Twenty Years After the Cold War, New Winds of Change in Africa

By Maru Gubena

I have often wished, especially given that things have started very recently in Tunisia and Egypt, to prove me wrong. I have even begged my Lord God, kneeling down and bowing my head to the ground, to prove me wrong, at least at this time, at this very moment – to allow us to share and enjoy the newly ripening fruits of political and power changes that have taken place in Tunisia and are currently under way in Egypt. Yes, I did implore my Lord to help speed the winds of radical change that have been blowing from Tunis, which have quickly reached Cairo and other major cities of Africa, and to let them blow above the skies of my country as well! Yes, I begged my God to help us bring unexpected, abrupt changes in the attitudes and behaviours of all Ethiopians, both at home and scattered throughout the globe, to fight against our longstanding hostilities and resentments, including their foundations in deep-seated jealousies and animosities, and instead to be kind and caring to and for each other. Yes, I certainly and unambiguously want to be proved wrong at this time, at this very moment, marked by a sudden uprising of the people of Africa against their cruel, repressive and brutal rulers. I want those massive winds of change of the peoples’ revolution, now blowing across the skies of other countries and peoples, to quickly reach the skies, mountains and hills of my country, Ethiopia, as well, shaking the houses, the living rooms and the sleeping rooms of the corrupt and cold-blooded rulers of Ethiopia.

Oh yes! As can be read and heard in my various articles and interviews of the past five or more years, I always have argued relentlessly that the long-standing Ethiopian political culture that has shaped and reshaped the attitudes and socio-political behaviours of Ethiopians would not and will not allow Ethiopians to rise up, not just against their heartless, brutal and tyrannical rulers, but also against the cardinal foundations and the elements that divide them, including the factors of family and group orientation and regionalism. Yes, I have said and written as recently as the first week of December 2010 that unless we take the required decisive measures as urgently as possible to end the prolonged infighting and persistent wrangling among us, the lifespan of Meles Zenawi and those around him will be extended by an additional two or more decades, “unless some kind of coup d’état within his own circle, possibly by the armed forces, were to occur”.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

By Maru Gubena

Scared that you, the highly loved, respected and wise mother, might possibly not enjoy the subject matter here and such talks in general, I seriously don’t know how or where to start – how to formulate the issues to be discussed and the questions to be raised. I will nevertheless do my best to pull my energy and state of mind together and put the issues as simply as I can: I need for you to understand my feelings, help me with the appropriate answers and provide me with your kind and unlimited advice.

As you can perhaps understand, I have been waiting so long for this opportunity to discuss these issues and questions with you, with my mother. Yes, I still wish to call you “my mother,” despite my increasing doubts and the unwanted but forceful feelings and questions that are pushing through, bothering me every day and causing me many sleepless nights. Yes, I would love and appreciate it greatly if I can talk with you about issues that I feel are relevant and questions that deserve to be answered. And I would like to ask politely and gently that you apply your well-known kindness, and create, re-create yourself as a human being – that you appear to me as one of your wise sons or daughters and listen as attentively as you can, so that my mind will finally be free of these interlinked and bothersome questions, once and for all. Then I will know who you are to me and who I am to you, and can have peace of mind for the rest of my life. I would also sincerely, lovingly like to ask in advance that these issues and the vitally important questions not become a reason for you to take away or devalue the love and attention you have for me, which you have been giving me for decades.

Before going further, however, let me just make it abundantly clear to you, my mother, that I dearly respect you and love you, exactly in the way all of your eighty million children love you, even those who might not dare to come out of their fortresses and express their feelings for you as honestly and clearly as possible.

Look, many people, including my brothers, sisters, friends, colleagues, neighbours, those close to me and also those whom I often meet and sometimes talk to, have told me, time and again, that you are my mother and I am your son. However, for many reasons – some explainable and others impossible to tell – I quite often (in fact so constantly, so relentlessly and so restlessly) ask myself, creating indirect and direct confrontations, not with anyone else but just with myself day in and day out, if this is really true – if you are a true mother of mine and if I am actually your son. Yet despite living permanently with these hard, confrontational questions, perhaps because I was born and spent my childhood years, including a good portion of my youth, in the same house where my brothers and sisters were born and grew up, and was brought up in the same way of life and culture as my brothers and sisters, I am now married to a lovely young lady among your children, to Zenanesh, whom I always call “my Zena,” Mama. I hope you don’t mind and will allow me to call you “Mama,” despite my doubts about your motherliness and whether you are my real mother, and in spite of my bothersome and persistent questions, at least for today, for this conversation.

My wife, Zena, has told me in a forceful voice, combined with anger and a frowning face – a face full of seriousness and emotion – that her mother is my mother too, that when I was born I came out of exactly the same womb as she and our eighty million brothers and sisters. “How on earth do you come up with such silly, senseless questions? Why on earth do you doubt the motherliness of our most elegant, historically and politically respected and feared mother, whose sons and daughters so successfully and gallantly defeated a powerful foreign enemy – an enemy who was both feared and respected throughout so called “civilized society?” questioned my Zena, so angrily and so emotionally, her head and sometimes her entire body shaking. Zena did not end there. She explained to me the many-sided, endless characteristics and elements that describe our mother, just as all mothers, such as the incalculable love and devotion of a mother, the sacrifices to her children, the limitless love she is capable of giving her children, even if one or more of them is ugly or in bad health. Whatever the appearance or outlook of her children, a mother loves them unconditionally. “So it is with our mother too! She fed you her breast milk and carried you on her back, her shoulders, her entire body, just as she did for me and for the rest of our brothers and sisters. How can you dare to have doubts about her being your mother, love? Is everything really all right with you, love?” asked my wife, Zena, without losing the sense of love she holds for me; she quite often ends her statements with questions. Though far from the answer Zena was expecting from me, I responded to her difficult, confrontational questions with “yes, love! I am quite all right, but, but, ….!?

Above everything else, what I found confrontational and shocking, Mama, was the reaction to my doubts and questions by my daughter, Menfesnesh, including the deep-seated affection she too holds for you even though she was not born in the same house where her mother and I were born. She had just celebrated her eighth birthday, and had not experienced the process of acculturation to your culture first hand – to our way of life, our way of behaving and doing things. My daughter, whom Zena and I always refer to as “Menfesie,” enjoys and even loves interrupting and interfering in our talks. She never hesitates, and, probably not surprisingly, always stands firmly behind the views of her mother. This time she said suddenly and spontaneously, “Mama, Papa, please stop talking! Stop it and listen to me. I too have the right to say something to Papa. It is my turn to talk!”

Her mother, Zena, who always has a soft heart for her daughter, Menfesie, could not hide her huge affection for her daughter; even though a bit irritated due to being interrupted, she smiled broadly and while staring at her daughter asked, “what do you want to say, my Konjo Woregna? Okay, it is your turn. Go on and tell us, my love?”

Before starting to talk, Menfesie sprung up so suddenly and unexpectedly from her seat and called, “Papa, I think you are getting a bit crazy and you are driving us crazy as well. What my Mama just said is absolutely right: her mother is your mother too, but she is also the mother of all our people, both those at home and those scattered throughout the world. And just as I always listen to my Mama so carefully and attentively, you too had better listen to her – to my Mama – if you want our unconditional love, Papa. Please stop with your nonsense philosophy. A mother is just a mother. You cannot and you are not allowed to doubt and question her motherliness. Do you understand, Papa? Are you listening to us, Papa?” Not surprisingly, Menfesie was reacting in exactly in the same way as her mother, with a bit of irritation and ending her remarks with tough, bossy questions.

Hey, Mama! You know, before beginning to discuss the issues and questions, I want to let you know that it is not just me, not just my wife and daughter and not just my brothers and sisters who love you so unreservedly, so hugely, and who endlessly admire your exceptional, most attractive beauty. Foreigners, Europeans, the entire population of the United States and the people of the Middle East, the Far East – every human being on earth is fascinated by your beauty. Everyone on earth remains fascinated, not just by your body structure, the attraction of your face and the way you talk, but also by the enormous variety of your natural beauty, the many-sided elegant landscapes, the enormous number of your mountains, forests, lakes, rivers, and the wild and domestic animals that surround your body and give an additional, very special beauty and attractiveness to your appearance.

Yes, Mama, it is also true that the creativity and hard work of your early nationalist children and the steady pride they have held for you for centuries, including their fervent feelings, attitudes and behaviours, have left well-known western historians, social and cultural anthropologists intoxicated with fascination at the history that your children have successfully achieved, the artifacts they have creatively shaped, the religious institutions they have built and the fortresses they have constructed across past centuries to defend all of the areas and kingdoms that belong to you and your children.

Probably due to your beauty, the appearance, the body structure of your children is generally quite special, standing out from the rest of the world’s population and from the people of the continent to which you belong. Your children are said to be the most beautiful, the most attractive. Probably because I am also your child, with your blood and the structure of your face, a good number of non-Ethiopians often tell me that I am a good-looking person – with a face almost similar to yours. Thanks to you, they tell me this almost every day. Sadly, however, few if any of your children, my brothers and sisters act as if they don’t love or even like me. And it is not just me whom your children don’t love, don’t like or respect: almost 95 percent or even more don’t love, don’t respect, don’t like each other. They don’t trust each other or have the slightest confidence in each other. Each one of your children is against the others. Nevertheless they insist almost every minute that they love you and will love you forever, so madly and so unimaginably, and want to do something special for you – even though their talk never materializes. Yes, I constantly hear the majority of your children saying that they want to free you from the yokes and chains of economic poverty and from persistent drought and famine, and from the prolonged political repression under which almost all of your children have been languishing and suffering for decades now. They continue to say this, even while they, your children, never hesitate, never stop in hurting each other so painfully, to the point that the wounds they inflict on the bodies of their brothers and sisters cannot be healed.

These are the issues, in fact, the heart of the matter about which I want to talk with you; I also want to ask about the way you brought us up, the way you socialize all your children. I want to know why you don’t interfere, why you don’t do anything when your children choose to weaken, hurt and kill each other instead of liking, loving, respecting each other and working together. Why on earth don’t you appear even once in while, to stand up for your children and defend the weakest ones when they are being hurt or killed by the few – your own children – who have incidentally had the luck to obtain the means, the guns, that keep them in power?

If you are really my dear mother, please allow me to be very specific for you, to give vivid examples from my own personal experience – what has happened to me, what some of your children, my brothers and sisters with power and weapons, have done to me, to my brothers and sisters. If you are my beloved mother and you are listening when I cry out, shouting for help, if you are now listening to me, if you are willing to come and defend me, protecting me now and in the future, please listen to my love for you and to my cries! Please listen to my story, to what happened to me, and to the countless crying voices of your other children – my defenseless brothers and sisters.

Though it was long ago, more than three decades, it is so vivid, so clear that it seems as if it was just yesterday that some of your children did this to me, to my sisters and brothers, to my friends and neighbours. Yes, on that day, about ten of your children, my brothers, came to our school with their scary, aggressive behaviours and faces, in special cars, clothes and shoes, carrying machine guns. No one knew what they wanted. They violently pulled and beat me, and took me together with my classmates and other school friends to a place that we had never seen before. They didn’t tell us what our crimes were or exactly what we had done. They only thing your children – my brothers – were willing to say to us was that we were “bad boys and bad girls, who deserve to be punished.” Can you imagine, mother, what your children, my brothers did to us then, even though we are their brothers and sisters? Even though almost all of us were teenagers then, under 18 years of age, they kept us for about ten days, torturing and harassing us with nonsensical questions. We were only freed finally from the hell your children had constructed after the tireless efforts of our families and relatives. Why didn’t you come to help me then? Why didn’t you come to defend me and protect me from your aggressive, cruel children when they did not hesitate to hurt me, to destroy my body, to kill me? Does this mean you don’t love me? Why? How can that be, if you are my real mother and if I am actually your son? Are you not my mother? Tadiya Anchi Ewinet Enatenesh?

I believe this will be much to your surprise, Mama, but that was not the end. The worst was to come. Again for reasons that remain unknown to me to this day, just weeks after my release from the hell our attackers had created, more than ten of them with more or less the same faces, cars, clothes and shoes as the previous ones, came to our family’s home. Initially they said they wanted to search for guns in the house. But they were quick to humiliate my entire family, including my aging aunt. They began to beat us, striking all over our bodies with everything they had in their hands, including guns and sticks. In the course of committing their incalculable crimes, your children, my brothers, murdered my niece. Then five months pregnant, she had always been close to my elder sister, and had come to our house simply to vacation and have a pleasant time. Your children, my brothers, murdered her for no reason, except that she was so terrified by the behaviour of her own brothers that she had screamed. That was not the end. Your children, Mama, my brothers, took me with them, beating and striking me with their heavy shoes and everything else they could find. Once they had me in a small room, they began torturing me, hugely damaging my entire body. This continued for six long days. Again, through with many difficulties my family members persisted, and finally managed to rescue me from this complete darkness. How, Mama, could such inhuman, appalling crimes be committed against me, my family and other relatives, my friends and classmates, by your own children, by my own brothers? Why? Why didn’t you do something when you saw your children inflicting such unbearable pain and wounds on your other children? Why on earth didn’t you protect me? Is it because you don’t love me? How can I continue to see myself as belonging to you, to feel a part of you? Why did you neglect me, Anchi Tadiya Enatenesh? If you are my mother, why didn’t you treat me as a mother treats her children? What have I done against you?

But again, this was not the end, Mama. Just a few days after I came home from that nightmarish hell, a hell constructed by your most atrocious criminal sons, they came for the third time to my house, to take me away to another dark place and keep me in darkness, or to kill me on creatively invented false charges and accusations of participating in demonstrations and other criminal activities. But luckily, my elder sister pulled me forcefully, holding my right hand so firmly that I had to go with her. She dragged me to one of the windows and pushed me through it and outside the house, screaming and warning me to “run, run as fast as you can to our uncle and never come back to this house again.” After a few days of staying in a secret place, family members took me by car to Dilla, in the Southern part of your kingdom, your house. From Dilla, I went to another place, another land that is not a part of your kingdom. I began a new life with a different people who are not your children. Yes, they are not my brothers and sisters. But I feel completely safe and protected. Since then I have never returned to your house, to your kingdom, where I am scared of your children. Scared of my brothers and sisters, because I have seen that you never come to defend me. What could be your reason for not protecting me as a mother does to her children, Tadiya Anchi Ewnet Enatenesh?

Right now, I am living in a land far remote from your kingdom, with people who have a completely different outlook, colour, culture and social behaviour, and a variety of individual and collective freedoms. The people in whose land and house I live are not your children and not my brothers and sisters. But they are nice, kind and they are tolerant. They respect me and respect my rights as a human being, and have provided me safety and security. I therefore never feel scared and insecure. Here in this land and house, your cruel children cannot come and hurt me. Unfortunately, though, while I live safely and peacefully, without you, Mama, without your real love, without the love of my brothers and sisters and without the culture in which I was born and spent much of my childhood and youth, I feel that I am living in a small box. Yes, I am safe but I miss the social closeness and happiness I remember feeling with you in your kingdom. This is of course a direct result of the inhuman behaviour, the actions of your children. And in turn, a direct consequence of how you brought us up, and your apparent unwillingness to provide the means and tools for my protection. But why? Why didn’t you, why don’t you protect me? Are you not my mother and am I not your son, Tadiya Anchi Ewinet Enatenesh Weyis Aydeleshim??

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

 By Yilma Bekele

Well there was a controversy a while back. The regime got tired of creating political drama. Like the US Army announces “three division headquarters and eight brigade combat teams have been scheduled to support Operation Iraqi Freedom in the next rotation beginning this fall”, the Meles regime announced ‘the Political Drama Group (PDG) will be replaced by Religion Drama Team, Orthodox unit (RD-O) to support the ongoing pacification directive as envisioned by the great leader for life.

PDG received the Adwa Medal of Honor for the 99.6% win. Special mention was made regarding the creation of Medrek and the further splitting of the legal opposition. Captain Tekle was credited for exemplary job on E. Hailu for a work that has been optioned by Hollywood.

The first order of business for RD-O was the unveiling of Abuna Paulos statue. Abuna Paulos is the current head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC). Actually that is not a true statement. He is one half of EOC. You see a lot of folks consider him to be a political appointee placed in place by the ruling ethnic based regime. From what I understand, the people he is supposed to minister to do not view the Abuna favorably. I am not that familiar with the workings of the church but my cousin who is a relentless hard working member of our local church, tells me the Abuna has been accused of strange behaviors incompatible with the position he holds.

His scandalous picture with the American pop star Beyonce raised some eyebrows and his alleged habit of packing a colt 45 or a Glock under his robe is believed to be blasphemous act by a lot of people. The Holy Synod has passed a unanimous decision to remove the pagan statue but who is listening. For that we are grateful. The presence of that monstrosity is a reminder of our subservience to lawlessness.

Anyway back to our controversy. In July of 2010 the Religion Drama group-Orthodox successfully unveiled the new statue to commemorate the 18th anniversary of the Patriarch’s coronation. It was a success. The ensuing discussion electrified the country. It was the talk of the town. According to the blog Ethiocross ‘Newspaper reports had it that the sculpture cost more than 300 thousand birr and was commissioned by faithful of Sefere Genet Debre Kuskuam Kidist Maryma.It was announced that three other statues of the patriarch would be erected in Nairobi, Johannesburg and Jerusalem’ Folks completely put aside the then scandal of the selling of Gambella, the lease of part of Gondar and Afar to concentrate on this statue of a living Abuna.

RD-O was dealing a deathblow by announcing such an outrageous statement. The fact that the statue is only 2 meters or 6.6 ft. but cost a one-year wages of over twenty five thousand Ethiopians was not lost on the population. It might not look bad compared to the 4 million they raised to buy the Abuna a Hummer but it is still a strange tribute for a religious leader. It is considered one of the most expensive pieces of art by any standard. As for franchising the statue it is actually on hold depending on foreign reserves and has to compete for funding with other activities carried out by sub department of ‘disruption and chaos.’

The reader might wonder why exactly I am thinking of a statue at this earthshaking historical moment with the fall of Ben Ali of Tunisia and his flight from the Continent. Actually that is exactly why I was thinking about Abuna Paulos and the statue. There is no question that I was deliriously happy with my Tunisian compatriots breathing that rarefied air of freedom. I can only imagine what it feels like walking down the wide boulevards not worried about the ever present ugly mug of Ben Ali, Kebele tugs, the local police, the Federal Police and special Agazi force. No fear, no worry must be intoxicating.

I saw the unfolding of the drama on television, read the good news on Facebook and became familiar with it on twitter. Poor old Ben Ali was twitted out of office. No AK 47 was fired in anger, no explosive device was planted in the street and no tanks were displayed for a show of force. To be Facedbooked and twitted became the fate of paper tiger Ali.

I knew something was missing here, something to record that fateful moment, anything to define the Jasmine Revolution. Then it came to me. Oh, I am so spoiled by the happenings of the last twenty years. I needed some kind of symbol to put it in perspective. If you think of it the fall of East Germany was symbolized by the breach of the Berlin Wall, the liberation of Romania was marked by dear old Nicolae and his wife Elena dangling and Saddam as usual gave us his oversized statue in the middle of Baghdad. Tunisia needed a defining moment.

That was what Tunisia was lacking. A big statue of some body, anybody to vaporize. Well they only have wide boulevards but no statue of a former tyrant. They were forced to burn a few buildings to show their outrage. Now you understand why I was thankful to Abuna Paulos. I know his two-meter statue is no big feat compared to Saddam’s. I mean you don’t even need a ladder to topple it. Hey don’t knock it, it is still a statue. It beats burning some symbolic building like EFFORT office or such place. The fact that we can drag it using a two-wheel Toyota is also a plus. No need to bring a tank and a ladder like Saddam’s required. I am thinking some poor African soul like me will be pleased to have his symbol when it is our turn to wake up and shine. You know it is coming. It is possible due to the skyrocketing price of oil we might not afford a Toyota, in that case a Sebeta donkey can be a good substitute.

By Yilma Bekele

Here we are celebrating New Year in Tahesas. Accepting January, as Meskerem is a tall order. Enqutatash or Adis Amet is Adey Abeba blanketing the mountains with its vibrant bright yellow colors and the sun shining with all its strength. We are in the middle of winter here in the Northern Hemisphere. It is dark, cold and gloomy.

That was a weak ago. Last Friday the sun shone a little brighter. It felt like spring. We Ethiopians gave each other a knowing smile. We all felt empowered. Guess who was generating this intense feeling of a new beginning. It is no other than little Tunisia, electrifying Africa and the Middle East. Last Friday Tunisia got rid of a malignant tumor.

It was only a year and three months ago Tunisia’s President Zinedine Ben Ali won a landslide victory, with 89.62%. Last Friday the honorable President was forced to flee for his life. How does an 89.62 percent winner turn into a refugee so fast? That is the nature of the dictatorship business. Just like an earthquake, it is unpredictable. Ben Ali is just a new inductee into that infamous Hall of Fame for ‘Scumbags of Humanity”. He follows the footsteps of Ferdinand Marcos, Mobutu Sese Seko, Shah of Iran, Augusto Pinochet, Mengistu Haile Mariam and my personal favorite Nicolae Ceausescu and his wife Elena.

As you read this, political refugee (actually fleeing criminal) Zinedine Ben Ali and former first lady Leila are camped in Saudi Arabia unsure of what tomorrow is going to bring. It will not be farfetched to say that the former mafia bosses are shell-shocked unable to comprehend what has unfolded and definitely under sedation. Unfortunate for the duo this is not some bad dream or a bad acid trip. It is real baby! How did they get into this mess?

Tunisia is located in North Africa between Libya and Algeria and has a population of ten and a half million. It got its independence from France in 1956. The first President Habib Bourguiba became the first dictator and stayed in power until doctors declared him ‘unfit to rule’ in 1987. Mr. Zinedine Ben Ali who was the Prime Minster became the President. That was twenty-three years ago.

Former dictator president Zinedine Ben Ali is a crafty fellow in the sense of being devious and cruel. He knew how to talk the language of Democracy, Human Rights, freedom of expression and free enterprise. That was for foreign consumption. It gave his enablers a fig leaf to hide behind. Ben Ali’s Tunisia was one big prison.

Dictator Ali went to military schools both in France and the USA. He worked his way up from Security Chief to being the Prime Minister. His style of leadership is the envy of every African dictator. Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia has mentioned him plenty of times as an example of good leadership and stability. Zambia has awarded him its highest medal. Tunisia has even won the United Nations E- government Award for ‘excellence in serving the public interest. I told you he was good. With Algeria on his left projecting symptoms of a ‘failed state’ and Libya to his right run by a poster child for ‘grandiose delusion’ symptoms, Ben Ali looked like an oasis of stability. To prove it Tunisia never failed to hold elections since Ben Ali came to power. The elections held in ’89, ’94, 04, and as recent as 2009 were all won By Ben Ali and his party with over 90% approval.

The real face of Tunisia was completely different than the picture presented by Ben Ali and family. The real Tunisia was a one Party State belonging to Zinedine Ben Ali and his wife Leila Trabelsi. Economic regulations, and legal procedures did not apply to the Ben Ali clan. First Lady Leila was the most hated person Tunisia. She even deserved her own report on Wiki Leaks. Here is a quote:

“Corruption in the inner circle is growing. Even average Tunisians are now keenly aware of it, and the chorus of complaints is rising. Tunisians intensely dislike, even hate, first lady Leila Trabelsi and her family. In private, regime opponents mock her; even those close to the government express dismay at her reported behavior.

Her greed was so legendary she was dubbed the Imelda Marcos of the Arab world and the ‘Regent of Carthage’ for her power behind the throne and her love of money, luxury cars and shopping spree.

The one party state did not allow dissent, banned political parties unless approved by the state, closed all independent media outlets and used Cisco filters to block free web sites. The prisons were full of political opponents and the most educated and those that have connections first impulse was to leave. The safest option for investment for those with money was real estate or off shore account. Both do not contribute to sustainable economic growth. The rampant corruption, unemployment, inflation and general hopelessness was spiraling out of control.

Mohamed Bouaziz a 26-year old unemployed college graduate became the flash point that started a prairie fire. When the police confiscated his fruit cart regarding permit issue, Mr. Bouaziz drew the line in the sand and said enough. He set himself on fire. The day was Friday December 17^th. The people of Tunisia felt a jolt of ‘anti fear’ laser tease. Twenty-eight days later on Friday January 17^th. Coward Ben Ali and cruel and mean Leila fled not knowing who will welcome them. Shock is an understatement.

Today, the interim government is hunting down former officials and palace lovers and state television reported the arrest for “crimes against Tunisia” of 33 members of Mr. Ben Ali’s family, many of whom grew rich from their connections. Let justice begin.

Is what happened to dictator Ben Ali out of the ordinary? Can it be duplicated? Both are valid questions. What happened in Tunisia is not unique. The saying ‘where there is oppression there is resistance’ is a universal truth. The human spirit soars when it is free. It is also true that dominance over others is an aphrodisiac. There will always be a few individuals that will shine brighter than others. Most will leave a lasting legacy and generations will utter their names with fondness and admiration. A few are considered a curse. Poverty of mind and spirit is their making. What happened in Tunisia has happened in Iran, Ethiopia, Philippines, Poland, East Germany, Romania, Zaire and more. Dictators never learn.

No one has been able to predict the ‘tipping point’ where fear is replaced by empowerment. Not political scientists, sociologists or human behavior psychologists. What opens the floodgates of discontent could be anything.

Rosa Parks’s refusal to give her seat to a white person is considered the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement, the firing of Anna Walentynowicz, a shipyard worker in Gdansk, Poland gave birth to the Solidarity Movement that ushered in the unraveling of the Soviet System, and now Mohamed Bouaziz’s personal protest is felt all over the world.

Ethiopian television, radio, newspapers, websites have made it a policy not to mention Tunisia. Controlling the flow of information is job number one of any dictatorship. The regime spends millions of hard earned currency to misinform, jam, block use physical coercion to keep the population in ignorance. It is a futile attempt. Where there is oppression there is resistance.

I am sure crafty Ben Ali must have tried all kinds of gimmicks to turn away the tide of discontent. Sitting in his palace isolated from daily life he was sure that his people like him. The fool probably believed it too. I am sure he blamed the Diaspora, Islamists or other perceived enemies for the problem he created.

Our Ethiopia has its own uniqueness. Our country has been in turmoil since the early ‘70s. The over forty years of chaos have rendered us numb and confused. Killing, lying, cheating and using each other has become the norm. Fear has become our middle name. We don’t not only trust the government but mistrust among friends, neighbors or family has taken away our ability to unite. Our psych has been scared and requires careful handling. We are a very wounded people.

Ben Ali and Meles Zenawi are two different animals. The TPLF boss has his own private army, his own private Federal Police and boasts of emasculated Bantustan chiefs. Meles Zenawi can also count on the citizens he drove out of the country to turn around and contribute heavily to his welfare. According to the World Bank the Diaspora contributes over $3 billion US to prop up the ethnic junta. In a nutshell we are contributing for our own slavery.

That being said, fortunate for us ‘dictatorship’ carries its own destruction in its womb. No amount of Party organized bullying, Kebele based spying, Federal Police killing, fostering inter-ethnic strife will interfere with the inevitable collapse of a totalitarian state. As I said no one can predict when but all agree the system will explode. It is not a matter of if but when.

Oppressed people approach the problem from two fronts. The first is building up organizations that will act as a catalyst to hasten the inevitable collapse of the dictatorship. We are doing that. The many Diaspora organizations involved in doing community work in exposing the ethnic based regime are the source of our pride. Since the stolen elections of 2005 our force have shown both maturity and muscle. Such Organizations as Ginbot7, Andenet, OLF, SMNE, ONLF and others are doing a good job. The second front is winning the hearts and minds of our people. The best example of that is ESAT. Ethiopian Satellite TV is working hard to level the playing field when it comes to unfettered information. ESAT is our lethal weapon. ESAT will inform our people so they can make a smart decision based on facts not Berket Semeon’s concocted lie. ESAT and our independent web sites are the future of Ethiopia.

I will not try to guess where Ato Meles will go when ‘the rubber hits the road’ in other words when the mob breaches the palace walls. Will he be ready, will he have time to pack, will his security guard betray him and other questions will arise. Then comes the issue of where to go? Eritrea, definitely no, Sudan, out of the question, USA and Europe, very dangerous that leaves China, North Korea or Rwanda with his buddy Kagame. None of the choices are enticing. The question Ben Ali is contemplating today should be is life imprisonment a good investment for a mere twenty years of bullying. Being a dictator is a thankless job!

By Maru Gubena

Dear readers,

This is part one of about ten pages. This article was written in early September 2006, when both the actual climate in the western world and the political temperature within the Ethiopian Diaspora community were too hot, either to engage in the much desired work discussed in the article or to interact positively and freely with our politically active Diaspora compatriots. Consequently, even though the issues discussed include a good amount of historically and politically significant material and are highly relevant to help redress the unfortunate errors of the past, the article was not widely published when it was originally written and did not receive the attention these issues deserve. Now, as more opportunities seem to have been created, I feel fortunate to be able to present the first part to my readers. The remaining parts two and three will be available within the coming two or three weeks.

Holding Back Sobbing Children at their Mother’s Untimely Death

As in any society, a good number of Ethiopians residing throughout the international community feel we are carrying a heavy load of responsibilities on our heads concerning the well being of our country – Ethiopia – and its people. This is true even though we work and live far from the land of our birth and from the majority of the people from whom we are an inseparable part. Because of these undeniable facts of belonging and of responsibility, the Ethiopian Diaspora has always been actively involved, engaged with the politics of Ethiopia and with the many other complex issues and problems that have faced our people for many decades now. Regrettably, however, even though many of us are entirely convinced about the indispensability of professional coordination and an effectively operating organization, whether political or non political, and despite having the required knowledge, skills and money, we have not been so lucky as to come up with the desired organizations – organizations that would represent and coordinate our collective needs, voices and contributions to peace, development and the possible process of democratization of our country. This is partly because we quite often choose to disagree with each other, and often prefer to be confrontational towards each other rather than collectively going in search of ways to operate that will be conducive to strengthening the common factors and grounds that are in our hands, and which can serve as sources of harmony and unity – and which could undeniably be helpful in furthering our common goals and desires.

It would not be wrong to argue that it is the absence of such coordinating professional organizations, with unfailing leaders – together with our persistent internal disagreements and conflicts – that have made our own activities ineffective, so that we have continued to be entirely dependent upon the initiatives and actions of other actors, on events and crisis taking place within our country or elsewhere in the region. We often seem unwilling to listen to each other, tending to choose the path of “go it alone.” As the experience of the past two or more decades plainly illustrates, the Ethiopian Diaspora often appears to be willing to come together or at least to show signs of temporary togetherness and unity only when one or more enemy guerrilla or rebel groups are approaching to invade our villages or our cities, or when we feel that members of our own family are at risk. Or when the unelected TPLF leadership ruthlessly murders our Ethiopian compatriots, the youth, women and children, in the clear light of day. In other words, we have been and still are exclusively dependent upon our emotions, which in turn depend on being awakened by the initiatives and actions undertaken by our enemies back home. The May 2005 general election is a case in point.

So far as I can recall, we did not have a single organization in any western major city either before the election or immediately thereafter. It is also undeniably true that a disproportionately high number of us in the Ethiopian Diaspora did not even know that an election was to be held in Ethiopia on 15 May 2005 – a day that has now been registered in books of world history as an historical event. And since we were not organized and didn’t have a professional organization of our own, the practical and meaningful contributions on the part of the Ethiopian Diaspora community were uncoordinated, individualistic in character and quite limited, to the extent that anything at all happened. Subsequently, the Ethiopian Diaspora community has become paralyzed, unable neither to create a professionally organized platform of its own, with a collective voice – an organization capable of directly or indirectly challenging and confronting the criminal activities of the tyrant regime of the TPLF leadership both diplomatically and legally – nor to actively and effectively channel the required and most essential material and non-material support to the opposition political parties at home. It is further true that well meant, serious and wisely fashioned suggestions and recommendations provided by concerned Ethiopians to political leaders and to those with a close links and connections to them to organize the Diaspora community as an essential organ of the opposition parties and as a single and coordinated voice in timely fashion, have been put aside as irrelevant, without a response to those worried, concerned Ethiopians.

Looking in retrospect at the events and developments both before and after the 15 May 2005 parliamentary election, one could argue convincingly that the lack of understanding and underestimation of the strong determination and desire of Ethiopians to rid the land of Ethiopia of the TPLF regime, the increasing desire on the part of the TPLF leadership to improve its image internationally, the growing need of this leadership for improved relations and more economic and military assistance from industrialized nations – alongside the falsity of TPLF’s stated intention to fulfill the formal conditions and demands of donor nations for relatively free election and democratization – a narrow window of opportunity to further cultivate the process of peace, freedom and bring to an end the repressive tyranny of the TPLF leadership was opened. Regrettably, however, for the reasons stated in earlier paragraphs, including our failure to have internationally organized political and diplomatic networks in place long before the election, the lack of nationally and internationally functioning support and work groups prior to the election and the absence of written arrangements, clarity and openness among the political parties that shaped and formed Kinijit, and no doubt for other many reasons that are beyond my capacity to explain, these opportunities, though slim, slipped from the hands of the entire Ethiopian people. And the TPLF leadership, whose power structures were shaking, has managed to somehow revive and reconsider or review its position both in the land of Ethiopia and on the world political stage, at least for the time being; and has succeeded in jailing the most important, well known and highly respected Kinijit leaders, using creatively invented charges – charges that were to gradually, gravely force them to choose between relinquishing their political roles as leaders or following in the footsteps of Professor Asrat Woldeyes – to die slowly in TPLF’s most cruel and most primitive confinement.

Assessing the Outcome of Long Periods of Silence from Kinijit’s Diaspora Leadership

As can be heard and observed in every town and city where we work and live, anger, confusion and frustration about what precisely has gone wrong with Ethiopian opposition political parties, and especially with the dying mother – Kinijit, which most of us had considered as our symbol of resistance and hope of freedom – have in recent times become a source of a new Cold War and battlefield among Kinijit members and supporters themselves, thereby inflicting irreparable damages on Kinijit and tearing it into untold pieces. The unwillingness and/or incapability of the Kinijit International Political Leadership Committee (KIL), to which I will refer as the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, to effectively explain what precisely has gone wrong with Kinijit worldwide have been adding undesired fuel to the increasing number of Paltalk rooms whose participants are against, or are radical militants of the newly founded “Alliance for Freedom and Democracy” (AFD), whose objectives seem to be exclusively focused on outsmarting and annihilating each other, as well as assailing the personal reputations of the so called “Admins” or dominant figures in each Paltalk room, as well as their family members and colleagues. Anyone who disagrees with the generally held views in a Paltalk room and raises rational questions is automatically declared a potential enemy of that room, and will be “bounced” or kicked out of the room for 24 or 48 hours, or perhaps for an unspecified period of time. Also, individuals who disagree with the formation of the AFD and have differing views from AFD founders and supporters but are willing to be interviewed by one of those rooms, will be automatically castigated and associated with the unelected TPLF leadership, and will be called “Woyane.” Others who are reserved or unwilling to criticize the AFD are accused of being a “puppet of OLF and Shabiya.” What a world of differences!

One thing we should all be glad about is that we are not living in Ethiopia, and that such radical militants, engaged day and night in waging their war of words against each other and against many other innocent Ethiopians, have empty hands – no guns and no bombs, nor any other tools to harm any of us directly. What is undeniably true, however, is that the sounds of this war of words – waged by those radical militants who consider themselves indispensable Kinijit Core Groups – apart from being a factor in damaging Kinijit itself, scaring and driving away a substantial number of Kinijit mainstream and moderate supporters and potential contributors, have become important reminders to most of us of the guardians of the painful period of the early years of the Ethiopian revolution.

Above all else, however, the question is: how did we so suddenly and so unexpectedly come to the situation where we are today? What went wrong with us – with the Ethiopian Diaspora community; and what precisely went wrong with our mother – Kinijit – who is presently dying? What are the sources and processes that brought our dying mother to the point where the Diaspora Kinijit is today? Why is the Kinijit Diaspora leadership so reluctant and unwilling to effectively explain to us of what went wrong with Kinijit and its leadership both before and after the jailing of our leaders? Why is it that while we – the children of Kinijit – are waiting so desperately and helplessly, day and night, for the Kinijit Diaspora leadership to go all over the world and help to clear up the confusion and the disturbing dark clouds, they remain unwilling to stand in front of us?

Indeed, since the winds of division, confusion and frustration have managed to penetrate deep inside the Kinijit Diaspora community, and especially since the formation of AFD, both moderate and radical Kinijit militants have been waiting for a very long time. And we are still waiting, in hopes that the Kinijit Diaspora leadership will come out of its bed to actively engage in cleaning and clearing up the heavy, dark clouds surrounding the entire body of Kinijit itself, and help explain what went wrong with the Diaspora Kinijit leadership, pointing up the essential points, if there are any, and the future fruits to be expected from the agreements recently reached and signed with the OLF and other rebel groups. Regrettably, however, no one among the Kinijit Diaspora leadership seems to be bold enough to face the challenging questions and concerns currently smoldering in the hearts and minds of the entire body of Kinijit Diaspora Support Groups (which I will also refer in this paper as Chapter or Chapters), the members and sympathizers.

It is because of these lengthy periods of silence and the persistent unwillingness of the Diaspora leadership to come out from its fortresses and share with us the good, the bad and the ugly, including the increasing uncertainties involving the future face of Kinijit, our beloved dying mother, that I thought an attempt to chronologically record what seem to me the cardinal sources responsible for the divisions that currently exist among us, based purely on my own personal involvements, observations and experiences, might be some help to those concerned and worried compatriots and others involved with the issues of our country.

Looking retrospectively at the dying mother and what has led to her illness

Despite many early warnings given by many concerned Ethiopians, including myself, about the future direction of the Kinijit Diaspora, remarkable mistakes have been made; these have now become difficult if not impossible to reverse or repair. Although not as remarkable as the irresponsible, reckless errors that have occurred between the beginning of January 2006 and the present day, sounds of complaint and resentment were to be heard among deeply and enthusiastically involved Kinijit supporters even as early as June and July of 2005.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

A Symbol of Pride and a Source of Unity for the Ethiopian Diaspora, and a Substantial and Commanding Influence in Ethiopian Affairs

By Maru Gubena

As may be recalled, the issue of the Ethiopian Diaspora, its origin, and more particularly its potential role in and contribution to the process of political stabilization and democratization in Ethiopia, has been discussed relatively widely, if not as deeply as the community’s role and the extent of its involvement deserves. Some of my compatriots and others interested and involved in the subject matter have written and published their views related to the issues in question, and I personally have published a good number of articles, both prior to and in the aftermath of the 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election. My most recent articles are cases in point: “Revisiting the Events, Sights and Sounds of the Aftermath of the 2005 Ethiopian Election,” which was widely published on the 4^th of December 2010 and subsequent days, and “Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms,” published in February–May 2009 (also in four parts). In addition, I understand that a degree of interest in the subject matter has been planted in a few college and university circles, including international NGOs and even Ministries for Development Cooperation. Also financial resources continue to be allocated for study and research on the topic, especially in socio-economic and health-related fields. Further, given the widespread diversity of readers’ views in areas of political associations and ideology, it is somehow difficult to determine the genuineness of their opinions and judgments based just on brief and unelaborated responses and comments to published articles. It is nevertheless good and even a cause for rejoicing to observe that some of our articles are being incorporated in and used as discussion topics, teaching and research materials by some institutions and universities, which can also be seen as a direct contribution to students, teaching communities and societies in general.

Coming back to the main topic of this rather short paper, let me briefly reiterate the potential role and contributions of Ethiopian Diaspora politics to the process of democratization, and more particularly, to freeing Ethiopia and its people from the yokes and chains of the autocratic and divisive regime of Meles Zenawi. As stated repeatedly, loudly and unambiguously in my previously published articles, there were and still are multiple opportunities and choices that could allow Ethiopian Diaspora political activists to have an influence that is substantial and commanding, and therefore meaningful; and to be actors and factors in shaping both the politics and the future face of Ethiopia. To make this possible, political activists and their supporters must be willing to redirect their current disoriented convictions and approaches, such as “who is not with us is our enemy” and “go it alone,” which are unproductive. It is necessary to be prepared to speak with one firm voice. Even more essentially, we must all be able and willing to cultivate and spread a sense of confidence in each other, along with a collective courage to establish institutions that operate professionally and within legal frameworks, remaining neutral with respect to associations or affiliations with political groupings and political parties. My stance is even that those establishing and working in such institutions, in whatever positions, should be barred from any form of association with or membership in political parties, and in the event of regime change in our homeland should abstain from political ambition. Within maturely structured and established institutions of this sort, Ethiopian professionals trained in law and diplomacy can work together, design policies conducive to reviving and/or restoring the diminished morale and confidence of fellow Ethiopians, and engage tirelessly and responsibly in political and peace-oriented activities and peace building, including planting the seeds of credibility and integrity – not just in the land of Ethiopia and in our Diaspora community, but more fundamentally, within the global community, and its political and diplomatic circles in particular.

Institutions of the sort described will provide tools and opportunities that well trained, professional Ethiopians can seize to craft peace-oriented strategies that are careful and wise, and which will help to move towards engagement in various educational fields, to wage political and diplomatic wars directed at conflict resolution, and to work against our common enemies of family or group orientation and regionalism that have plagued us in relation to Ethiopian politics. Thus this institution can provide the most appropriate place for us to seriously engage in heartfelt reconciliation processes, bringing together Ethiopian political activists and working to resolve both long smoldering historical animosities and newly conceived resentments among various cultural, social and political groups.

Since the complex events of Ethiopia’s historical and recent past, including its multifaceted cultural heritage, remain unknown and unrecorded – not just for the international community at large, but also for Ethiopians – the institution to be established should also enable Ethiopians and others who work there to actively engage in this most fascinating research and data collection, chronicling and analyzing forgotten aspects of Ethiopia’s history and culture.

The paragraphs below, quoted from one of my previously published articles about two tragic events that have hardly been documented – the resignation of Prime Minster Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet and the sudden murder of 60 civil and army officials by the brutal Dergue regime – are illustrations that make evident the extent to which we Ethiopians don’t mind, don’t seem to care, if we live in complete darkness about the actions and measures undertaken by our own ancestors, parents and even ourselves. These quotations clearly point up the urgent need to establish the repeatedly suggested institution, which I have referred to as the Ethiopian Diaspora House.

“Even worse and more painful, in addition to these unhealed wounds and unforgettable scars in our recent history, we also know so little about the sources and causes that contributed to the abrupt resignation of Prime Minster Aklilu Habte-Wold’s entire cabinet on the 26 or 27 (embarrassingly, no exact date of resignation is to be found anywhere) of February 1974. Although this became a fertile ground for the emergence of the people’s enemy, the Dergue, and the subsequent structural crisis within Ethiopian society, this has not been explored and written up. Except through verbal stories and jokes told in family get-togethers and around coffee tables, most, if not all, Ethiopians have had no factual account – for example, based on meeting reports or recorded videos showing when, at which date and time, or indeed the exact reasons that led to the resignation of the late Prime Minister Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet. And who was or were precisely responsible for this resignation of then Prime Minister Aklilu Habte-Wold and his ministers? Many Ethiopians say it was the Dergue that forced the entire cabinet to resign. But surely there was no Dergue or military committee at that time of their resignation? There was not someone in Addis Ababa at that time by the name of Mengistu Hailemariam.”

The second quotation states that: “The story surrounding the tragic, untimely and sudden murder of ministers, together with their compatriot army generals and civil servants, by the power hungry and power intoxicated Dergue members under the leadership of the most inhumane, cruel, anti-social animal called Mengistu Hailemariam, has remained buried, in exactly the same way as the story of the resignation of Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet. No books, no films or video recordings based on facts seem to have been produced. It is probably due to our resulting ignorance that most Ethiopians of my generation often feel uncomfortable, even embarrassed, to talk or engage in debates involving these two tragic events. Yes, since there are no written meeting reports or video records that might indicate why and how the members of the Dergue reached their extremely cruel conclusions and decided to murder their own compatriots, most of us know little or nothing about the precise facts behind the killing of those 60 Ethiopian citizens in just a few minutes on the 23rd of November 1974 – we only know that they never faced due process in a court of law for the crimes of which they were accused.

As time passes, later generations, including that of my daughter, will know even less. What is most remarkable of all is the lack of concern and the disinterest of Ethiopians in boldly confronting, exploring and writing about these painful events, the history of our own crises, which are also our own creations. Isn’t it tragic, even shameful, to realize that we Ethiopians still live without books, professionally produced films or video records of such important, fascinating but painful historical events?” Maru Gubena in “Looking at Forgotten Recent Events and Future Strategies Conducive to a Mature Political Culture for Ethiopia: Putting the Cart Before the Horse?” published July 2006.

In conclusion, I will boldly and unambiguously assert that an Ethiopian Diaspora House, if it were to be established and take root, would unquestionably be not just a place that would begin to revive our dysfunctional social relations, networks and diminishing confidence and trust in each other; would help us to educate ourselves; would be a place of diplomacy and reconciliation; but also would serve as a source of pride in ourselves, pride in being Ethiopians – indeed an undisputed source of strength and new unity.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

From Getachew Reda (editor Ethiopian Semay)

It is unfortunate and sad too see many racist Tigray haters are growing every day coming out in different forms to express their animosity and hate to towards us the Tigrayans. Our people and ourselves as citizens and member society of Ethiopia will not let anyone to come out with a proclamation of a threat of atrocity against us in any circumstances.

If there is political conflict between TPLF and those who came up with an open proclamation of threat, then they have to address their issue with the organization not with a threat to all of us. It is unacceptable and we condemned it openly.

I have seen a threat of proclamation to all of us Tigrayans posted on the most popular racist anti Tigrayan website called ECADEF today written in the Amaharic language “የመጨረሻዉ ደወል” from unknown author. If there is no author, we assume that the paper/proclamation that rang a bell against us (all of us Tigrayans) was posted by the website operators (ECADEF). Until I came out with Amharic response to that racist proclamation, I am here asking all Ethiopian website owners to post this letter that is asking not to post “የመጨረሻዉ ደወል” from unknown author posted in the name of “Ethiopian People”. Thanks for your cooperation. Getachew Reda – www.Ethiopiansemay.blogspot.com getachre@aol.com የመጨረሻዉ ደወል የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ደግሞ ለመላዉ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ግልጽ ጥያቄ ያቀርባል:

ትግሬዎች በሙለ አላማችሁ ሀብቱንም፣ ስልጣኑንም ተቆጣጥራችሁ፣ ሌላዉን

የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ አስራችሁ፣ ቀጥቅጣችሁ፣ አኮላሽታችሁ ዘርማንዘሩን ቀሚስ

አስለብሳችሁ የወጥ ቤት ሰራተኛ፣ የናንተ ተገዢ ሆኖ እንዲኖር ነው ወይስ ከሌላዉ

ህዝብ እኩል በነጻነትና በእኩሌነት የመኖር ነዉ?

የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ግልጽ መልስ ይፈልጋል

“

By Maru Gubena

Many of us – particularly the political activists of the Ethiopian Diaspora – are firmly convinced that the basis for Ethiopia’s everlasting, multiple and mounting economic problems and the political repression by successive regimes lies exclusively with bad leadership and bad policy/governance. Other Ethiopians, however, attribute the prolonged agonies facing Ethiopians, including their longstanding dependence upon foreign handouts, to a collective conspiracy of outside powers, working through the provision of immeasurable financial and military assistance to our repressive and divisive regimes. This is thought to be a direct retaliation for the gallant resistance to European colonial powers and their defeat by the early Ethiopian nationalists during the scramble for Africa in the closing years of the 19^th century, when Ethiopia was the only African country to maintain its political and territorial independence. A similar account has also been provided by a few members of the Ethiopian Diaspora community in response to questions about why Ethiopian Diaspora political activists have remained unable to effectively expose and weaken, perhaps even to defeat, the tyrannical regime of Meles Zenawi, despite having the necessary tools, including economic resources, educational backgrounds, political vision and extensive work and life experience. They see their inability to weaken, if not defeat, the Meles regime in the political and money powers of the regime itself: that is, the regime as the primary, undisputed role player in their divisions and the source of the eventual failure of the entire resistance, achieved by using its money power and political agents, mixed among the Diaspora’s political community members of the opposition.

Understandably, one might wonder which among these three categories of thought I support. The answer is that though I tend to agree somewhat with the first, I believe in none of them: in fact we Ethiopians both are the causes and are, or can be, the solutions. The reason Ethiopia is still unable to free herself from the entangled chains of economic poverty and from the yoke of political repression is that from time to time we Ethiopians often lend support to a given regime or political group, however cruel and ugly it may be, if it has the required political and economic power – so long as the regime or a political group belongs to us and we can share in and enjoy the fruits of its inhumanity and corruption.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

By Obo Arada Shawl   December 13. 2010

Introduction

On October 23, 2010, I have witnessed an occasion of the first step foreword for transforming political power to the Youth known as W’e’KND. The need for the continuity of purpose, struggle and for leadership was highlighted during the gathering.

The gathering was held on the occasion of EPRP’s (Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Party) 38^th year of formidable struggle. From that event, I have succeeded to obtain a book written by Konjit Berhan titled “MIRKOGNA”. On November 13, 2010, I have written an article to that effect (see on websites of Ethiolion.com, ASSimba.org and Ethiox.com).

Again, on the 5^th of December, 2010, I have attended another colorful book signing ceremony. This signing ceremony relates to the above referenced book “MIRKOGNA” This time though, the author of the book was physically present.

Mirkogna versus Miskrnet

M&M are related in the sense that both books were written in the material world without dialectical materialism. Both writers have written what has happened on the ground. In other words, both writers believed that they were eye witnesses to a very complex society and philosophy. Both Konjit and captain Tesfaye did not delve into the whys and the hows of causes and effects of events in Eathiopia.

The book of “MIRKOGNA” reminds me of high school text books such as ARAYA, Ras Yelas (the prince of Ethiopia), Tobia and Almotkum Be Alwashim.

For non Eathiopian Revolutionaries, the book seems irrelevant for reality but enjoyable for fiction readers. Actually, the writer has told us that she made it sure that the youth will read it – provided it is readable in terms of sensual love. But for me, I did not see how this book is related to the current struggle at hand unless it is going to be linked.

My point of view is that the two individual writers did not conceptualize Ethiopian ness, its Preservation, Rehabilitation and its Protection (EPRP). Both writers did not address to the current struggle at hand which is freedom and peace. None of the book will reveal either to the lack of freedom in Eritrea or to the lack of peace in Ethiopia. On the contrary, both books are more likely to contribute confusion to the Eway Ethiopian struggle.

In the age of digital, there is no excuse not to be specific and evaluative. The age of analogue is gone. What kind of academic profession would be able to narrate and to evaluate the Eathiopian Revolution from the National Liberation that was carried out by EPRP, EPLF or TPLF? So far as I know, there is no documentation of all that has happened in Eathiopia for the last forty years. Everyone seems to have a hidden agenda which I am sure emanates from the lack of FREEDOM for which EPRP has been struggling for four decades. Is this so much difficult that we cannot communicate and understand? Can anyone explain to me why Captain Tesfaye R. Makonnen dedicates his book to all victims of the revolution while Konjit dedicates her book to the victims of the red terror? Should there be a link or a separation? Where is the TRUTH?

Whatever let us read both books for discussion and understanding?

Proposal: AADWA III

As to the links of struggle (ASSimba), democracy (DEBTERAW) and for thought (Walleligne), they are connected digitally.

The history of Assimba was/is long, colorful and humble. Although I do not want to write on the merits and demerits of Assimba (EPRA), I know something good of its member’s tenacity and honesty to continue pursuing justice for all humanity.

As to DEBTERAW, I have said enough though I have to continue the struggle for DEMOCRACIA – the hallmark of Tsegaye G. Medhin who represents the rationale for EPRP’s survival.

Wallelign’s pen is the symbol for expressing freedom of thoughts and expression. It is unfortunate that the results of his thoughts were distorted and resulted in uncharted territory and consequences. Nevertheless, Wallelign’s concept of freedom should be honored and respected.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For questions and comments

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

 By Yilma Bekele.

Hopefully you have all heard or read about WikiLeaks. WikiLeaks is an international non-profit organization that publishes documents from anonymous news sources and leaks. It has been doing that since 2006. These past few days it has been publishing leaked US State Department diplomatic cables. The US is not amused. It is ironic to see the “Western Democracies” crying foul, hacking and forcing Amazon, Pay Pal, Visa and eBay from offering service to WikiLeaks. On the other hand those that abhor government secrecy are overjoyed.

Naturally I was curious to read what the US has to say about our country. I was eager to find out what our Ferenji ‘enablers’ think of their little ‘Kebele’ administrators. The Ethiopian people do not need WikiLeaks to know the ruthless nature of the ethnic based regime in power. They live the nightmare. I was more focused to see if the US Embassy assessment of Meles and company reflects reality on the ground.

I was not disappointed. Actually I was rather impressed by the richness, detail and frank reporting by the diplomats. They actually get it! Their analysis of Zimbabwe and Mugabe is brilliant to say the least:

To give the devil his due, he is a brilliant
tactician and has long thrived on his ability to abruptly
change the rules of the game, radicalize the political
dynamic and force everyone else to react to his agenda.
However, he is fundamentally hampered by several factors:
his ego and belief in his own infallibility; his obsessive
focus on the past as a justification for everything in the
present and future; his deep ignorance on economic issues
(coupled with the belief that his 18 doctorates give him
the authority to suspend the laws of economics, including
supply and demand); and his essentially short-term,
tactical style.

One can actually substitute Meles for Mugabe and the description will be right on target. The Embassy cables from Mr. Putin’s Russia is downright scary. Today’s Russia is described as ‘highly centralized, occasionally brutal and all but irretrievably cynical and corrupt. The Kremlin, by this description, lies at the center of a constellation of official and quasi-official rackets.’ Again the similarity with the Meles regime is eerie to say the least. The regime doesn’t seem to discriminate where it gets its arsenal of coercive ideas.

Well the cables from Addis Abeba are beginning to come out. I am not disappointed. We have seen two and they seem to bring everything we know about the banana republic into sharp focus. It gives us a clear picture of the nature of Meles and his relationship with his ‘enablers’. One can stretch the analogy and describe it as ‘mutually beneficial.’ The tricky part is answering exactly beneficial to whom? Yes my friend that is the gist of the matter.

I am going to concentrate on the Meeting between great leader Meles Zenawi accompanied by his advisor Gebretensae Gebremichael and US Assistant Secretary Maria Otero, Assistant Secretary Johnny Carson and NSC Senior Director Michelle Gavin in January of 2020. One thing the cables shows us is the fuzzy nature of ‘diplomatic speak.’ The language is very anemic leaving it open to various interpretations, the sentences are short and ideas are thrown in as suggestions to nudge the listener to a desired outcome.

This particular meeting was to get the honorable representative for Africa (Meles) to the Copenhagen climate summit to sign the accord. Although the summit was felt to be a failure due to the absence of a binding agreement the US was convinced the accord serves its interest and was focused on forcing its friends and client states to sign on the doted line.

Mrs. Otero’s mission was to get the signature, Mr. Carson’s role was to point out President Obama’s ‘commitment’ to democracy and the rule of law while the NSC’s (National Security Council) representative was there to assure the great leader to take Mr. Carson’s pronouncements with a grain of salt. As usual language played a central role in the discussion. Please note that the US diplomats in order not to be seen as clueless idiots informed the regime their concern regarding the forthcoming elections, the so called charities law enacted by the regime and the situation regarding opposition leader Bertukan and the Diaspora that is a constant headache. It was all done in a low-key manner.

There is no such thing as subtlety and finesse when it comes to the great leader for life. The description ‘a bull in china store’ is a perfect fit. The great leader must have been in a euphoric mood. His words were very forceful and crude. His logic was clear only to himself. It requires cojones to lecture Assistant Secretary Carson regarding the true meaning of fighting for democracy. Assistant Secretary Carson was born when the Black American was a second-class citizen in his own country. He was part of the Civil Right struggle. He knows what it means to be denied freedom. I will quote the cable so you can feel the anger:

Meles said his country’s inability to develop a strong democracy was not due to insufficient understanding of democratic principles, but rather because Ethiopians had not internalized those principles. Ethiopia should follow the example of the U.S. and European countries, he said, where democracy developed organically and citizens had a stake in its establishment. When people are committed to democracy and forced to make sacrifices for it, Meles said, “they won’t let any leader take it away from them.” But “when they are spoon-fed democracy, they will give it up when their source of funding and encouragement is removed.” Referencing his own struggle against the Derg regime, Meles said he and his compatriots received no foreign funding, but were willing to sacrifice and die for their cause, and Ethiopians today must take ownership of their democratic development, be willing to sacrifice for it, and defend their own rights.

Please read it again. Re read it. That is what I did. The statement does not make sense. The statement is full of holes and is based on lies and made up facts. It is a product of a deranged mind. The Ethiopian people have internalized the true meaning of democracy. Based on the principle of one-person one vote the Ethiopian people stood all day to cast their ballot in May 2005. When Ato Meles tried to nullify their vote they came out and protested. They were met with an overwhelming force. Like any rational human being they retreated. Weakness should not be looked at as ignorance. No one has ‘spoon-fed democracy’ to our people; rather our rulers have shoved the bayonet down our throat. As for the struggle Ato Meles and his party waged, we are very grateful. But it is not a license to further abuse and ill govern. I thought Ato Meles and his party fought for our collective freedom then what is this talk about further struggle after they liberated us. Do we have to pick up arms to get rid of them too? It is doable but is it necessary?

I said Assistant Secretary Maria Otero came to collect a signature. The cables are a good example of big power using big stick diplomacy cushioned in diplomatic language:

U/S Otero urged Meles to sign the Copenhagen accord on climate change and explained that it is a point of departure for further discussion and movement forward on the topic.

You know what that means in simple everyday English? Unless you sign on the doted line there is no need to speak anymore. The record shows Meles protested that he has ‘personal’ assurance from Obama for releasing the money and it has not happened yet and Secretary Gavin assured him she ‘would look into it.’ It looks like the great leader does not understand that Mr. Obama does not have the authority to make personal assurance. He has to talk to his experts, consult his allies and inform Congress. Only great leaders for life make personal decisions in the name of their subjects.

You know what came to mind when I read that? My son when he was a baby always wants to eat the desert before the meal and I tell him eat your dinner and then you can have your dessert, here we are as a government and Meles wants his dessert before he delivers Africa. How pathetic.

You notice the title says orphan Ethiopia. I read Proof Al’s analysis regarding our conflict with Somaliaⁱ I felt depressed. I read WikiLeaks cable regarding elections and climate change and I felt more depressed. We have President Obama, Secretary Otero, Secretary Carson and Secretary Gavin systematically advancing the national interest of their country. Sitting across the table from them we have great leader for life fighting for his family and friends communal interest. The US strategy is to fight the terrorist menace far away from American shores and they are willing to make friends with the devil as long as it keeps the battle far from the homeland. We have Meles and company using every trick to stay in power even if it means betraying their people, their country and their flag to stay in power one more day.

We ventured into Somalia to deflect attention from election theft; we support climate change accord for a fistful of dollars and may be a future job for the great leader. In the mean time our country and people are on a forced march backwards into the past. The revelations from WikiLeaks are not done yet, what would tomorrow bring?

i http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/the-fantastic-somalia-job_b_792234.html