling junta.  In spite of their hostility towards Afewarki’s tyrannical rule, most Eritrean highlanders still continue to fail predicting the consequences of Afewarki’s actions against Eritrean peasants and pastoralists. Amidst Afewarki’s nation crafting exercise, what highlanders forget is that, if the gaps between Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders on the one side and peasants and pastoralists on the other widen, then we will all be losing everything we have at hand. And starting everything from the scratch would mean going through new scenarios whose results cannot be predicted of hand. So everything that is worth salvaging from hereon must focus on finishing off Afewarki’s tyrannical rule; by any and all means necessary. Otherwise, it can become too late for highlanders who are caught-up in reclaiming the legacy of “ghedli” and focusing on finishing-up the nation crafting exercise; while we the organized peasant and pastoralist groups resort to pulling the rug under their feet for keeping us as their 2^nd class citizens. Let them be reminded the fact that all initial movements in Eritrea started in lowland areas and with our good will. For these efforts, our peasant and pastoral population should have benefited from the 1993 change but in vain. So in the face of all the prime problems pointed above, let them know that we are settled on fighting against those who snatched our rights for self-determination.

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27. January 2010 by Assimba.

Abdullah A. Ado – Email: abdullahadoa@gmail.com

Introduction:

To begin with let me ‘get to the nitty-gritty’ and thank EMDG and EPDP Board members and those individuals who genuinely requested me to make correction on a name I mentioned in my earlier article by goofing-up EMDG for EPDP. Indeed I have exchanged contacts on this matter both with EMDG and EPDP Board members. By mistake I did point out EMDG as the outcome of the merger. Really, the correct information is that a merger had taken place among 3-Eritrean Tigrinya highlander opposition groups (i.e., the Eritrean People’s Movement; the Eritrean Democratic Party; and the Eritrean People’s Party) as per their joint political resolution communicated on December 31, 2009. So their merger is thus known as the ‘Eritrean Peoples Democratic Party’ (EPDP). With this, I resort to the essence of this article.

Charles Swindoll wrote in his known book: “Growing Strong in the Seasons of Life” stating that: “Courage is not limited to the battlefield or … bravely catching a thief in your house. The real tests of courage are…the inner tests, like remaining faithful when nobody’s looking; like enduring pain when the room is empty; like standing alone when you’re misunderstood; like fighting for what is right even when you know you are going to lose.”

Likewise, I wrote this article with the hope that the explanations provided herein below will eventually sink well into our Eritrean ‘highland Tigrinya stakeholders’ minds ‘who are stepping on our toes’ must clean-up their hitherto existing attitudes and positions pertaining to Eritrea’s future. Regardless of name-callings and foul language poured at me from several Eritrean Tigrinya individuals who in most cases bubble with angry words like boiling water on high temperature; and with high flying supremacist and defensive attitudes, I still maintain my stand and insist on sharing my views with the wider reader community till the truth sinks and makes difference in terms of bringing the downtrodden pastoral communities’ perspectives in Eritrea to the fore. To this effect, if my article sounds provocative and confrontational, indeed, so it is. In Afewarki’s Eritrea the saying: “One man eats, another says grace!” holds evident. Our ancestors land has been taken away by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling Junta; and in reality we have no land in our own possession; except for use right mainly controlled by Afewarki’s watchmen. My belief in this is that one day, if and when concerned readers search and research for the absolute truth, they will definitively land upon and recognize the reasons why our pastoralist communities’ final decisions remain consistent and undeniable. From the outset, Eritrean highlanders need to change their attitudes towards marginalized societies within Eritrea instantly. Instead of trying to maintain the status-quo held-up by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling Junta who always pretentiously tell us and the rest of the wider world that Eritrea is an entity designed for commonly sharing its endowments and resources by all its citizens alike, highlanders need to relinquish such cover-ups and denial opinions for the better. In fact, the following Chinese Proverb sums-up the reality we face on the ground in today’s Eritrea specifically: “He who rides a tiger is afraid to dismount”. Undeniably, highlanders seem afraid of us lowlanders and don’t want to dismount from their power throne carried on our shoulders thus far.

Eritrea’s Highlanders Contra Lowlanders:

At the cost of being labelled by few Eritrean highlanders as an inflexible person, let me reiterate and assert the subsequent realities on the ground just for the sake of clarity. I read through EPDP’s recent political resolutions where, in general terms, universal declarations on presenting evidence before the Eritrean public concerning missing human and legal rights issues are noticeably mentioned; and reasons are spelled out why EPDP stands opposed to Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta. Other than that, no where have the EPDP political declaration document mentions characteristically about conditions and challenges faced by the marginalized pastoralist societies within Eritrea proper. Overall, looked at from lowland, pastoralist, Muslim communities’ perspectives, the subsequent 3-key points are unconditionally critical to the future of Eritrea:

First of all, the Eritrean highland Tigrinya Christian and the lowland Pastoralist Muslim splits have not yet clearly been thought-out giving ways and means for Eritrea to grow and mature as a qualified nation state. Essentially, the democratic means to unify the Eritrean highland Tigrinya Christians and the lowland Pastoralist Muslims still linger quite out-of-the-way. Indeed, Eritrean highlanders and lowlanders have much less mutual interests that tie each community as a unified federation to match each other’s values and move together to a point of nation reinforcement. If at all there are a couple of things that we share in common within Eritrea, these are nothing but the debacles and troubles pouring on both highlanders and lowlanders by Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta; and these specifically when it comes to: (a) drafting our young boys and girls into Sawa military garrisons; and (b) paying forcibly our cash at hand to PFDJ-ruling junta’s tax collectors. Amidst this, the vast majority of Eritrean highlanders still continue to display plain defensive characters alien to our marginalized pastoralist groups within Eritrea proper. Based confidently on their chauvinistic stand point, highlanders try every means available to them to twist our arms and persuade us by hook or crook to go their way without making any sensible concessions. They are intolerant for any bragging about coming their way from our side concerning about our felt needs and livelihoods. Rather, highlanders want us to firmly abide by their extremely acute motto of the day that goes: “Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi!” By so saying, Eritrean highlanders refuse to understand our fate as marginalized pastoralist-population. By all accounts and by any means, they want us to admit the existence of Eritrea as a state; and fear for any hurdle that may put the making of Eritrea at risk. But, both at the leadership and at the community levels, the reality is different than what they imagine. The gaps distinctly splitting the Eritrean highland Christian neighbors and the lowland Muslim population remain evident and widespread. In our pastoralists view, Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders, who are alien to the lowlander cultural and socio-political norms and ethos, must understand the naked reality that there is nothing clutching us collectively with them; and holding us in bondage as a unique body within Eritrea as such. So our serious advice to Eritrean highlanders is simple and straight forward: “Don’t count your chickens before they hatch”. Don’t count on us pastoralists before the bridge you try to mend for sustained relationships with us are clearly spelled-out and reinforced on mutual terms.

Secondly, a reminder to Eritrean highlanders is: “Don’t put all your eggs in one basket”; and stop demanding to stand for: “Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi!” After all, how can you claim a solidified mind and heart in a diversified entity? How closely are you highlanders actually tied in affinity with us the lowlanders? How close do we know each other to share Eritrea as one roof with you? These are deeply engrained questions begging for proper responses. At the end of the day, Afewarki’s craftsmanship towards solidifying Eritrea as a sustained state has not yet materialized as initially intended. Nor does it have substantial basis for Eritrea’s future. Indeed, except for those from Rashaida origin, there is hardly any group within Eritrea that can fulfill the state / fatherland / definition. In this case, and other ground touching and deeply rooted lineage quarries, I suggest, any one interested to delve into this matter and read: ‘ZANTA ERITRA’ by Fit. Michael Hasama (a Mansa’e himself) composed in Tigrinya. By examining this matter deeper from linguistic and socio-cultural affinity points of view, one concludes that Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders descend from eight sub-groups with their roots deep inside Ethiopia; but with no common point of departure into Eritrea. Only the Tigre speaking group holds strong affinity to all other Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders and their extensions inside Ethiopia. Other than that: (a) The Hamassein and Akele Guzai highlanders are of the Meroni decent whose ancestor – Meroni was said to have moved down to Hamassein tracts from Dembya in Begemidr, located in Gondar inside Ethiopia. (b) The Mine-Fre highlanders are also of the Begemidr, Gondar origin inside Ethiopia but could not trace their original forefathers distinctly. Indeed, Mine-Fre, which means: ‘Let God Fulfill’ was coined as they seem not knowing who their Gondari ancestor by name was. (c) The Seraye highlanders are of Adkeme-Melega origin claiming to have moved into Eritrea from Lasta and Gojjam tracts deep inside Ethiopia. (d) The Asmee / Deki-Ishmaelo of Arba’ete Asmara and the DekiShihai of LegoChewa (touching upon the Hamassein and Seraye highland tracts) are of the Asawerta descents. (e) The Anganaa Christians around Dekemhare are of the Hazo-origin that trace their roots inside Tigray; just like other Tigrinya highlanders who tress their decent deep into Adwa, Tembien, Shire Enda Sellasie and Kilte Awlallo. (f) The Ankala Afar Christians around Tserona are of Afar origin. Therefore, the Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders simply disqualify from the Biher / Nationality / definition. The Tewke and Terke Bilen trace their decent from the Meroni (Tewke), and Adkeme Melega (Terke). In fact, “It is time to pay the piper”. It is time for highlanders to face the consequences of the unchecked actions done thus far.

Thirdly, as we (Afar, Kunama, Saho, etc.) pastoralists need to: “Give the devil his due” the side road forward for us deprived of our privileges, and legal rights; especially the right to vote on matters affecting our future is to lay down our own road map before we jump into any kind of unity resolution with highlanders. After all, what is the rationale for us to join hands with you and jump on your political bandwagon? Is it because it is fashionable to topple Afewarki and his PFDJ-ruling junta only for you to take over power and maintain the status quo? How sure are we pastoralists that you highlanders will show any different attitudes from that of Afewarki’s? Why should we pastoralists go for unification where we remain 2^nd class citizens? What stops us from acquiring our freedom to decide on matters that affect our livelihoods? What hinders us from practicing our traditional cultural and religious polity and human values freely? These are serious issues that highlanders must be rationally ready to respond to before they implicitly generalize the existing highland-lowland splits as non-existent.

Conclusive Remarks:

As freedom is free and an inalienable gratis right given to any human being at birth, we pastoralists too are readily determined to regain our birth rights. Indeed, as ‘Eritrea is still a nation in the making’, the Eritrean highlanders need to come to stipulations with us pastoralists either to make it; or to push us aside in contempt and force us to break it. To this end, there are 3-senarios open for Eritrean Tigrinya highlanders to consider: (a) done better now belated than never, you need to give away your inherent motto: “Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi!” and opt for emancipation that may bring you closer to us and become partners in the Eritrean nation making exercise. (b) If this scenario is practically out of question, then you are better off and select side either to link up with your Christian neighbors to whom you are deeply caffeinated by origin and linked by language, culture and religion, within the Tigray and Amharic regions of Ethiopia. (c) If you still find both (a) and (b) scenarios out of touch and taste, then you can still consider continuing to remain detached and left alone till you come to your senses and figure out your own legitimate solutions.

On our part, we are unwavering to join hands with our brethren on the other side of our affinities; and continue to enrich our livelihoods freely and fraternally as we deem them suitable for our communities; just in the same manner as we have been carrying out since time and generations immemorial.

An Olive Branch to now muscular Tigrigna highlanders:

Two Important Births that happened in our midst as Afar People (The Afar Midwifery)

1. Eritrea (Assab, Dankaliya, Nov 15, 1869)

2. EPLF (Sidica Ella, Dankaliya, early, 1970)

An Afar account of birth of Eritrea (by Yassin Mohammed Yassin)

Birth of Eritrea:

From the renowned Kingdom of Adal established in Rahayeta, the kingdoms of Dankali and Ankala, the Sultanate of Bidu and other major clan chieftains and sheikdoms successively dominated the traditional administration on the Red Sea coasts, in the interiors and on the islands as well. Since the 16th century, the Ottoman Turks had controlled the Red Sea Afar coastal areas

with a minimal influence over the territories. The Ottoman rule transferred its nominal authority over the coasts and islands of the Red Sea to the Egyptian Khedive in 1866 but didn’t last long. It was after only three years, on 15 November 1869, that the Ankala Afar chiefs, Sultan Ibrahim Ahmed and Sultan Hassan Ahmed signed an agreement with Giuseppe Sapetto, representative

of Societa Rubattino Company on the Nasser Majid ship, in which the future Colonia Eritrea was first conceived as the piece of land in Assab possessed by the Italian company. Soon afterwards, on 10 March 1882, the Rubattino company transferred all its landholdings to the Italian government and later, on 5th June 1882, the Italian King Umberto declared the land the Colonia di Assab which later grew up to Colonia Eritrea after Italian colonists had entered Asmara in 1889 without any notable opposition.

Birth of EPLF (PFDJ):

Soon after the fallout between Afar fighters and ELF in 1967, new movement called the People’s Liberation Front (PLF) that later, in the early 1970s became the EPLF. The infant EPLF, mainly dominated by the Christian highlander Tigreans, took advantage of the dispute among the Afar

and ELF forces in order to freely mobilize its forces in the Afarland of Eritrea

(Dankalia), of course with Afar consent

Sidica Ella in the Dankalia desert is the birthplace of the EPLF. The embryonic and weak

EPLF forces were initially camped at Sidiha Ela from where their military power built-up.

As we (Afar and others) have witnessed these unfortunate births, we call it unfortunate not because there was a new birth but what these babies have become; the grievance, the blood shade, tears behind bars, starvation and the exodus, who knew it? Who in the right mind is proud of this? The Highland Tigrigna and other supports of PFDJ would seriously think this is the way to bring up a child? If so …then we don’t ever want to be in this household of injustice and second class citizenship inside or out as opposition.

Amanuel Hidrat In his last article (Nature Abhors Vacuum: Understanding Nature of Competing Values Part-III) in Awate, stated after coming across my article in Aiga, he urged to foster cross-cultural success in modern Eritrea, both political and civic organizational institutions must promote empathy and understanding.

To those of us and many other who share our arguments as lowlands and disenfranchised, that our grievance is worthwhile to listen to, should map our ways forward in a house that is Just, peaceful and equal representation for all, like any civilized 21st century democracy should function, then we would be foolish not graciously accept the olive branch to be involved in an a nation building, National unity, Hade-Widib, Hade-Hizbi, Hade-Libi or Transitional government.

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16. January 2010 by Assimba.

By Obo Arada Shawl

January 13, 2010

TPLF’s chaotic style versus EPRP’s party substance

On the eve of the departure of the Monarch, Emperor Haile Selasie, everybody and everyone was excited for a big change of leadership including the King of Kings, himself.

The educated class of M’huran and the Tsinhate M’huran collided head on ideological as well as on the political agendas for Ethiopia. But for the average man or woman, there was no difference between the two concepts of – ideology & politics. Instead of battling on the concepts for change, both sides of MEISON and EPRP mainly fought over the question of legitimacy for political power and over the merits and demerits of Military rule.

MEISON (All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement), EPRP (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party) were the two contenders to teach and disseminate the power of ideology and politics to Eathiopians. On that account both have succeeded to a certain degree.

Notwithstanding their accomplishment, today both organizations have failed to rescue their leadership. I am referring to the leadership defined by Abera Yemaneab of MEISON who has been kept in EPRDF’s prison indefinitely and DEBTERAW’s hostage drama kept incommunicado in Woyane’s base camp.

As a movement, MEISON is finished. It has no mass base as the “educated class”, the class that was associated as an instrument for the DERG’s inhumanity, headed it.

And the DERG is finished on its own merit. Technically both MEISON and the DERG were counter-revolutionaries disguised in revolution.

The Nationalists of TPLF and EPLF were not revolutionaries either. Every single action associated either with the TPLF or EPLF has grown more unpopular over the years.

When we look back since the TPLF’s coming to power, the Ethiopians, initially the Eritreans, then most of the ethnic societies were motivated by TPLF’s campaign for electoral politics. There was no substance but style.

All along, EPRP was informing and acting against the chaotic role of relationship and governance of the TPLF. Nevertheless, its enthusiasts adopted TPLF’s methodology of fabrication and maneuvering.

In contrast, opposition parties, many of them as fractious and outspoken have become interested in substantive political issues. They decry the dangers of selling/leasing lands, about Article 39, arresting opponents and censoring/shutting mass media.

Their concerns are valid. These are public issues of fundamental importance.

The Unfinished Revolution

EPRP stands for the entire Eathiopian population for the peasants as well as for the urban dwellers. It does this by promoting peace and harmony among peoples and nations through the process of democratization.

The Eathiopians have turned decisively against the class of M’hur Akal and against all its theoretical/ideological works. At the same time, the Eathiopian public has moved against Melles and the Issais regimes that began their popularity soared but now sunk to low level of approval.

Both Melles and Issais epitomizes as products purchased by consumers and has come to regret it and that the consumer want their money back.

In a sense, both leaders have never been more than their education although for some people was more than enough. Both leaders have neither experience nor accomplishments for their positions they are in.

Their accomplishments should be reexamined against their stand on global trade, global culture, global climate or religion.

On domestic issue, for Eritreans, there is no room for fake elections, no free market and no free lunch.

Our M’hur Akal is educated beyond its intelligence. Their resolution, moral clarity and an ability to understand and to connect with great many people are unknown. Only the Tsi’nhate M’hur Akal has not been fooled itself for which their country and its people will not forget.

TPLF and EPLF have misjudged the times and the country of Eathiopia. Thanks for the seeds of Assimba; the long struggle of DEBTERAW and the spirit of Wallelign live on.

The Eway Ethiopian Revolution

The Eway Revolution is a search engine and it is the path that DEBTERAW and his Revolutionary Party followed. The base is Assimba mountain, it is being negotiated by DEBTERAW’s life and death situations and finally reaching the goal of Wallelign to become one strong, stable, democratic and open society in the name of Eathiopia.

DEBTERAW is more than an individual person. He is the missing link in the Eway Ethiopian Revolution – a revolution that has changed Ethiopia forever and for better.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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12. January 2010 by Assimba.

Thursday, 07 January 2010 21:28

Eritreans for Democratic Governance (EDG), now the Eritrean Movement for Democratic Governance (EMDG) takes this opportunity to salute the decision of the United Nations Security Council for imposing long overdue sanctions against the government of Eritrea. This totalitarian, illegitimate, government has imposed sanctions upon its own impoverished people for the past 18 years by severely limiting Eritrean citizens’ employment, movement, and trade activities.

It is gratifying that an inclusive international organization has finally begun addressing the need to curb its destabilization of regional governments and its increasing threats to world peace.  As for the Eritrean people, the power to remove this autocratic regime lies is in their own hands.  Given the dire conditions within Eritrea, it is time for her people to coordinate efforts to defend their very existence as people and nation. 

The 53-member African Union deserves credit for its historic decision to raise awareness of the conditions within Eritrea in the United Nations Security Council and to insist upon the imposition of sanctions against the PFDJ ruling junta, siding firmly with the victimized people of Eritrea.  Renowned human rights champion and Nobel Peace Prize winner Reverend Desmond Tutu once said that “freedom is free”.  The logic that operating a nation under a lawful system of government that allows freedom for its people costs less in both financial and human terms than does a system designed to control and oppress citizens using police and armed security apparatus is sound.  Spending a disproportionate percentage of national wealth on repression contributes nothing towards the growth and development of its people.  It’s time for all African leaders to assure that they themselves are not a primary cause of instability inside of their nations.  Hanging on to power indefinitely, at the justification of being under passive attack by a shadowy array of useable external forces, cannot go unchallenged forever.  History teaches us that, with or without the moral support of the international community, there is always an end to state sponsored oppression.

Eritreans in the Diaspora will play an important role by utilizing the sanctions as a peaceful tool in the struggle to identify and expose PFDJ tax collectors.  These individuals prey upon Diaspora communities worldwide, conducting illegal multimillion dollar collection of monies destined to support nefarious activities.  The international community and nations hosting Eritrean refugees must also pay special attention to the “Young PFDJ” movement organized by party members.  Through the political education and training they receive at the SAWA military summer camps in Eritrea, the youth movement poses a serious security threat to countries hosting otherwise peaceful Eritrean Diaspora communities. Be aware that there is an especially significant summer camp big one planned for 2010!  Eritrean parents must closely supervise their children’s activities and should not provide PFDJ representatives’ access to their communities for the recruitment of young children. You do not need your own offspring working for PFDJ in your own homes!

Eritreans for Democratic Governance (EDG), now the Eritrean Movement for Democratic Governance (EMDG) launches its anti-dictatorial mobilization campaign urging our citizens to defend the nation by all means to liberate themselves from unceasing oppression, unmatched even by occupation forces in its history of successive European or African invaders. After conducting extensive brain storming sessions, and pre-conference assemblies from October 2008 to May 2009, EMDG released a press note to the public on May 11, 2009.  It declared its formation by outlining its clearly defined political objectives, goals, and initiating a program intended to coordinate its efforts with other opposition organizations.  The EMDG exists to support those who are paying the ultimate price by carrying arms to defend the nation. The movement is comprised of former fighters from both major liberation organizations-the ELF and EPLF, as well as a younger generation of men and women from the Diaspora ready to challenge the status quo on all fronts. Under the tagline of “Good Governance, the basis for peace, security, and prosperity”, (“الحكم الرشيد ، أساس للسلام والأمن والازدهار” “ጽቡቕ ምሕደራ፡ መሰረት ሰላምን፡ ጸጥታን፡ ብልጽግናን”), EMDG advocates strengthening the institutions necessary to build a democratic and constitutional government in Eritrea. 

Members of EMDG understand that the Eritrean people are reluctant to support newly borne organizations.  Until proven otherwise, EMDG will also be tainted by the presumption of under-representation as the organization is formed by individuals of similar upbringing, culture, and socio-political experience.  We believe that this concern is valid.  Over the past forty years, primarily because the society was programmed to believe that “only one organization can function better”, broadly representative civil organizations have been slow to develop.  This notion goes back to the 1970’s when the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) attempted to scuttle the Peoples Liberation Front (PLF) by stating that “the Eritrean field of struggle cannot tolerate/carry more than one organization” (“meda eritra kab hade widb nlae’li kisewr aykielenyu”), which was later amended in its second National Congress of 1975 which concluded that two or more liberation organization can coexist and resolve their secondary contradictions through democratic dialogue.  This thinking was expressed in current form by the now infamous vow by the president ‘un-elect’ when he said “from now on there will be no merry-go-round of organizations” (“kab hiji nin’yew hashewyie nay widbat abkiuu’you”).  This was meant to exclude any viable political organization capable of surpassing PFDJ from developing. 

We all remember the PLF’s popular dance style named “kuda-tewedeb” (get organized), coined only to benefit one organization. The rest of society has no right to participate but to join and ask what task one can take within that organization. This belief was the foundation for the tagline “one organization, one people and one heart!” “Hade widib, Hade hizbi, hade libi!”  The truth of the matter is that we are a multi-ethnic society enriched by diverse cultures.  This reality is negatively exploited by the regime or other enemies to divide the people along regional, religious, and sectarian lines. After organizing every citizen under one “widb”, the regime intimidates citizens considering joining any other organization, and has become increasingly suspicious of any group critical of its policies-be they civic or religious. We should learn from our mistakes.  Vowing allegiance to any one political organization for eternity, particularly when quitting that organization is considered a taboo, or even “haram” or sin, is unhealthy for the individual and society. Leaders will not change their behaviour unless they know that the loyalty of members is contingent upon their responsible stewardship. 

EMDG believes that the organization has a unique role to play by implementing its vision of a united liberation army under one command- a beacon of hope for a national salvation. An army capable of reassuring members of the Eritrean Defence Forces that there is a national opposition army which is trustworthy, willing to receive and protect them if they join, and energize and rearm them if they plan to fight against a common enemy.  Moving away from a political organization already intoxicated by negative propaganda and indoctrinated by “hade libi/one heart” sloganeering, one cannot expect that a member of the defence forces deserting its ranks will join a fighting force that represents a narrow ideology, sect, religion or ethnicity.  For these Eritrean Defence Force soldiers of today to be compatriot fighters tomorrow they need to clearly understand our message that the opposition army represents common Eritrean national interests.

 Following the formation of the current umbrella organization, the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) (formerly the Alliance of Democratic Forces in 1999), various supporters—including global civic movements—have tried to address the importance of unity by demanding the formation of an army that is under one command. This fell upon deaf ears and was even mocked by certain leaders. Following the establishment of Eritreans for Democratic Governance (EDG) six months ago, we realized that the concept of “movement” adds value to our vision by reassuring our members and the general public that the organization pursues a very specific mission; the objective of the movement is to essentially put pressure on those organizations which have military wings to 1) assemble their military operations under one command and  2) lead the army as one liberation force fighting to fulfil the political aspirations of the Eritrean people. We respect each of these organization’s political beliefs, and the demands will ultimately be addressed in the constitution of future democratic Eritrea. However, in order to reach that goal, and in order to achieve military victory over the current regime, the military wings have to come under one command. The situation is so dire that we cannot afford to have fragmented armed forces fighting on various fronts with uncoordinated military strategies. 

The international community is aware that the downfall of the regime in Eritrea is inevitable, even imminent, but cannot throw its support behind opposition organizations because of their fragmented military organizations. A unified opposition army is necessary now to secure a stable Eritrea and to safeguard the future of its people.  Based upon recent events, there are glimmers of hope from within the Eritrean Defence Forces.  With a united opposition the people can rise up and express their opposition to tyranny through various means including civil disobedience or even simple expression of dissatisfaction about a regime that is increasingly isolated from its own people and the international community. 

The Eritrean people are waiting for the moment when they can say “yes! Now we can express our feelings in the streets” of Asmara, Keren, Massawa or Aseb because there is a unified opposition army and polity that is beginning to coordinate the future security and stability of the nation. Unified opposition will have a positive influence on Eritreans in the Diaspora by tipping the balance of the momentum towards the opposition.  Government support among the Diaspora communities is mainly driven by the untouchable appearance of the PFDJ crowd, mistreatment and constant harassment by their agents (tax collectors), and not merely from the fear that they would lose their property at home if they defy the regime and stand for justice and democracy. EMDG has a specific mission of mobilizing our people at home and abroad to rise up and defend themselves and their families. 

We will campaign to discourage the youth from fleeing the country and support them in resisting, just like our former organizations did when fighting Ethiopian occupation.  We are not going to dictate tactics to the young generation that wants to demonstrate its opposition against the current government, but we will openly tell them that “fight” and not “flight” is the key to destroying the regime.  The great lyrics of Teklemichael Ghebru’s 1974 song say it best: “tokormika motye, asafihka motye, n’anay nbahri nhade amet’ye”. Loosely translated as “whether you sit here (in the city) curled up in misery or laid back  with indifference you’re likely to be killed (by the Derg), so you might as well go to the bush (the battlefield) for a year”. The youth cannot continue to flee and die crossing the desert and the Mediterranean Sea indefinitely, sooner or later they must take up their generational obligation to confront the PFDJ and defend the nation against enemies—foreign or domestic. 

The movement hereby declares its firm commitment to and advocacy for:

1. Human Rights

2. Good Governance

3. Political Pluralism

4. The unconditional return of refugees to their homeland

5. Land to the Adi (village)

6. Return of power to its sole owners-the people. 

We will closely work with other civic and political opposition organizations.  We will serve in a supportive role to those organizations which show and prove full commitment to dislodge the current government militarily.  This extremely authoritarian and doctrinaire regime does not understand peaceful means of transitioning Eritrea into a democratically governed state.  It does not believe in peaceful means of engagement.  The current government of Eritrea can survive years of diplomatic pressure and will continue to exploit the human and economic resources of the nation for an infinite length of time.  We believe that in addition to military and diplomatic pressures, voicing full support for African Union and United Nations led economic sanctions is the correct path to follow in opposing this dictatorial regime. 

During our liberation struggle for independence both ELF and EPLF practiced economic sanctions against the enemy dwelling in the major cities.  Citizens in the rural areas were prevented from supplying food and energy sources to the enemy.  Now we can apply the same rules against the new enemy in Eritrea, and declare economic sanctions with money transfers only focused on the elderly and the vulnerable.  Financial transfers into Eritrea by the Diaspora should be limited to helping elderly parents.  All investment and business ventures, luxurious vacations, 2% taxation, and scandalous “Mekete” exploitations must end. 

In the following weeks and months EMDG will engage the public and media to spread its message. Paltalk sessions reaching all sectors of our society will clarify our mission and positions.  We call for a summit of opposition political organizations currently operating militarily in Eritrea.  We call for the formation of a central command of leadership to strike the enemy in its most strategically sensitive positions.  We call upon all Eritreans to cut the chains and break the yoke from the shoulders of our people once and for all.

Victory to our people 

EMDG

January 7, 2010

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9. January 2010 by Assimba.

31 12 2009  Yelfiwos Wondaya

Meles mentioned no national unity, sovereignty, or national interest, in his reply to the question of what his moral conviction is like in his political life. The question was asked by one of the journalists during his recent press conference in Addis Ababa.

It is no wonder though that many Ethiopians are outraged by his provocative remarks he always uses against our national symbols and flags at every occasion. With that in mind, one would conclude that there is no Moral Conviction other than love for money and lust for power for individuals like Meles whose measures of values are cash, wealth and power. Well, there is no such thing as being humble and respectful toward humanity on the part of narrow nationalists either. So Meles is all of the above, since he is a tribal chief and a sell out man all the same time, he is a man of cynic whose actions and deeds are insincere and motivated by his own selfish desires. He is always negative, sarcastic and derogatory about symbols others value so much, most important of all, he is interested in prices but not so much in values and moral convictions.

The reason being that narrow nationalists have a victim mentality is also that their hearts are filled with hatred, prejudice, blood-feud and revenge usually to the exclusion of all others. For they feel they are minor in every field one can think of, they feel too inferior to measure up with any given level of excellence accepted by the society as a norm by which actual attainments are judged by the their own merits. That is an image Meles inherited from his superiors through times. What’s more, as any racially driven hypocrites, Meles has an excessive devotion to his own tribe often associated with a belief of inferiority complex he suffers and revenges against all others, other than his own. He is altogether xenophobic, intolerant and compulsive in his approach; as a result, xenophobia, the pseudonym of the Cynic currently adopted by TPLF under his headship in our land is the ash heap of history and shall be remembered as such for the generation to come.

If need be, it is those genuine patriot political organizations whose national agenda is well in place to serve our national interest and sovereignty that have got to take the leadership role in today’s Ethiopia. Only a responsible government would take such serious events like territorial integrity and protecting that territory against intruders at any cost. Till then, Ethiopia is at a time when she needs her children to come to rescue her from domestic and foreign cannibalism. Ethiopia is not an abandoned land! Ethiopia is not and would not be considered as such so long as we the citizens of Ethiopia are

alive. Therefore, we must come and reach her and let others know that Ethiopia would not be mistaken for an abandoned land any longer, a land without citizens that protect her against all odds. Although some might given up hopes and signed documents appealing for forgiveness, launching a campaign to raise money, and resources to join the parliament, many other patriot Ethiopians are still in duty in terms of exposing, confronting, and defending of Ethiopia ’s national interest. Ethiopian patriots are hustling against the regime and its shady and illegal deals Meles is making with foreign powers and companies on a daily basis. That is the fact! Therefore, on part of such patriots, seeing the
nation of Ethiopia put up for sale, by sell-out Meles is unthinkable as opposed to those cowards who are fearful for the safety of their capital investment. After all, it is in their moral conviction to defend, protect and challenge enemy’s action aimed at the heart of their national unity, and territorial integrity of their nation.

After all, isn’t that good enough for us to tell that his strict adherence to anti Ethiopia is still there and his narrow-nationalistic dogma continues to manifest more of its misdeeds against the interest of our nation? This time he is selling the entire boarder line commencing from Metema to Gumbella out to the Sudan , he is currently in agreement with The Sudan authorities to give them a chunk of land. The last cession is in progress in Mekelle. Reportedly, people in Meklle danced and showed traditional Ethiopian songs. “Upon arrival at Mekelle’s Allula Abanega international Airport, the 135-member Sudanese delegation was warmly welcomed by Tigray regional president Tsegay Berhe, government officials, and with hundreds of residents in traditional closes waving both flags, singing and dancing traditional Ethiopian songs” Sudan Tribune. Earlier on, Meles of TPLF annexed parts of Gondar , and Wollo into ‘Greater Tigrai’ and helped Eritrea seceded. Now the next episode at hand is selling part of our territory and fertile lands out to foreign governments which is a new development and a trend that deprives Ethiopians of their own land, rights and privileges altogether. Most remarkable about these new developments are also reportedly that Sudanese authorities were warmly welcomed by Tigray regional president Tsegay Berhe, government officials, and with hundreds of residents in traditional closes waving both flags, singing and dancing traditional Ethiopian songs. Imagine they have celebrated this festival, by dancing and performing some Ethiopian traditional song in favor of Sudanese interest and of course at the expense of other Ethiopian nationals. Keep that in mind for the record. Yes Meles is known to have been reading a book of vile confessing death to Ethiopia, praising Killil in a place of greater Ethiopia, watering down any thing Ethiopian, and yes accompanying himself with the sworn enemies of our Ethiopia to harm Ethiopia itself, and telling us so much of unfounded stories that negate the entire historic reputation of Ethiopia for so long. So much so, what else do we expect from Meles other than dismantling our unity and rewriting our history on his own image and selling out of our lands territories to strangers? Ethiopia with her rich experience of governing herself for so long has also a history of defending her territory against foreign invasion. But this time, she is turning out to be under foreign mercenaries paid to serve for foreign powers. Meles is selling Ethiopia ’s integrity for a short-term advantage. Isn’t that what Meles is all about? In conclusion, from the out set, many concerned Ethiopians especially; EPRP told us that Meles of TPLF does not have the courage to win and the will to preserve Ethiopia ’s unity and her territorial integrity intact. They further warned us not to get duped by Weyane’s misleading propagandas and they have done so by speaking clearly, frankly and firmly in every occasion. That is on the record. To that end, Meles of TPLF together with his impotent group ruling in Addis are neither endowed with talent nor with some Ethiopian sentiment to share Ethiopianet with the rest us either. Finally, I have something to say to those who claim to be leaders of minor oppositions, supposedly, though not election, but Land is the foundation of human pride and it is something that people value and it should be as well that the leaders have to respect and live by.  But simply ignoring this call and accompanying Meles instead by being a guard or a guide to prolong his power will bring about incalculable mess against your fate in due course.

Justice shall prevail in the land of Ethiopia !!

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5. January 2010 by Assimba.

Abdullah A. Ado – abdullahadoa@gmail.com

Introduction:

Since 1993, there have appeared various analyses, by Eritrean and non-Eritrean writers alike, of the causes and effects of Issayas Afewarki and his regime’s crisis; and the likely impact it will have on the overwhelming majority of the population within Eritrea proper in the near future. These include descriptive summaries of events of failed ‘nation building experiments’. Vivid facts are cooking like latent volcano underneath the surface. Reasons are many. But let me ask only the following leading quarries: Do highlanders and lowlanders maintain any shared aspirations to speak of? Are the dreams of lowland Afar and kunama people and that of the highlanders mutual? Do highland–lowland divisions allow passage across obstacles? Do we know and love each other at all? Or do we remain at odds ever since? In the lowlanders view, Eritrea remains a divided nation yet in the making; struggling to come out of the clouds that overshadow its mere existence as a stable nation because of the border dispute along the Badme-Tsorena lines. Yes Eritrea is yet in our minds not solidified even as much as Djibouti is in the eyes of the outer world. Communities within Eritrea have a long way, longer and harder way to go, than the idealist Eritrean highlanders have always taken for granted; and wished that the nation building process is a done deal since Afewarki assumed power. But by so thinking they readily fell flat when it comes to explaining Eritrea’s own internal differences between highlanders and lowlanders; between the resentful Kunama and Afar societies on the one hand and the hard-handed Afewarki’s tyrant regime on the other. A case in point worth mentioning is the recent UNSC resolution. It is a good example of a well researched resolution that not only provides a detailed exposition of major mishaps that lead the contemporary crisis within the Afewarki regime, but also an objective analysis of the events which led naturally to a coherent and cogent set of UNSC’s objective resolution.

At the other end of the spectrum are always pseudo-intellectual rants mainly of Highland Eritrea origin who permanently publish on various Eritrean websites, warning the imminent danger that may result in the collapse of Issayas Afewarki and his regime’s polity. Obviously as its nationhood crafting is not based on solid grounds the aftermath will obviously lead into long-anticipated anarchy and chaos. There will emanate continuous sources of problems and irritation to not only the 9-major ethnic groups within Eritrea proper; but also to the neighbouring states in the region. One thing clear for those of us confined within Eritrea proper is the naked fact that the style of age old authoritarian governance within the Afewarki regime is not only young and fragile, but also outdated and demagogic. Thus it has to be replaced instantly. Unless we are ready to carefully nurture the situation with tools that help eradicate the maladies it will remain a source of fight for our respective community rights. It is this common premise that bears closer examination since it is patently very true. So before I commence my brief discourse, it is useful to define some basic terms in the interests of clarity and also in order to set the parameters of the discussion below within the context of socio-political theory.

Definitions:

The first term that needs to be defined here is “democracy”, since this concept lies at the very heart of the issue under discussion. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines democracy as a: “ (a) government by the people; especially : rule of the majority; (b) government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections.” The important point to note here is the phrase “… usually involving periodically held free elections …” We know from experience that free elections are not, in and of themselves, a necessary pre-condition for a democratic system of government; although they usually comprise an important element of such a system.

The central feature of a democratic system is that, government power is vested in the people and they exercise this power either directly, or through freely chosen representatives, which act in their behalf. This central democratic governance concept was articulated and enunciated, perhaps most famously, by Abraham Lincoln of the USA in his Gettysburg Address as: “… government of the people, by the people, for the people…” In fact, this precise and pithy exposition of a democratic system of government has become the popular definition of democracy.

To this effect, this central point leads me to the critically important concept of “political consent”, (i.e. the consent of the people to submit to the authority of government). In a democratic system, the people consent to a governmental authority because that very authority derives from the people freely choosing their leaders through periodically held elections.

As an Afar fellow by origin, I consider my own pastoral and clan-based system as the basis of our societal make up in which direct participation by each adult male in major decisions of the clan, or sub-clan, (e.g. whether to go to war or to resolve disputes with other clans/sub-clans through dialogue and negotiation) take place. Indeed, in the socio-political structure of traditional Afar, Kunama and other pastoral society remains extremely egalitarian and democratic; each with its own inner structure of appointing wise leaders without any public election system in the Western sense of it; and without any sophisticated provision for any electoral process. Even then, we can still characterize the Afar, Kunama and other pastoral communities as democratic. We adhere to the point of customary law and order by our direct, participatory nature of the system of social and political governance in each of our pastoral society whereby important issues are openly debated in mass public meetings and the majority views prevail and become binding upon all clan/sub-clan members after all the viewpoints are thoroughly aired out and deliberately discussed. This indigenous, participatory democracy has neither formal institutions nor any formal office holders (for example the Tajura and Asaita Sultanates remain purely ceremonial with no formal powers); yet each not only works, but has thrived and commanded the allegiance of our people for centuries, if not for millennia. Indeed, in traditional, pastoral, Afar society, clan elders are not elected but chosen through an evolutionary, dynamic, almost osmotic, process whereby those clan members that are perceived by their kinsmen as wise, reflective, or visionary do decent and honourably emerge as spokesmen and socio-political leaders whose opinions and judgments are widely respected and followed. This may be viewed as a social equivalent of the Darwinian evolutionary principle of ‘survival of the fittest’; except that it may be characterized as ‘emergence of the wise and honourable’. Thus, the success of the Afar-Kunama and other pastoral people in establishing a functioning, democratic system within their respective communities by defying Afewarki’s regime in the wake of a prolonged, devastating civil war against a tribally based, highland military dictatorship that had ruled for nearly two decades is not surprising.

Afewarki and his regime’s crisis in the Context of pastoral democracy

Needless to say, liberty is meaningless when the right to utter one’s thoughts and opinion has ceased to exist. Of all rights, the right to utter is the fear of tyrants of the likes of Issayas Afewarki. It is the right to utter which they first of all strike down since they know well that it is power. The Eritrean nation building process has been built on the experience of personalities. It has no tangible political foundations that can bring fundamental changes in the structure of the ruling system. And these days, leave alone in the lowland areas, even in the highland tracts where Afewarki and his regime have the upper hand, the political impasse on how and when to hold elections has become not only a taboo, but also Afewarki’s regime has dug its dubious heels over irreconcilable political positions that grew ever more intractable. There is a saying that goes: “There is no cure for the patient who hides his ailments.” Eritrea under Afewarki is really sick. So the deteriorating political situation and the death incidences happening on those uttering their rights in the pastoral communities among the Kunama and the Afar population in particular, galvanized our people in most parts of lowland Eritrea into antagonistic action as the prospect of sustained, and possibly armed, conflict continues to loom over our horizons.

As usual, there remain protracted armed conflicts every now and then in smaller scales between Afewarki and his henchmen on the one side; and each of the lowland clans on the other side of the isle. These antagonistic symbioses continue to provide to lowlanders essential lessons the hard way. Each of the episodes and military incidents that occur painfully demonstrate to our ordinary lowlanders the social and human cost of facing Afewarki’s anarchic regime. The Afewarki regime’s crisis thus must be seen in the context of a highly partisan, chauvinistic, and lopsided political stance; where highlanders are better trusted and where our peoples’ basic human rights as lowlanders are mismanaged at all times. These events lead our people to far worse crisis situation each time when protracted actions continue to contribute to an all out socio-economic and political subjugation.

Critically observing the public affaires, what accounts and analysis written by highlanders ignore is the role played by our lowlanders in the resolution of Afewarki and his regime’s make up. Instead, these highland writers focus mainly upon the role played jointly by Afewarki and the highlander actors within the nation make-up process. They forget the fact that we too are supposed to remain equally stakeholders in the statehood arena; and have equal say on any action that affects our lives and livelihoods within Eritrea proper.

Afewarki and his regime in the eyes of Lowlanders

There remain palpable and widespread public unease and anger with Afewarki and his regime’s political stand, which allows the clan situation to deteriorate. But falling back on traditional avenues of political and social intermediation, ordinary lowlanders everywhere instigated clan elders, religious leaders and their petty-business community (i.e. civil society leaders) to prevail upon the Afewarki’s local political appointees to tone down their rhetoric and reach a compromise with our society.

Afewarki and his regime’s political actors have a vested interest in de-railing the lowland community’s traditional democratic system and plunging it into the same old anarchy and chaos that has bedevilled highland Eritrea. They are willing to foment internal conflict; armed if necessary; in order to realize their political goals; and remain holding their ascent to power for a long while indefinitely. The key actor here is, of course, Issayas Afewarki himself with his age old nihilistic mission of plunging the whole Horn Africa region back into the Middle Ages type of war mongering. The painstaking rejection of these so-called Afewarki regime’s cadres by our lowland people is literally evidenced by the success of our clan authorities in thwarting repeated attempts by Afewarki and his associates to mount attacks, which is due primarily to the vigilance of our communities’ security watchers in recognizing and reporting suspicious activities and persons to the clan authorities.

In addition to, and separate from Afewarki and his henchmen, there are political actors from highland Eritrea who assume that they have so much in common with lowland Eritrea when it comes to recognizing the not yet stabilized state of Eritrea. These highlanders are also equally ready to force lowlanders to abide by their dream of shaping statehood through clan warfare, in order to create sufficient havoc to overthrow the local authorities and chiefdom and instigate a seizure of power on behalf of the Afewarki regime under the pretext of re-establishing order. For instance, the conflagration of a routine dispute between by-passing highlanders and pastoral clan-men over water rights has at times caused murders of innocent civilians in furtherance of their ambitions for power.

Hence the carefully orchestrated subversion of popular complaints in local communities into armed confrontations with Afewarki’s henchmen simply keep on sowing seeds of armed conflict, distancing and secession from that of Afewarki crafted nationhood. The intervention of the Kunama and the Afar clan elders, not to mention the maturity of the overwhelming majority of the concerned clans within Eritrea proper, succeeded in preventing the hitherto propping up disputes turning into ugly, armed war between clans and Afewarki’s regime. Correspondingly, the widespread public outcry against the political manoeuvrings and sedition of both Afewarki’s regime and highland opposition groups against lowlanders’ right to secede always, continue to force both the lowlanders and highlanders to abandon their sterile impasse and raise their political temperature to the level of no return.

Conclusive Remarks

First of all, several key points outlined above need carefully weighing and taken to serious considerations. To us lowlanders, the political culture of participatory democracy is not new. It is indeed a central feature of our societal socio-political ethos, culture and tradition. This fact is perhaps not fully appreciated by highland Eritrean people; and especially by Afewarki and his regime. To them, democratic governance is a new construct among our lowland population and in our communities’ political history. This hypocritical contemptible look at lowlanders explains the over-arching focus upon embracing on the making of the “New Eritrea” while at the same time ignoring our key important features in our traditionally existing democratic systems. It is important to remember the following points. During the decade commencing from 1993 until the end of 2009, Afewarki’s regime has never been a representative one, where lowlanders in particular enjoyed the freely given consent of their society; not to mention their confidence. There has never been any representative democracy and elections in the whole of Eritrea proper as initially promised in 1993, let alone in lowland areas. There has never been any attempt to adapt the indigenous, Kunama-Afar clan-based, pastoral democracy to the modern institutions in Asmara. There has never been any independent judiciary and a legislature of House of Representatives in Asmara.

Secondly, the drafting of a constitution and its ratification was done by presently exiled highlander by the name Bereket Hapte Sellasie, who originally was born and brought up in Harar, Ethiopia; and had no clear knowledge or understanding of our lowlanders’ culture or civility. His draft constitution has no clan-based pastoral democracy adopted in it. Thus, the making of Eritrea proper remains half baked; qualitatively more undemocratic right now than it was during the 1952-1993 federation with Ethiopia. The fact is Afewarki’s regime always downgraded the clans’ traditional, pastoral political system to benefit from his own archaic, nihilistic, institutional and anarchic structures. Thus, the shift from the clan-based, pastoral democracy of the pre-1993 era to the present one whereby Afewarki and his hand picked henchmen continues to affect the lowlanders negatively. Overall, the dream for nation building is deteriorating the traditional democratic changes in terms of representation; the consent of the people to its clan authority; and finally the transparency and accessibility of lowlanders to the forthcoming ‘federal system’ embracing all 9-ethnic groups equally and impartially.

Thirdly, the determination of the ordinary lowlanders not to surrender the independence, stability and peace we have enjoyed for generations under our home-grown system of representative local government and a free clan-based society is going to remain the powerful foundation. It ensures our durability for ever as it has done for generations thus far. During this Afewarki’ regime’s crisis, our determination has been trumped. In fact, it is a fundamental cause for the machinations of both our political elders and the malevolent plots of would-be usurpers of clan-state institutions. Indeed, the timely support of our brethren inside Ethiopia and Djibouti remains the main viable and valuable stick with which to compel Afewarki and his regime either to look beyond their narrow chauvinistic self-interests and see the ‘big picture’; or step down and leave our lowland communities to freely choose our respective destiny how to live and let other live in peace. This very desire for our clan and national self-determination up to and including secession for our free society is deeply ingrained in our lowland pastoralist peoples’ mind. It also remains the basis of our revolt against Afewarki and his chauvinistic and partisan highlander dictatorship; and the subsequent, long war of our liberation since 1993. It is also a fundamental and enduring feature of the history and culture of pastoral societies within Eritrea proper, which has survived for centuries of, admittedly benign, Italian-British-French colonial rules. But now, the treachery of a union in the making of a nation has subverted by the calculations of chauvinist highlanders’ domination; an oppressive, tribal dictatorship that declared war on its own citizens; intensifying armed, clan conflicts; motivated by an overweening lust for power; sustained efforts by a regime force to subvert the very existence of our clan-based democracy as an independent local state; including acts of terror and violence, nationalization of assets, and trade embargos; and, most recently, the inability of Afewarki’s regime to look beyond its own naked war mongering banditry ambitions.

Fourthly, the recently concerted pressure exerted on Afewarki by the UNSC and the Ethiopian Government helps prepare the grounds for further struggle. Internal subversion attempts against lowlanders have thus far failed. This proves that Afewarki and his regime’s instigators as well as their highland supporters are forced to give-up on their aims by circumstantial evidence as indicated by UNSC resolution and by the worsening living conditions inside Eritrea proper.

Finally, far from being strong and cemented, Afewarki’s regime and its phoney-democracy are indeed fragile and destined to doom. His regime is founded on sandy grounds without embracing the cultural fabric of lowlander pastoral societies that are nourished by the determination of our ordinary pastoral clans to enjoy our freedom and pursue our lives and livelihoods in peace. In sum the hitherto existing Afewarki’s regime and his institutions, constitution and political systems require continual review and improvement; or else they are doomed to fail pretty soon. Afewarki’s regime must realize the need to remain inclusive of our clan-centric pastoral system to his platform-centric focus of chauvinistic and mainly highlander-based partial system. Then and only then can we claim the rights to utter words of thoughts and opinions freely and fraternally.

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28. December 2009 by Assimba.

By Harakale Mohamed Hanfere - Email: harmohanfere@gmail.com

On Wednesday, December 23, 2009, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) slapped an arms embargo on Issayas Afewarki’s regime and imposed targeted sanctions for allegedly aiding Somali rebels and threatening neighbouring Djibouti. The 13-member body voted overwhelmingly and passed a Ugandan-drafted resolution that ban weapons sales to and from Eritrea and imposed travel restrictions on, and freeze assets of, Issayas Afewarki’s political and military leadership. Libya, the lone Arab member of the council and the current chair of the pan-continental African Union (AU) bloc, is the only country that voted against the resolution.

This powerful resolution passed by the UNSC imposing sanctions against Issayas Afewarki’s Regime in Eritrea is critically based on key justifiable measures including, but not limited to: an arms embargo; the inspection and seizure by Member States in their territory of such cargo to and from Eritrea; and, the imposition of a travel ban, and the freezing of assets of, Issayas Afewarki’s political and military leadership who is already blacklisted by the AU and UNMEE Committees other international bodies for its active participation in piracy, arms smuggling and intensification of tension along all the borders of neighbouring countries. As UNSC has strongly emphasized in the past weeks, this brazen act of Issayas Afewarki’s regime is based on pure contempt and disdain. But the Council’s findings on factual evidence and considering of provisions of international law on circumstances that instigate piracy, arms smuggling and intensification of terrorist training camps throughout Eritrea has brought to the fore the Afewarki regime’s continued travesty of justice and amplified dangers inherent in its systems. The fact of the matter is, this resolution was originally conceived by neighbouring countries facing the challenges of piracy, terror plots and destabilization of peace; and later it was executed by 13 UNSC member countries including, but not limited to the United States, Britain, and especially Uganda who sponsored the resolution for purposes of decisive and determined action packaging. Undoubtedly, the UNSC based its resolution on an earlier resolution passed by the AU that was warning Afewarki’s regime to adhere to international law and order. But Afewarki’s terrorist regime persistently continued to give in. In defiance of all hitherto passed resolutions against it, Afewarki’s regime still refuses to adhere to international law and order. Setting aside the retarded, outdated, and misguided policies and his guerrilla “Administration”, Afewarki has loathsome personal agenda and obsession to destabilize the region through wanton and contempt.

Hence, it is timely to exert an all rounded embargo and break Afewarki’s ever standing arrogance both internally on the Eritrean populations that are divided on religious, ethnic and political grounds; and externally for pushing arms smuggling, piracy and terrorist actions. Actually, what are the accusations levelled against Eritrea? How do these accusations match with the provisions of the UN Charter? Does the embargo process pursued against Issayas Afewarki’s regime conform to the modalities and precedents of the UNSC? I hope the following 5-reasons provide sufficient answers to these quarries.

First of all, the UNSC accusations against Issayas Afewarki and his regime for involvement in Somalia have evidentially been substantiated and verified by reports submitted to UNSC by UNEMEE, AU, IGAD and Ethiopia exposing Issayas Afewarki and his regime’s destructive roles in the region. The sanction imposed on Afewarki’s regime was the result of the Eritrean government’s simultaneous destabilization missions in Somalia, Djibouti and the Ogaden region inside Ethiopia. Hence, UNSC-Member States approved this substantiated resolution precisely for this very reason. Besides, the Somalia Monitoring Group had also previously accused Afewarki’s regime on several occasions for supplying arms to those opposing the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Somalia. Likewise the Council demanded Afewarki’s regime to “cease all efforts to destabilize or overthrow, directly or indirectly” the TFG in Somalia; and further indicts Afewarki for not only providing political, financial, and logistical support to armed groups engaged in undermining peace and reconciliation in Somalia, but also advancing piracy on international water of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Getting substantial financial backing from Libya and handful Arab countries that would like to challenge the West in clandestine, Afewarki’s regime has gained momentum for political will and source of finance for its arms distributive clouts to bankroll armed groups in Somalia, Ogaden, Djibouti and the rest of the region. As for the accusations of political support, it is an open secret that Afewarki’s regime has steadfastly refused to recognize the TFG in Somalia for its covert and unfounded reasons. In fact, these lop-sided and unbalanced positions emanate from Afewarki’s profound desire to destabilize the region’s peace by propagating further the crisis in Somalia. These political considerations aside, the fundamental legal issue at hand is whether Afewarki’s outlaw regime can come to terms of jurisdiction as crafted by the UNSC. Indeed and very truly indeed, it is within the UNSC’s mandate to punish with punitive measures against any bandit regime like that of Afewarki’s. Afewarki should not be allowed to continue acting as a springboard for piracy, arms smuggling and funnelling terrorism that cause regional destabilization; and on accounts of religious and political views it manifests against the majority of the world nations; it should be stopped from its illegal piracy propagation roles and its invasion on a defenceless country like Djibouti arbitrarily.

Secondly, the UNSC’s resolution refers to the “decision of the 13th Assembly of the AU, calling upon the UNSC to impose sanctions against Issayas Afewarki’s regime in Eritrea. It was tabled, and only opposed by Libya which has a special linkage with Afewarki and his regime for reasons explained herein above. More importantly, the UNSC’s function is to base its decisions on evidential resolutions adopted by AU and on the basis of indisputable facts focused on international law.

Thirdly, the UNSC-Resolution recommends other penal measures against Eritrea on the accounts of border disputes with Djibouti where the latter has been appealing both to the AU and to the UN for quite a number of years in the recent past. Regarding the border dispute with Djibouti, the UNSC’s demand reiterates its call in Resolution 1862 adopted in January 2009 that Afewarki’s regime must pull out its forces and all their equipment from disputed territories and ensure that no military presence or activity is pursued in the area. That resolution had given Afewarki’s regime in Eritrea five weeks to pull out. It is recalled that the dispute over the Ras Doumeira promontory on the shores of the Red Sea last flared up in June 2008 after previous clashes in 1996 and 1999.

Fourthly, Afewarki and his regime forget the fact that there has never been any legally accepted border demarcation between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Nor has the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia been given any viable solution. This has encouraged Afewarki’s regime to captivate the overwhelming Eritrean population under the guise of “national military service” with which to constantly keep them in check and at an alert position for likely war situation against Ethiopia along the long stretching and yet non-demarcated borderline.

Fifthly, according to a recent article on www.Africa.com, most Eritrean people do support the United Nations sanctions imposed on Eritrea under the ’repressive’ Issayas Afewarki’s regime that has repeatedly been accused of destabilizing the Horn of Africa since it gained its de-facto “independence” from Ethiopia in 1993. According to ABC News Reporter Dana Hughes from Nairobi, Afewarki and his regime officials admitted on December 16, 2009 that the Eritrean soccer team as officially missing, after failing to return home from a tournament that took place in Kenya. The plane carrying the 12 players and the coach to Nairobi returned to Eritrea with only the coach.  It sounds like an intriguing mystery, but the truth is those young men, who disappeared while in Kenya are just some of the thousands of the Eritrean youths who try to defect from Afewarki’s SAWA-Military Garrison by all possible means every year. It is an open secret that Eritrea is considered as one of the most repressive regimes currently existing in the world. In fact, there is no freedom of press or religion. The regime’s tough nationalization of nearly all private enterprises has left the country in abject poverty. As it stands, it is illegal for any one Eritrean to leave Eritrea without Afewarki and his regime’s approval, which is hardly ever granted. Mandatory conscription can last indefinitely. The tyrant dictator Afewarki holding fast the driving seat, he justifies the indefinite conscription policy by maintaining his argument that his regime needs a strong and large army to counter Ethiopia, on the non-demarcated border issues that erupted in 1998 and still continue at full-swing. But according to the Human Rights Watch, this brutal policy of Afewarki, along with other repressive measures persistently taking place inside Eritrea has turned its population to live under a totalitarian military giant garrison. In fact, Human Rights Watch has documented several cases of people who tried to flee being imprisoned and tortured. Needless to say, Eritrea’s security forces reportedly have a “shoot to kill” order for any citizen caught trying to flee the border into Sudan, Ethiopia or Djibouti. The situation is so severe that the United Nations High Commission of Refugees recommends countries should not deport any Eritrean, because of the almost guaranteed mistreatment upon the refugees return. For those who do escape, their families become direct targets for revengeful attacks by Afewarki’s garrison keepers; indeed, several families reportedly have to either pay a fine of several thousand dollars or face prison sentence themselves. By 2007, when Afewarki’s regime issued a new policy that all travelling athletes must deposit about $6,000 before leaving the country, this has now become a kind of insurance policy that they would return home. But this time, the 12 young men who were sent to Kenya decided to stay away whatever the price of escape is to them or to their families. They found it worth paying and disappear once and for all than to toil under a tyrant regime engulfed in endless misery.

The UNSC-Resolution-1907(2009) is thus a timely action; critically founded on international law and irrefutable facts. Among UNSC member nations, the United States has also employed its support to the resolution on clearly justifiable sanctions against the troublesome Afewark’s regime. All alone Afewarki’s regime dreams to turn the tables and victimize innocent neighbouring nations through its wanton, disdain, piracy arms smuggling and terrorist training camps and other cynical crimes that it is responsible for in the first place. In fact, the truth is, Issayas Afewarki and his regime remain steadfastly responsible for the mayhem and suffering that is bedevilling not only Somalia, but also Djibouti, Ogaden and the Eritrean population at large. Indeed, it is an open secret and common knowledge that as intractable as the Somali crisis may be, there were real hopes of a turnaround for the better by 2006. But for reasons that defy rationale, Afewarki’s regime then acted to roll back those promising developments by instigating havoc and defying Ethiopia’s and Uganda’s involvement in peace keeping roles within Somalia. That single debacle alone aggravated the humanitarian crisis to this very day in Somalia to unprecedented levels. Therefore, what the UNSC has acted recently is purely based on rightful justice and legality. Indeed, it took action on solidly existing evidence gathered from stakeholders seeking justice. Also it seriously bode well for keeping international law, peace and order in tact. This is why we strongly feel that a bright day is on the way thanks for the UNSC-sanctions against Afewarki and his destructive and evil-filled regime.

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26. December 2009 by Assimba.

By Obo Arada Shawl  December 23, 2009

The spirit of Wallelign

The process of Debteraw

The writings of Hama Tuma

have triggered respectively, to the downfall of the Monarchy, the military Dictatorship and to Ethnic Tyranny

Introduction

The politics of Eathiopia tend to pull in different directions. It is definitely three-dimensional class, the class of EPRDF led by TPLF, the class of EPLF led by EPDJ and all others with or without EPRP. The collective thoughts of Wallelign, DEBTERAW and Hama have predicted the end of nation states long before they began the struggle for change. Nowadays, the Nation State appears to be almost a nostalgic fiction. Take, for instance the State of Eritrea, or Tigrai state, for that matter, ten years ago, both TPLF and EPLF were fighting tooth and nail to become a nation state.

Recently, I have been reading a book entitled the “generals” by Eyob A. Endale (shambel) It is a book about how the Ethiopian generals attempted to overthrow one of their own military dictator, Colonel Menghistu Haile Mariam. Why on earth do the “generals” attempt a coup d’etat? This week, we are hearing about death sentences against coup plotters. I thought we have passed the stage of coup d’etats!

What was/is wrong with the elites of Eathiopians? Where do they learn their life lessons? Is it from their parents, peers or genes? Or is it something else? Perhaps, their education or training is alien to the Eathiopian masses. Where were these coup d’etat plotters during the Ethiopian Revolution and counter-revolution? I was not only surprised but also shocked to read about the way the generals died. No wonder, the so-called generals had to loose the war against EPLF and TPLF. They seem not to learn anything from the Eway Revolution.

The concept of self-determination by Wallellign Kassa Mokenen, the Eway Revolution as applied by DEBTERAW, Tsegeye G. M and the challenge of electoral politics by the writings of Hama Tuma are all - assets and heritage of EPRP. No one seems to deny that the experience and heritage of EPRP would come to be the prime mover of struggle in the context of Eathiopia.

In the entire struggle for power and politics in Eathiopia, notwithstanding with the above assertions, there are two missing points. First, it is the nature of the Eathiopian Revolution and second, it is about how the strategy and tactics for the Revolution were applied. In the first instance, the Eathiopian Revolution was about change of concepts and attitudes and not changing of personalities. In the second instance, the methodology applied was guerrilla warfare - የተራዘመ ትግል - not coup d’etat - መፈንቅለ መንግሥት - or Insurrection - አመጽ -. Unless and otherwise, Eathiopian politicians are clear about these concepts, theories and applications, there will be no common ground to reach at a solution via reconciliation or negotiation.

For a good period of years, the Eathiopian politics will seem to pull along three-dimensional directions, i.e. Nationalism, Reaction or Revolution. In other words, Separation, Unification or Division. In actual fact, Eway Ethiopia has stepped into five dimensional directions, according to my mentor DEBTERAW. Let me briefly go over the missing points of departure.

The DERG military Factor: a power player

Although the DERG (comprised of 120 members) assumed political power without the generals of Ethiopia, nominally, they had placed personalities like generals Aman Andom and Teferi Bante, at least to lead them in name - hypocrisy.

On the one hand, it was true that the DERG’s pronouncement was based on a revolution and not on reform. The DERG led by Colonel Menghistu had attempted to destroy, the ancien regime, to harass the Bureaucrats, and to become friendly with Moscow and Havana in order to oppose western countries political system of government. While on the other hand, the DERG’s Politburo was mainly comprised of military men. This means that the generals were part and parcels of the military rulers of Eathiopia another hypocrisy.

The “generals” have seen not only the movement of the guerrilla fighters but also, their organizational set up. It was a truism that the nationalists were embarked on a long struggle based on the peasant masses. From the DERG’s side of movement and organizational structure, it was similar with a flavor of fear of the Dictator Colonel. What I don’t understand is the “generals” attempt to overthrow the dictator without throwing him from the plane or putting him under house arrest. Besides, not only a coup d’etat was “massacre” considering the generals’ power position. Why did they not learn from Menghistu’s ‘slogan of massacre’ ለምሳ ያሰቡንን ለቁርስ አደረግናቸው

Nevertheless, I am of the opinion that some of the military Eathiopian elites have learnt to accept a struggle for a democratic Eathiopia - a step in pentagonal dimension.

The“BEKAGN” and the “NOW” Generation Factor

This generation includes the victims of the DERG who were cheated by the military regime, particularly those students who were involved in Edget Behbret, those soldiers, marines, air forces or national guards; actually those who were promised by the DERG that it will return to its barracks once it has eliminated the ancient regime and its allies. Or alternatively, to those gullible Eathiopians who believed that Menghistu would fight until the last bullet to be used by him. Besides, this group includes those who were in prison or who saw deaths and mayhem within the “Revolution”.

The second groups of “NOW” are those would not believe that “Ethiopia” had a glorious history of trade, religion, independence and civilization. Even if it had, this generation claims it is of no value. All they are interested is”quick cash”. The amazing thing is that they don’t know what cash is let alone money and finance. This generation is a product of EPRDF.

The Walleligne Factor: Concept of Self-determination

The Eritrean concept of struggle for Indepndence obviously was initiated in 1896 right after the Italian occupation. 65 years later, the Eritrean struggle formally started with an armed struggle.

Politically, the struggle took shape when the University students especially the radical students determined to solve the question of nations and nationalities. The university students’ challenge against the administration, the professors and the subject matter became obsolete. The student body became followers of the radical student leaders.

As to the national question, many papers and discussions were presented but the most important article was written by WMK and it was presented on the occasion of freshman party. Later on, Walleligne’s article was published in the popular student magazine of ‘struggle’. The Ethiopian government newspapers condemned WMK’s article on the national question. The Ethiopian University Students were also depicted as anti-Ethiopia. Wallellign was labeled as an agent of Imperialism as well as anti-Amhara.

However, both charges against Wallellign were absolutely false. Once the Ethiopian government propaganda machine lied about Wallellign and the student body, other news media continued to lie about WMK and the student body.

Despite TPLF and EPLF’s distortion and damage of the question of nationality, WMK has sacrificed his life for the unity of Ethiopia via theory and application for he was Tsinhate Muhur Akal. The democratic nature of Wallellign will be honored when truth prevails.

Wallelign and his seven comrades* had attempted to hijack a plane and all killed but one by anti-hijackers. WMK and his comrades were not to kill or blow up themselves as in the current terrorists practice. They just wanted to scare the crew, the anti-hijackers and the passengers in that order. WMK and his team did not have the heart to kill but to sacrifice as their comrades in Assimba – shading blood if necessary – not in the name of the Eathiopians but in real terms. That event was a testimony for action.

As to the spirit of WMK, he was a highly motivated person and an honest thinker. He thought hard about the role of the ruling class. He knew that oppression (cultural and social) had created more damaging effect on the Eathiopian populace than exploitation (economic). WMK emphasized in his writings about the pretension of not only the Amharas but also even the Tigrians pretension of becoming Ethiopian with an “Amhara face”.

I do not think it is fair to blame WMK for the cession of Eritrea and others that would follow. And we should blame the TPLF for perpetuating the concept of self -determination out of context. Even now, the TPLF are caught between the followers of WMK’s article or becoming a wholesome Eathiopia. There is no creativity but copycat.

The DEBTERAW Factor: The Eway Revolution

DEBTERAW was prepared mentally, physically and emotionally to finish what was started – the Eway Revolution. He was not for coup d’etat; he was not for insurrection but for the long march of educating, organizing and arming the people of Eathiopia to empower them with information, knowledge and wisdom. DEMOCRACIA for DEBTERAW was a process not an end.

Articles on CALL ME BY NAME: a debate with DEBTERAW or Solutions with DEBTERAW should be revisited for grasping the essence of the Eway Revolution. They can be found on Debteraw.com Assimba.org Ethiox.com or by goggling on Goggle.

EPRP was the best political party fighting for the Eathiopian people. EPRP was a visionary political party for it saw the future and explained it in a new way

The Hama Tuma Factor: the struggle for Electoral politics

Hama Tuma is a prolific writer of Eathiopia as well as on African affairs. Since his early days of youth, he has been consistent with his ideology for combating against real or perceived enemies of Eathiopia and Africa.

EPRP was not well known for its political prowess or for its populist discontent, according to Hama’s writings

A politically correct struggle was a lost struggle. Take the Badme war, take the generals’ May coup d’etat, take the current article 39 in the constitution, and take Ginbot 7 Election or the coming election of 2010. They all depend on political correctness or in our parlance, feudal mentality.

However, it is time to reconsider EPRP’s role in the current Eathiopian situations/conditions, as its enemies were ferocious to disrupt its mission and physically destroy its entity. EPRP can only win when its leaders talk head to head, when its army meets face to face, when its members communicate heart to heart and when the party regardless communicates with all Eathiopians soul to soul.

The most “dissenting generation” against EPRP have been those groups who became vengeful of events and circumstances. Such groups are those who really believed that Eathiopia was first in everything but was destroyed by those who were involved in one way or another in a “revolution” or socialism. Or alternatively, these are the groups who prefer to blame others but not themselves or rather who are scared to express their opinions in public but mostly involved in back biting. Hama Tuma’s writing usually targets against such groups of hypocrites- አስመሳዮች - ፈሪዎችና ምንደጝች -

Conclusions

WMK has contributed a lot of ideas and thoughts for all Eathiopians to act whereas DEBTERAW’s contribution is immensurable in terms of implementing the ideas and concepts of the Eway Revolution.

Hama Tuma’s writing and exposition of opportunists and self-conceited Eathiopians along with their foreign masters have done incalculable damage to EPRP’s image but an immense benefit and pride to the majority of Eathiopians.

If Eathiopians were to sacrifice lives and resources in the Eway Revolution, we must finish the war and the struggle to its conclusion. We must be committed to win and reach the goal.

In addition, EPRP’s associates* its supporters should be educated and informed on EPRP’s current mission and vision. Its leaders should lead, its army should defend, and its members would support. All these three units were supposed to sacrifice lives and resources. EPRP was not for political correctness. It was founded on correct political and democratic system to be instituted in their country Eathiopia.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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13. December 2009 by Assimba.

By Alem Mamo

There are dictators and there are purist dictators. The first group of dictators have the minimum intelligence required to notice and somehow accept when their time is up. They reluctantly give in realizing the fact that time and history are not on their side. The latter group, however, believes that the principles of dictatorship should not be adulterated or diluted. As a result they continue to rot in their bubble, failing to wake up when the smoke detector goes off. Since this group of dictators are chronically delusional they keep telling themselves, ‘I am in control’, ‘Things are fine’, ‘I will crush my opponents’, so on and so forth. They have extremely exaggerated versions of their own self worth. Adolf Hitler, Nicolai Ceausescu, Benito Mussolini, Samuel Doe, Jean-Bédel Bokassa, Mengistu Hailemariam, Slobodan Milosevic, and yes, the current menace, Meles Zenawi, fit into this band of dictators. They regularly have to invent a narrative to nourish their egomaniacal personalities. The narrative is primarily based on their insistence that their version of the truth is not only superior but also absolute.

On December 11, 2009, Meles Zenawi demonstrated his delusional personality in front of local journalists (a.k.a. handpicked TPLF cadres). Answering a broad range of pre-planted “questions” (http://www.ethiotube.net/video/6974/PM-Meles-Zenawi-Press-Conference-on-Current-Issues–Dec-11-2009–Part-1), he jumped from one topic to the other without a semblance of coherence or a discernable pattern. Among the questions asked was the issue of possibly forming a national unity government in the next election, modelling the power sharing arrangements of Kenya and Zimbabwe. The answer he offered clearly revealed the inside workings of Meles Zenawi’s brain. One can pick two clear signs of delusion from this particular answer. First, instead of answering the question within the context of the Ethiopian political process, he chastised the political compromise made by Kenyan and Zimbabwean politicians. In this regard, I believe he still thinks he is in the Dedebit Mountain, and he is the leader of a guerrilla movement, not a leader of an internationally recognized state. Second, I say this because in doing so he violates one of the basic tenants of international relations and international diplomacy. This is the non-interference by outside leaders, in particular dictators, in the internal affairs of any sovereign nation moving toward democracy. While Zenawi grips tightly to the principle of non-interference when others challenge his human rights record, he ignores it when pointing toward the Kenyan and Zimbabwean processes, which are actually moving in a constructive and inclusive direction. A very convenient contradiction in support of one thing: absolute dictatorship…without borders.

The questioner asked about the possibility of a national unity government (if the need arises in the next election) modelling the Kenyan and Zimbabwean experience? “As for the so-called Kenyan and Zimbabwean model,” Mr. Zenawi said, “one must understand the strategy of the color revolution organizers in its entirety.” According to Mr. Zenawi, the strategy of the color revolution organizers is divided in to three stages. “ Their first goal is to achieve power through post-election chaos.” If that fails, he said, “They are prepared to settle for national unity government. Once they succeed that, their final goal is to remove the ruling parties of their respective countries from power.” He went further and said, “ This approach of rewarding the leaders of the color revolution is not only wrong, it is also undemocratic.” In an accusatory tone, he further elaborated on the Kenyan experience. “ In the case of Kenya” he said, “politicians agreed to form a national unity government after instigating religious and ethnic violence between the Kenyan people. The path Kenyan and Zimbabwean leaders took in power sharing is a path of chaos, destruction and most of all is undemocratic. Therefore, my government and my party do not intend to follow this path. It has no chance in Ethiopia.”¹

The United Nations Charter clearly states: No State has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly for any reason whatever in the internal or external affairs of any other State. Consequently, armed intervention and all other forms of interference or attempted intervention and all forms of interference or attempted threats against the personality of the state or against political, economic and cultural elements are concerned.

The African Union Charter also clearly states under no circumstances can one country interfere in the domestic (internal) affairs of another country.² Contrary to these international covenants, Meles Zenawi has waded into the domestic affairs of Kenya and Zimbabwe. He even went as far as saying that the formation of national unity governments amounts to “rewarding the leaders of the Velvet revolution” here; without mentioning them by name he is referring to Prime Minister Raila Odinga of Kenya and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai of Zimbabwe. International diplomacy 101, even for junior level diplomats let alone for someone who claims to be a leader of a country is clear: Don’t meddle in the internal affairs of a state.

The formation of national unity governments in Kenya and Zimbabwe has been aided by national and international heavy weight diplomats. In the case of Kenya, for instance, former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan personally facilitated the process and helped Mr. Mwai Kibaki’s Party of National Unity Party and Mr. Raila Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement party reach an agreement. It is clear that these governments are steps on the way to real democracy, but at least they are steps. As a chief negotiator of Kenya’s power sharing arrangement, Kofi Annan said: “ I have the firm impression that sufficient political will now exists among the coalition partners and sufficient unity of purpose exists among the public at large to provide Kenya with a historic opportunity for peaceful transformation. Yet, this is a time of immense challenge for Kenya. It is also time of great hope. By becoming together as one people, in pursuit of shared objectives, I am confident that Kenyans will overcome the difficulties of the past, restore confidence in Kenya as a unified nation and serve as a source of inspiration for people far beyond the country’s borders.”³

Ironically, the same man who was charged with the task of representing Africa at the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference, Zenawi, shows no respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a member state, as he shows no respect for democracy itself. Kenya is one country that I am familiar with and for which I have a special affection and affinity. In the mid-1980s when I was forced to leave Ethiopia due to the atrocities of the military regime, Kenya was my destination. It is there that I was welcomed with open arms and provided refugee status until I moved to Canada. I know the decency and generosity of the Kenyan people. By all accounts, they deserve respect and at least non-interference in their internal matters. Whatever political path they choose should be left to the Kenyan people and their elected leaders. An un-elected tyrant like Meles Zenawi has no business telling them how to govern themselves. I hope the authorities in both Kenya and Zimbabwe take notice and demand an explanation from this unruly regime, which still behaves in accordance with the law of the jungle, and does not know or understand the basics tenants of international relations.

What is inferred in Meles Zenawi’s statement is the following: The acceptance of a national unity government by Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Kibaki sets a dangerous precedent for him and other delusional tyrants. If the trend continues in this direction, he is the next one to be forced to share his AK47 earned helm of power with others. Therefore, he has to clearly oppose this kind of government before anyone gets the idea of applying it to Ethiopia.

The problem with this thought is that the next time around it is him and himself alone who should be pleading for a national unity government. Whether or not he agrees, the wind of change will soon reach his office. The question is not if but when. Our concern is whether he would follow the path of Ceausescu, Samuel Doe, his predecessor Mengistu Hailemariam, or would he learn from Mugabe and Kibaki. In the meantime, Mr. Zenawi, if you are contemplating adding another ‘NGO’ into your business enterprise, the name Dictators Without Borders is not taken and it fits your Curriculum Vitae perfectly.

The writer could be reached at alem671@hotmail.com

1 http://www.ethiotube.net/video/6974/PM-Meles-Zenawi-Press-Conference-on-Current-Issues–Dec-11-2009–Part-1

2 http: www.Africa-union.org/au/Documents/Treaties/text/OAU_charter_1963.pdf

3 http://www.dialoguekenya.org/docs/End-of-yeararticlebyH.E.Kofiannan.pdf

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7. December 2009 by Assimba.

By Alem Mamo

There was a time in African history when visionary leaders defeated the unjust hegemony of colonialism. They envisaged a peaceful, developed, united and self-reliant continent that lives in peace with itself and others. Their commitment and quality leadership uplifted the spirit of the continent from the shackles of European colonialism and ushered the dawn of a new era. The central message of these leaders was unity over division, forgiveness over revenge. They stood strong and committed in the face of aggression and domination.

Emperor Hailesellassie of Ethiopia, for example, stood before the League of Nations in Geneva in 1936 challenging the European moral authority to protect the weak and powerless against the barbarism of the so called civilized world. The Emperor, for his part, predicted that if the western leaders fail to act against the aggression of Mussolini, who blatantly invaded a sovereign nation and savagely killed thousands of innocent civilians, that they themselves would be the next victims, if they fail to stop the madness of the fascist regime. The prediction came true after Benito Mussolini joined Adolf Hitler in 1936, and when Hitler and Mussolini aided Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil war, subsequently creating a formal alliance in 1939.

Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana steadfastly challenged the British colonial authorities, which occupied his country since 1844. Upon independence, he illuminated the spirit of Ghanaian’s and the people of Africa still languishing under colonial rule. Amilcar Cabral of Guinea Bissau, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Patrice Lumumba of the Congo and many more gave their lives for the betterment of their fellow citizens and the continent in general. Africa under their leadership was brimming with hope and optimism. The people of Africa began to see far beyond the euphoria of independence and freedom.

But that all began to change when army officers and thuggish rebel leaders began to take control of the countries, one after the other. Idi Amin, Mengistu Hailemariam, Samuel Doe, Jean- Bedel Bokassa, and many others established military dictatorships that stole the hopes and aspirations of the African people. As if that wasn’t enough, the struggle that was launched to get rid of the military dictatorships gave birth to the coming of unruly, thuggish rebel leaders who do not understand the principles of rule of law. They had no vision apart from their permanent thirst for vengeance, self-aggrandizement and destruction. The sad reality of Africa’s economic and political leadership poverty is at the point now that the people of the continent are being taken hostages.

Chinua Achebe, one of the most respected and celebrated novelists of Africa, wrote in 1983 “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example which are the hallmarks of true leadership.”¹ Although Chinua Achebe lamented over the state of Nigeria twenty-six years ago the fact still remains unchanged. In fact, the reader of this article could simple take ‘Nigeria’ out of the above paragraph and replace it with any country in the continent, and there one can see a disturbing trend of leadership crisis across the continent.²

The current global economic recession followed what some analysts have labelled a “global democratic recession.” Africa’s performance has been worse than in recent history, with several coups in the continent since 2005, beginning with the Mauritanian military takeover, the post-election violence in several countries including Ethiopia’s 2005 elections, Kenya’s 2007 elections, and Zimbabwe’s political nightmare. The most recent example of the unconstitutional change of government in Madagascar again demonstrates that democracy in the continent is facing serious setbacks.³ Only one African country, Mauritius, is among the 30 full democracies in the world. About forty five percent of totalitarian regimes in the world are found in Africa. Africa is home to the world’s longest serving heads of states,⁴ and in 2008, of the 51 authoritarian regimes of the world, 22 are found in the African continent.

On December 7, 2009 legitimate and illegitimate leaders alike will make the thousands of miles journey on their private jets to attend the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen. Some will present real and practical ideas for tackling the challenges of climate change. Others, like Meles Zenawi and the rest of Africa’s vampires, will extend their begging bowls instead of ideas and solutions. The likes of Meles Zenawi do not have the slightest respect for human dignity and human life, and they tell us that they are concerned about climate change and global warming. As laughable this may sound, this is the state of Africa to day. In a recent interview, Mr. Zenawi said “Africa will ask rich nations for billions of dollars to respond to the climate change caused by industrialized nations.”⁵ The problem with this approach is that, first of all, the climate challenge we face as a result of global warming could not be dealt by simply pumping money. Particularly, handing money to African despots like Meles Zenawi could in fact end up harming the people and the planet in general. Meles Zenawi, a man who personally ordered the murder of more than 150 peaceful protesters in broad daylight in Addis Ababa in 2005 wants the world to see him as a man who cares about the trees, water, land and sea, and yet he doesn’t even have the bare minimum respect for human life and human dignity.

.

The argument that these African tyrants have been making is that Africa as a continent did not contribute to the calamity of climate change and full responsibility lies on the side of the developed world. Well, the argument is not entirely true. As far as the average African is concerned yes, there is little to no blame. On the other hand, however, the vampire like leaders of Africa should be held accountable on two levels.

On a personal level, there are the fleets of limousines and luxury cars that they and their families use on daily bases; the private jets used by them and their families to fly to Europe, Asia and North America; and the energy consuming palaces, villas and luxury homes (all purchased with stolen public funds, while the people starve).

On a policy level, the list includes:

• Lack of knowledge of environmental issues and absence of comprehensive environmental policy;

• Lack of environmental impact assessment frameworks;

• Mass sale of land to corporations and foreign governments for food production with a goal of shipping the harvest overseas;

• Marginalization of experts and academics who could help develop sound environmental policy; and

• Implementing land policy that starves small farmers and involves mass deforestation.

For Meles Zenawi and other African tyrants to play a role of protector of the earth is not only an utter lie, it is an insult to the people of the African continent. As if the suffering these tyrants have inflicted on them is not enough; they show up on international stage claiming to represent those that they regularly imprison, torture, maim and kill.

The last time that Africa experienced genuine and inspiring leadership was between 1991-1994 when Nelson Mandela (Madiba) became the first democratically elected President of the Republic of South Africa. He generated hope and optimism, not only to South Africa, but also to the entire continent and the world as a whole. He advocated forgiveness and reconciliation to his nation scarred by the injustice of Apartheid. He brought his country from a brink of war to tolerance and coexistence. He walked out of prison with open arms and with a vision of an inclusive South Africa — a rainbow nation. Nelson Mandela didn’t govern from the point of anger or vengeance, he instead envisaged South Africa capable of moving beyond its past. That was one of the most hope full times in African history. For the first time in African history he also became the only leader to voluntarily walk away from the helm of power after just 4 years.

The leadership crisis facing most African countries in effect has caused a permanent image of the continent that is ravaged by war, famine, disease and poverty. Policy makers of the donor countries, citizens in those countries and international organizations need to understand Africa’s problem in its entire complexity, highlighting the lack of visionary leaders. In Copenhagen, what we will see is the likes of Meles Zenawi attempting to use the forum as a platform to garner legitimacy, which their own people know that they lack. Finally, those who orchestrate the murder, torture and disappearance of thousands of citizens should not be given a minute on the international stage and should be facing the wrath of international law. The challenges of climate change require leaders who respect human life, and all forms of life. Providing an international platform to Meles Zenawi and the likes is an insult to the intelligence, pride and dignity of the people of Africa and to the continent itself.

1 Chinua Achebe,

2 See Martin Meredith The State of Africa: A History of 50 Years of Independence, The Free Press, 2005.

3 http://www.politicalarticles.net/blog/2009/04/29/the-democracy-index-and-africas-performance/

4 http://www.politicalarticles.net/blog/2009/04/29/the-democracy-index-and-africas-performance/

5 http://www.appinsys.com/GlobalWarming/GWForAfrica.htm

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