By Maru Gubena

Five year ago, though there were feelings of uncertainty and fearfulness about the future direction of Ethiopia itself, as well as its politics – including the possible transfer of power from the regime of Meles Zenawi to the then opposition parties – a good number of Ethiopians both at home and in the Diaspora were not just active but were energized and determined to fight against the factors and actors that divide us, to cultivate and expand a sense of togetherness and unity, and to do everything in our capacity to be sincere and respectful to each other, helping our country with collective hands and fresh thoughts. Yes, even though some of us felt a growing anxiety, especially due to the absence of well structured, professionally functioning and legally framed organizations in the Diaspora, a disproportionately high number of Ethiopians indeed anticipated that a harmonious society and a relatively peaceful, free and economically prosperous Ethiopia were being shaped and set on the right path for the first time in the entire history of our country. Consequently, the period was marked by plentiful, memorable sights and sounds of Ethiopian get-togethers, the publication of enormous number of articles, radio transmissions and demonstrations held throughout the international community protesting against the brutal killings of Ethiopians, including women and children, in support of what was then Kinijit and its leadership, from which Ethiopians were enthusiastically and with excitement awaiting relative freedom and democracy, expecting to face and test both its fruits and challenges.

Unfortunately, however – even though many of my compatriot politicians and political activists might not want to recognize this, to avoid creating impediments to their short term political agendas – whether we live in Ethiopia or in the Diaspora, and whether we belong to the ruling regime or opposition groups, one tends to feel that our blood, cultural behaviours and attitudes seem immune or perhaps inappropriate to the concepts of democracy, equality, individual freedom and human rights. Indeed, as the past two or more decades of political upheavals and experiences have shown, family affiliations, comradeship, group interests and regionalism are more urgent, more imperative to us than the complex collective issues and problems of the people of Ethiopia as a whole.

Yes, in Ethiopian culture equality, individual freedom and democracy are unknown quantities; they are strange to us, even though most Ethiopians expressed repeated wishes and uninterrupted prayers that the fears and anxieties voiced by a few concerned Ethiopians were wholly unfounded, and that instead the winds of change and democracy blowing above the mountains of Ethiopia would become more rapid and powerful. Meanwhile, the actual fashioning of implementable democratic strategies and the possibilities for working hand in glove with all stakeholders, while maintaining a sense of integrity and accountability, quickly became a tricky business, difficult to integrate with the mindsets and cultures of Ethiopians. Everything related to the opposition movements was emotionally loaded; once group oriented, they soon became to be dominated by personal and group interests and rivalries. Consequently, internal conflicts, infighting and rifts within the various movements and groups were rife, both in our homeland and in the Diaspora. This contributed to the untimely and complete dissolution of Kinijit and its disappearance from the political landscape of Ethiopia, which in turn left us today in complete darkness and confusion, with no a single reliable political party or socio-political movement to engage with and support.

Chronicling the Forgotten and Unrecorded Recent Events and Wars

As if writing up crucial historical and political events is forbidden by God or culturally restricted, we Ethiopians in general remain apathetic, appearing unconcerned about recording our own socio-economic and political processes and events, including the origins and dissolution of political parties and movements. This is notwithstanding that these political parties or movements are part and parcel of the political landscape and history of our country. They were established with the objective of adding helping hands and voices to support the process of democratization of the country, even though the opposition leaders and their supporters have been unable to communicate effectively and tirelessly and to avoid repeated confrontations and infighting. The recent unexpected dissolution of Kinijit and the unhappy split among its top leaders is a case in point. In fact, no one among those involved in Kinijit politics and activities knew in advance about the measures undertaken by Engineer Hailu Shawel during that chilly winter season, except a very few insiders or others very close to him.

Indeed, while most of us living in the western world were enjoying the approaching Christmas and New Year holiday shopping so quietly and happily, some holding firmly the hands of lovely little children or someone we love dearly, the unexpectedly speedy winds of the long smoldering rift among Kinijit leadership reached its ultimate climax. And, much to the astonishment and shock of politically conscious Ethiopians, the chilly December Winter season of 2007 marked the end of the main opposition party, Kinijit, when the Chairman of the party, Engineer Hailu Shawel abruptly announced the suspension of five top leadership figures, including Judge Birtukan Mideksa, then Vice Chair of the party; Mayor-Elect of Addis Ababa city, Dr. Berhanu Nega; Kinijit Spokesperson, Dr Hailu Araya; Engineer Gizachew Shiferaw and Brook Kebede. The announcement of the suspension was posted and/or transmitted through the Ethiopian Diaspora media outlets.

As can be imagined and as is always the case in Ethiopian political culture, the suspended individuals felt deeply offended, that the actions undertaken by Engineer Hailu Shawel were unfounded, and that the words and tone of the announcement were antagonistic, disparaging and autocratic, they responded instantaneously and heavy handedly – much to the displeasure of Engineer Hailu Shawel and his supporters – by establishing their own political party and movement, at home and in the Diaspora. The end of 2007 and the subsequent years were not marked just by the suspension of five key Kinijit figures and the establishment of a new political party and movement; more damagingly, there was also a declaration of a highly intense cyberwar among the supporters of each political group – each firing its tanks and guns from its own warzones and hidden fortresses, unknown and remote from its targeted enemies. As understood by most of us, the announcement of the suspensions and the subsequently established movement and political party marked the final dissolution of Kinijit, thereby dashing the immeasurable and intense, though short-lived, hopes and expectations Ethiopians had for both Kinijit and its leaders.

A related event took place some six weeks prior to the suspensions carried out by Engineer Hailu Shawel. Strangely, almost unbelievably, even the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) activists – with almost four decades of experience in politics and conflict resolution, and who had managed to regroup, primarily during the campaign and the aftermath of the May 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election – were not spared by the spreading cruel, unforgiving disease of divisiveness. One would certainly not imagine that the hostile winds of division would dare to shake and tear the rocky houses built by those who were the direct victims of both the Dergue and Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), and suffered so tremendously at their hands – those who had held secret and dangerous meetings in various Ethiopia cities, waged urban wars, and who spent time together so closely and intimately as brothers, sisters and comrades under the chilly winters and summers of the Assimba mountains. Unfortunately, however, we who envisaged that the houses of EPRP were built upon heavy, immovable rocks and that decades of life and political experience and wisdom would not be so easily and so simply cracked were wholly in error. Yes, we were utterly wrong because, notwithstanding the incalculable sacrifice made by the generation that withstood the early years of Ethiopia’s socio-economic and political upheavals, accompanied by a climate of irreversible and irreparable destruction and of trust and confidence in each other, and the wisdom and life experience built up by the EPRP over decades, including their unhurriedly, carefully constructed rocky and immovable houses, appeared full of holes – weak and unable to hold back the strong, speedy winds carrying both long existing animosities and newly conceived hostilities and resentments among Ethiopian political activists.

Many politically conscious Ethiopians, especially those who belong to the generation had hoped that the long-held ideology of EPRP, the lost comrades, brothers and sisters in the cities of Ethiopia and in the vicinity of the mountain of Assimba, and the deep-seated and painful memories of the struggle would serve the entire EPRP, activists and other sympathizers, as sources of motivation, as fuel providing energy, and as a vital linkage, keeping them together and united for as long as the resistance requires them, and even beyond. Unfortunately and sadly, however, the hopes most us associated with both the blood and the ideology of the generation did not materialize. After some months of rumors in some Diaspora media outlets about increasing disagreements and wrangling, the actual split of EPRP into two camps became a reality at an Extraordinary Congress held on 29 October 2007 in Washington DC, which was marked by a fierce debates and the exchanges of unpalatable words, statements and accusations among long-time friends and war comrades who together had survived repeated attempts on their lives in the cities, the bush and the deserts of both their country of origin and their countries of exile within the region of the Horn of Africa. As can be imagined, the news was received by member activists, sympathizers and by others who belong to the generation with astonishment and sadness.

As if the shock and astonishment experienced by Ethiopians at the split of the EPRP and the measures undertaken by Engineer Hailu Shawel had not been enough, the unforgiving, cruel winds of divisiveness continued, spreading into the bodies of other political activist groups like a contagious disease. Even though society regards women, in comparison to their male counterparts, as more tolerant, sensible and capable of resolving disagreements and conflicts through softly, wisely and diplomatically crafted talk and other means of communications, due to an apparent absence of training in effective communication and conflict resolution within organizations, and also due to the affiliation of most of the leading members of the International Ethiopian Women’s Organization (IEWO) to one or the other of the political groups, there was no way to prevent the powerful and spreading disease of separation from entering the body of this group as well. Consequently, within just a few months after the split within EPRP, the IEWO group, to which I was once invited to speak, giving an overview about the future role and direction of Ethiopian opposition parties, made its irreconcilable decision to follow the footsteps of Kinijt and EPRP. It became two IEWO groups in early 2008, and exactly as other Ethiopian social and political groupings, they too decided to create two separate groups, each with its own website, but with significantly fewer activities, including face-to-face gatherings, and with fewer activist members, especially in comparison to the initial months of the IEWO.

The three tragic events described here, which took place in just under six months, illustrates how we Ethiopians evidently find it extremely difficult to work together on issues related to our country, unless we are forced to it either by extreme economic hardships or political and other pressures. These three most unfortunate examples show also how far removed our political culture is from becoming mature. What is more confusing, even embarrassing, is that – while we are not even in a position to maintain a friendly and peaceful climate while engaging each other in mature political discussions, and to manifest integrity and democratic minds while working together in groups – individual Ethiopians, even those who have already split up and established their own talking shops and groups are still talking so boldly and so loudly about their irrevocable determination to free Ethiopia from the entangled chains of the repressive regime of Meles Zenawi. They also repeatedly raise billion dollar questions, such as what exactly would be the best strategy and the shortest road to travel to destroy Meles Zenawi and those around him? Instead of first asking themselves why on earth we Ethiopians are so culturally stubborn, so unable to work together on the issues of our country and to sort of what exactly went wrong with us, including how we can be cured of our culturally inculcated diseases of family and group orientation and regionalism in relation to Ethiopian politics? Why, actually, do we still talk about destroying the power structure of the tyrannical regime when over ninety percent of us cannot even look at and talk to those who belong to other opposition political groupings in civil terms, genuinely, and with clean and clear minds?

In summary, though difficult to measure in objective terms, I would nonetheless dare to say that the price to be paid for the direct and indirect repercussions of these tragic events and related infighting would be, as has already been witnessed, the gradual disappearance of political movements and politically active community members, the breakup of already weakened social relationships and work within the Ethiopian Diaspora community, and unquestionably – and more essentially – the extension of the lifespan of Meles Zenawi by an additional two or more decades, unless some kind of coup d’état within his own circle, possibly by the armed forces, were to occur.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

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KASSAHUN

The registration of Southern Sudanese voters has begun in earnest both inside and outside Sudan in preparation for the January 9 referendum on the secession or independence of South Sudan in accord with the 2005 Comprehensive Peace agreement (CPA) signed in Kenya between the government of the Sudan led by General Omar Beshir and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) led by the late Dr. John Garang. Less than two months before the historic date, that the referendum will even take place, especially in the oil rich and disputed region of Abyei, is not certain and it is also very probable that the referendum result may not even be respected at least by the Khartoum government and a new cycle of war , with drastic implications for the region as a whole, could break out to wreak havoc in Africa’s largest country.

Background:

Britain, the colonial power that ruled the Sudan for long, made it sure that Northern and Southern Sudan remain divided. Britain restricted access between the North and the South and denied the Southerners any representation or development. The years from 1953 to 1955 represented the period of non representation of South Sudan in the administrative, civil service or political fields thereby aggravating the disparity between North and South. From 1955 up to the outbreak of the October Revolution in 1964, centralized rule was in place and the 1958 coup maker General Ibrahim Abboud was a outright dictator whose stifling and repressive policies further damaged the South which was being forced to accept Islam and Arabization. The government of Sir Al-khatim Al-khalifa, which came to power after the October Revolution that overthrew the Abboud regime, was the first government to issue a statement that contained recognition of the problem in the South as political. The October government went on to hold the Round Table Conference for the resolution of the Southern problem in Khartoum in March 1965 during which the Southern Front tabled the issue of self determination.. However, the traditional Northern parties are accused of rejecting Southern demands and aborting the Round Table effort.

Despite the promise of a social revolution and justice for all Sudanese the period from 1965 to 1969 did not augur well for the South. The Juba and Wau massacres in July 1965 are good examples. Veteran Northern politicians who today claim to have some sympathies for the Southern cause were then calling for the Islamization of the South. Hassan al Turabi who was then head of the Islamic Charter Front declared that the South had no culture and needs to accept Islam and Arab culture. Umma party leader, Sediq Al Mahdi, stated the following in October 1966 as the premier of the Constituent Assembly:

“The dominant nature of our nation is Islamic one and its overpowering expression is Arab and the Nation will not have its entity identified and its prestige and pride preserved except under an Islamic revival”.

The position of the then strong Sudanese Communist Party has often been ambivalent on the Southern issue though its central committee held Southern leaders like Joseph Garang (killed by Jafar Nimeri in 1971). Officers sympathetic to the SCP were involved in the May 1969 coup d’ etat that took over power but the Declaration of June 9, 1969 was ambiguous at best. The Southern demand had in the meantime evolved from asking some posts in the civil service up to self determination and self administration and the paternalist and even racist attitude of the Northern parties was at odds with the reality. It was back in February 1962 that some Southerners formed the Sudan Africa Closed Districts National Union. In April 1963, the group changed its name to the Sudan African National Union (SANU) and advocated outright independence for southern Sudan. Junior civil servants or former members of the Equatoria Corps, took arms and formed guerrilla bands, who were all called the Anya Nya, that began activities in 1963. With the help of Ethiopia under Haile Sellasie (that was opposing Sudan’s support to Eritrean Liberation Front /ELF/ rebels) and Israel that had a clear interest in weakening the Sudan, and by implication Egypt, the Anya Nya developed into a serious military force that controlled most of the rural areas of Southern Sudan. Its military leaders subsequently formed a political organization called the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM).

In 1971 Nimeri, weakened by a coup attempt by pro SCP officers and confronted by a drain on the weak economy by the war in the South,, agreed to negotiate a compromise with the SSLM. Long discussions culminated in peace negotiations in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in February and March 1972. Under the provisions of the Addis Ababa accords, the central government and the SSLM agreed to a cease fire , and Khartoum recognized the regional autonomy of the three southern provinces. After signing the accord, Nimeri issued a decree for the establishment of a Southern Regional Assembly. The assembly’s members were elected in multiparty elections, the first of which was held in 1973, with a second election five years later. Throughout the 1970s, the authoritarian Nimeri government fairly observed the Addis Ababa accords. However, in 1981 Nimeiri practically abrogated the Addis Ababa accords by dissolving the Southern Regional Assembly. The political malaise was further compounded by the economic problems of the South ranging from inflation to lack of basic necessities and jobs. And when Nimeri appointed Muslim Brotherhood leader Hassan Turabi as attorney general in November 1981, southern fears of forced Islamaization increased. A mutiny among about 1,000 southern troops in February 1983 led to attacks on government property and forces throughout the region. US educated Colonel Dr. John Garang who at first tried to be a go between the mutineers and the government changed sides and joined the rebellion to form the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement. Nimeri compounded the whole problem by imposing the Sharia on the whole country. The SPLM formed its army (the SPLA),mainly and massively aided by Ethiopia under Mengistu further inflaming attitudes among non-Muslims in the south, the SPLM and the defeat imposed on Nimeri’s soldiers led to the dissatisfaction in the North and the eventual overthrow of Nimeri in 1985.

The SPLM political program was one of forming a New Sudan (not secession as in the past). Yet, the new government of Umma leader Sadiq al Mahdi procrastinated on the main dividing issue of the Sharia though it met with SPLM leaders in Ethiopia’s Koka Dam palace. The government was not ready to repeal the Sharia. The leader of the other traditional Northern party (the Democratic Unionist Party/DUP/), of the Kathmiya religious sect, that is to say Mohamed al Mirghani, was ready, on the contrary to repeal the Sharia to achieve peace and consequently met with Garang in Ethiopia (December 1988) to reach a promising tentative accord. This move got the support of other parties and civic bodies in the North. Turabi’s National Islamic Front opposed it and put pressure on Sediq al Mahdi not to accept it. Characteristically, Sadiq al Mahdi temporized and despite public protest and including memorandum from the military never got to repeal the Sharia though it formed a government without NIF participation. Thereby digging its own grave as the NIF plotted a coup against it, In June 1989, the coup of Omar Bashir was made and the whole question of repealing the Sharia and making peace with the SPLM/A discarded.

The rest, as is said, is history and several negotiations and meetings bore no fruit and hundreds of thousands had to die before the agreement in Nairobi could be signed and the way to a referendum on secession/independence be agreed upon for January 2011.

What was at stake from the start?

The vile treatment that the people of Southern Sudan received from the Northern dominated governments is enough by itself to justify a rebellion calling for justice and respect. But what has been at stake in South Sudan has always been far above and beyond the justified aspiration of the Southern Sudanese. A number of regional and international forces have meddled in the internal affairs of the Sudan and successfully aggravated the wars that have cost the lives of at least two million Sudanese over the years.

It is almost a cliché to say “it is the oil, stupid! Or, “it is the Nile water, stupid! The Sudanese problem, whether it is the South or Darfur, is of oil, water and much more. There is geo politics involved with the size, weight and place of the Sudan on the strategic Red Sea. For the Southern Sudanese it can be reduced to the bare minimum of not being considered as “abid” (slave), shammasa (sun burnt black), inferior or “haywanin” (animals). The Jenubi (Southerners) were never really welcome in the North and were often rounded up and expelled back to the South. A worthy protest and cause by itself, forget the oil and water and geopolitics. The denial of democracy, identity, and self governance or administration has been at the base of the problem that has also been aggravated by foreign interference. Today, the problem is more complicated. The South has oil, as has reportedly Darfur, and this is coveted by the hungry West and China as for the latter Sudan is its fifth largest supplier of crude oil. 45% of the national budget of the Sudan is covered by the oil revenue and the SPLA bureaucracy and army is paid out of the $ 2 billion that the South gets from the oil sale. The oil of the south is transported to Port Sudan in the North for export and any emerging war could disrupt this and confront an independent South Sudan with no money to pay its army—an alarming scenario indeed. So, what is at stake is more than Southerner’s dignity, self respect and self governance even though southern autonomy after the Addis Ababa accord of the early nineties did prove that the Southerners, left even relatively alone, are not a cohesive at all and were at loggerheads between themselves. The question of the Nile and the Jonglei Canal project (interrupted by the war) is also another factor to be taken into consideration especially now that Egypt (and also the Sudan allied to it) is at loggerheads with the Basin countries on the question of the usage of the Nile River. The Jonglei Canal region is home to two million Dinkas, Nuers and Shilluks. The political effect of secession on other parts of the Sudan and the region as a whole is also compounding the problem.

• . The question of “ oil rich” Abyei

Abyei could very well be an excuse for a new North-South war. It is reportedly oil rich and both the North and South are claiming it. But the tag “oil rich” is being put to question nowadays. Writing in the Contributor Rebecca Hamilton has the following to say on the subject (November 2/2010)

“In 2004, when the final stages of the negotiations for the Comprehensive Peace Agreement were underway, the Abyei area was indeed “oil rich.” There were two major oilfields to the east of Abyei town, Heglig and Bamboo, and another to the north called Diffra.

Back then, the combined production of the three fields was an estimated 76,600 barrels per day (bpd). If you crunch the numbers, this amounted to 25 percent of Sudan’s annual oil production. With so much at stake, “oil-rich” summed up perfectly the reasons why Abyei was an obstacle to the conclusion of the peace agreement.

But we are now in 2010. In the intervening six years, two factors have diminished the accuracy of the “oil-rich” label:

First, oil production from Heglig, Bamboo, and Diffra has declined across the board. From the 76,600 bpd of 2004, the 2009 estimates for the three fields dropped to 28,300 bpd. Meanwhile, production from outside the area increased. By early 2009, “oil-rich” Abyei only accounted for 5 percent of Sudan’s annual production.

Second, a July 2009 ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration, placed Heglig and Bamboo outside of Abyei. Of course these two fields are still physically in the broader border region, and the dispute between north and south over who will benefit from them continues. But they are no longer up for grabs in the Abyei referendum, which is what most reporting on Abyei is about. The only oilfield now remaining in the Abyei equation is Diffra, estimated to have produced just 4,000 bpd in 2009 – less than 1 percent of Sudan’s current annual production.”

There is also the fact that oil production from fields in North Sudan will reach 110,000 barrels per day (bpd) by the end of 2010. Most of Sudan’s oil (500,000 barrels per day of crude) comes from the South and there are talks that South Sudan, after the referendum, will set up its own three oil refineries and build a pipeline from Juba to Lamu (Kenya) to export its oil through Kenyan ports.. Wily China is one of the bidders to build such a pipeline.

Still, it is safe to say that Abyei continues to be a thorn in the referendum process. It is not likely that the referendum in Abyei will take place on January 9. The proposed sharing of the oil revenues between an independent South, the North and the Massiriya Arabs does not also seem feasible. Oil or not Abyei promises to be a problem point for the Sudan. And January 9 will not solve but compound it further.

What is at stake for the regional and international players is also of importance.

ETHIOPIA: shares a long border with the Sudan (1600 kms in length) and has been historically and strategically linked with it. Historically, they have fought bitter wars of conquest and defense and the Blue Nile, the lifeline of both Sudan and Egypt, originates in Ethiopia. Sudan has banked its future more with the Arab League than with the OAU and over the years had served as Egypt’s main conduit of destabilization efforts directed against Ethiopia. Egypt had for years backed Somali irredentism, the Eritrean Liberation Front and other secessionist groups fighting the central government (the TPLF in power now in Addis Abeba was one of the recipients of Egypt’s military and financial aid through the Sudan). As a result, Ethiopian regimes have had well articulated strategies as concerns South Sudan and its struggle against the Arab North.

The Haile Sellasie government fully backed, with Israel, the Anya Nya rebellion of the “Christian South” against the Moslem/Arab North. It was a counter for the Sudanese support to the Eritrean rebels. By 1971, Sudan and Ethiopia agreed on the settlement of the Southern problem through dialog and the peace accord was signed in Addis Abeba between the Ana Nya and the Nimeri government. Nimeri went through the motion of closing the ELF offices in Khartoum and Kassala but the move was not serious. When Haile Sellasie was overthrown in 1974, cold war alliances changed with Nimeri becoming close to Washington and the Addis Abeba military regime allying with the Soviet Camp. The Western plan to sabotage the Mengistu regime in Addis Ababa made Sudan its pivotal base and thus anti-Mengistu movements of all categories (secessionists, leftists, Ethiopian contras backed by the USA) were all using the Sudan as their political and military base. To counter this, the military regime in Addis Abeba committed itself to fully support the SPLM/SPLA to the extent that Ethiopian military C130 planes and soldiers were fighting on the side of the Southern rebels. Mengistu lobbied Mugabe, Castro and the Vietnamese to help Garang and his cause. During the 184 famine in Ethiopia vice president Bush (sr) flew over to the Sudan, met with Nimeri and finalized the Western plan to destabilize Mengistu by using the famine aid to strengthen the Tigrean and Eritrean rebels. More than 95% of the famine aid money was diverted by the Tigreran front of Meles Zenawi (TPLF) with the full knowledge and collaboration of most of the relief and aid agencies.

By 1991, the Mengistu regime fell and the pro Sudan TPLF that took power chased off the SPLM/A from Ethiopian soil. Omar Beshir and his aides like Fath el Erwa who had closely worked with Washington and the Tigrean rebels were elated and in recognition they also rounded up dozens of Ethiopian opposition (EPRP) members and handed them over to the TPLF. The OLF was denied access to Ethiopia through the Sudan. The SPLM main base shifted to Kenya and Uganda. However, the honeymoon did not last and Omar Beshir, whose regime fell out with Washington, and consequently with Asmara and Addis Abeba. While Meles Zenawi, fearing Sudan would open its borders to Ethiopian opposition forces, mended fence with Khartoum but Eritrea continued to back the SPLM and the Northern political opposition and helped launch also the Eastern armed front of the Bejas against Khartoum. The American sponsored drive to destabilize and overthrow the Beshir regime made Asmara its center. Beshir and Meles continued as Siamese twins, the one needing the other’s support or neutrality at best and Meles ceded Ethiopian territory (in the historic Quara region) to Khartoum to further placate Beshir. The Khartoum regime has continued to close itself to Ethiopian opposition and to even harass the thousands of refugees on its soil.

What happens in South Sudan is of great strategic importance to Ethiopia even if the regime in Addis Ababa does not represent Ethiopian national interest. In a related strategic consideration, the military regime of colonel Mengistu had concluded that the breakup of Somalia was of paramount importance to Ethiopia and then went on to arm all and sundry Somali groups to attack the Barre regime and to subsequently create havoc in that country. The plan has worked as the present day stateless and war torn and divided Somalia attests. Is the same calculation of benefit vis a vis the Sudan? Meles Zenawi is walking on both lanes—on the one hand working with Beshir and on the other working with West to assure the secession of South Sudan to whose government (GOSS) it is, along with Kenya, already serving as an arms conduit.

Eritrea: has an importance in the regional politics dictated more by its strategic location along the Red Sea than its wealth. Despite talks of gold discovery, Eritrea is one the poorest countries in the world with an economy that has been further bankrupted by a costly and absurd war with Ethiopia in 1998. Yet, Eritrea has been a regional player. In the early nineties, Asmara worked hand in glove with Washington to destabilize the Sudan and not only opened up the country to CIA officers, the SPLM, northern parties like the Umma and the Democratic Unionist Party of Mirghani but also went further to back the armed rebels in Eastern Sudan (the Beja Congress etc). Eritrea also channeled arms to the Darfur rebels and it was in general conflict with the Sudan. This situation has changed gradually with the Eritrean rulers distancing themselves from Washington and accusing the latter of fomenting plots and conspiracies to overthrow Isaias Afewerki . Eritrean anger was exacerbated by the fact that Washington has refused to put pressure on the Meles Zenawi regime to respect the ruling of the International Court in Hague which had decided in Eritrea’s favor on the border conflict. Eritrea’s involvement on the side of the Somali radicals (more with Sheikh Aweys than with Al Shabab) also complicated the problem. The strategic concern of Eritrea being its troubled relations with Ethiopia (both help each other’s opposition and have tried to wage war by proxy) its stance towards the Sudan ha shifted in accord with this basic concern. Presently, Eritrea is much closer to Beshir than it is with GOSS. Yet, Eritrea is visibly present in Southern Sudan and at the end of the day would prefer a united Sudan to an independent South Sudan under the domination of the West that has continuously condemned the Eritrean regime for gross violation of human rights.

Egypt: historically, as a neighboring Arab country and strategically because of the Nile Egypt wants the Sudan to stay united with the North maintaining its domination. This same sentiment is shared by Libya and most of the Middle Eastern countries. Sudan is Egypt’s ally in its dispute with the Nile Basin countries.

The Western Bloc: with Washington and Britain in the forefront want the Beshir regime weakened and removed. They consider the Sudan as one of the bases for terrorism (though this same Sudan handed over Carlos to the Sudan, had proposed to arrest Osama bin Laden and send him to Saudi Arabia and its intelligence agencies, especially under Nafi Ali Nafi, worked closely with the CIA). A big united and radical (Islamic dominated) Sudan is considered a threat to western interests and thus the secession of South Sudan is encouraged, funded and supported by overt and covert means. The break up of the Sudan, now conveniently being presented as a creation of British colonialism in the first place, is expected and desired by the Western bloc. The campaign over Darfur, with inflated figures and misrepresentation of the conflict as being one between Arabs and Africans, indicates the concerted drive to demonize and isolate the Beshir regime. Not that the Beshir regime has not committed atrocities but one cannot lose sight of the infamous double standard at work here with Hollywood pitching in (George Clooney, Mia Farrow). More than four million Congolese killed and no Darfur type concern has been heard from the West. Genocide by Meles Zenawi in Gambella (against Anuaks) was ignored; Idris Deby and Nguema ate untouchables because they have handed over their oil to Western companies. Furthermore, western policy towards the Sudan and the region has consistently failed to get the overall picture and the implications that affect and would impact on most of the countries in the region. The ICC drive against Beshir is as much a miscalculation as the joint military drive against the LRA sponsored and backed by the USA. The American policy and action as concerns the Sudan have been helped by the IGAD, by the UN representative for the Sudan (who is a longtime pro American, Eritrean born Haile Merkerios). This policy has not, however, been consistent with several faction advocating either aggressive hard line policy (Sudan Rice and company and others within the CIA and the administration preaching the carrot and stick approach. It should be noted that the new US embassy in Khartoum would be the biggest in Africa and would be the centre for the whole Horn region. What is happening in South Sudan has and will have its impact on Darfur and the Darfur reality is expected to lead to the “Darfurization of Chad” for example. And will the secession bug spread all over Africa? In other words, by the reckless support to the breakup of the Sudan, the West may be unleashing a dangerous and divisive virus all over the region and Africa. Can we or should we justify denying the Southerners their declared inalienable right to decide on their destiny?

China: has china turned imperialist is a question begging for an answer. Be that as it may, China is involved big time in the Sudan (and in neighboring countries like Ethiopia) trying to quench its thirst for oil. Peking has backed Beshir all the way, armed his forces, given him diplomatic support and even at one time involved directly and militarily in South Sudan. As the situation stands, China would prefer for the status quo to continue but cunningly it has also started courting the GOSS and bid for building the pipeline from Juba to Lamu to bypass the pipelines in the North. However, an independent South Sudan may be more inclined to ally with the West than with China and so the secession of South Sudan is not seen positively by China.

SUDAN: The implication of secession for the Sudan is not to be taken lightly. One can say Sudan is the biggest loser of this exercise engineered by the Western counties with cooperation of most of the IGAD members, particularly Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia who follow, to a varying degree, the diktat of Washington. Sudan would be convulsed by the separation of the South and all talk of amicable divorce may emerge as a pipe dream in a short while. Sudan may survive minus the Southern oil but indications are that the loss of the South could possibly engender the same moves in Darfur and even the East and may splinter the Sudan to several parts. That the whole process would be accepted by the North is still a debatable issue and even if Beshir has doggedly proved to be politically confused and even indecisive there is no guarantee that the army and the Northern political circles would tolerate any break up. The separation move could thus herald the end of the Beshir regime (an event that would have its proper and various pros and cons). The specters of secession haunts the Sudan, and unlike the secession of Eritrea (which was itself backed and encouraged by the Tigrean front in power in Ethiopia), GOSS and Khartoum are not friendly towards each other. The registration itself is causing wrangling and the meeting in Addis Abeba to resolve the Abyei controversy has failed to produce a feasible option. The so called International Court has also muddied the situation by issuing an arrest warrant fro Omar Beshir (crimes against humanity, genocide). Will the referendum of January 9 take place? Will the referendum in Abyei take place and in what conditions? Will the Beshir government accept the outcome of the referendum? Vital questions still awaiting a definite answer.

A news report on November 25 had this to say:

“”Sudan Armed Forces helicopter gunship attacked Sudan people’s Liberation Army (SPLA) positions at Kiirabem, in North Bahr al-Ghazal, wounding four SPLA soldiers and two civilians.

“The intention of the SAF in this move is to try to disrupt the referendum process,” spokesman for the ex-rebel SPLA, Philip Aguer was quoted as saying.”

Beshir is opposed to the deployment of more UN troops between the South and the North and he is surely not amused but his exclusion from the African Union and European summit. It is not a secret that armed Southern militias fighting against the Dinka nominated and corrupt GOSS are covertly backed by Khartoum. In the past few years no less than 25,000 people have been killed and hundreds of thousands displaced by fighting between the Southerners. The SPLA is divided and such former SPLA leaders as General George Athror Deng Dut of Jonglei state, Major General Gabriel Tanginye and two other armed groups including Colonel Gatluak Gai who rebelled in Unity state have still not been brought into the fold and integrated with the SPLA. More splinters within the SPLA/M can be expected even after the referendum. The power holders in Khartoum have not forgotten that in 1991 the SPLA imitated a rebellion in Darfur that was violently crushed. Like Darfur and the Bejas, the Nubas of Southern Kordofan and the Fungi or Ingassana of Southern Blue Nile are also restless. An independent Southern Sudan can fan the flame of separation and the further break up of the Sudan. And this would have far too many undesired effects for the region as a whole. Separation and peace do not seem to cohabit together.

What is to be expected by January 9?

If the referendum does take place peacefully, it is doubtful a free referendum can be a reality in a situation of dictatorship. There is no doubt whatsoever that the majority of the Southerners will vote of separation. The advocate of a united New Sudan, the late Dr. colonel John Garang, was himself inclining towards secession before he died. His death under what many call suspicious circumstances (helicopter accident) has opened up the way for the hard line champions of secession like Sylva Kir and Riek Machar both with very long and close connections with Washington and London.

The secession could lead to war by itself especially if the Abyei question remains unsolved. On the other hand, the referendum may not even be held at the determined time and this could lead to the renewal of conflicts. Last year, close to 25,000 Southerners died in inter-south fighting and Khartoum has been accused of arming Southern groups opposed to the GOSS. Which means that the South may be headed towards inter tribal chaos as the Dinka dominated GOSS has been accused of corruption, “tribalism” and dictatorship.

However, pessimistic scenarios aside, if the North could accept the result of the referendum, if the Abyei thorn can be removed and an agreement that guarantees peace between North and South could be reached it would indeed be a miracle as a conflagration could be avoided even though the problems of the South and the North respectively may still await a democratic resolution. Unfortunately, miracles rarely happen in the hapless and region and the safe bet is that Sudan (or even an independent South Sudan) will not have peace in the near future. The end of the Beshir dictatorship is nothing to regret but an event to herald with joy while the end of the Sudan and the proliferation of (relatively) mini states left to the mercy of the powers that do not have the interest of the people (and Africa) at heart is not really something to yearn for. An independent South as the end of Beshir could thus be welcome but as the end of Sudan itself is not desirable. Washington hopes to see an independent South Sudan joining Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya and Djibouti to form a pro West regional coalition and to marginalize the “Arab” Sudan accused of Islamic intransigence and support to the “terrorists”

SOUTH SUDAN

Population: 8-11 MILLION (estimates questioned in absence of credible census)

Area: 589,745 km²
227,702 sq mi

Capital: Juba (in central Equatoria)

Ethnic groups: more than 64 of which Dinka, Shilukm Acholi,Nuer, Anuyak, Toposa and Mundu are some

Languages: many local including Arabic and English

Religion: Animist, Christian and Moslem

Main political group: South Sudan Liberation Movement (SPLM)

By Yilma Bekele

The fearless leader from Wasilla said “This speaks to a bigger picture here that certainly scares me in terms of our national security policy. But obviously we’ve gotta stand with our North Korean allies.”—Discussing Obama’s foreign policy in an interview with fellow whacko Glenn Beck. Someone should tell dear old Sarah it is South Korea that is allied with the US not the dear leader for life, Kim’s kingdom.

That is Sarah always in a hurry to say her two cents worth to find fault with anything Obama. She forgot to jot it down on her palm for easy reference. As far as Sarah is concerned the issue is exposure not content. Being a headliner has its rewards. Her net worth has gone to ‘where no one has gone before.’ It is understandable if she is delirious with this newfound wealth and fame.

Most people do not take Sarah’s pronouncements seriously. Her aim is to raise money for her Political Action Committee so she can be free to be more bizarre if that is possible, raise Fox channel’s ratings and twist the left out of shape.

On the other hand the Ethiopian Prime Minster’s attempt to be like Sarah is not funny at all. Being the de facto head of state and responsible for over eighty million people demands certain amount of maturity and self-control. As they say ‘loose lips sink ship’ or ‘careless talk cost lives.’

This last week in an interview Meles Zenawi let loose a barrage of insults, machismo behavior, unsubstantiated allegations and a dare against our Egyptian friends and neighbors. Ethiopia and Egypt, bound by the Nile and our ancient cultures are like a pea in a pod. We have cultural, spiritual, geographic bonds that date back before history. In recent years some of us remember when Emperor Haile Sellasie and Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser founded the Organization of African Unity. Our two countries are natural allies.

It is a geographic fact that the mighty Abay starts from our highlands and is the lifeline of Egypt. Without Abay there will be no Egypt. Without Abay there would be no Pyramids. For our Egyptian friends Abay is their life. For us Ethiopians it is a huge responsibility to be the keeper of such important key. Our leaders thru time have kept the promise of being good guardians.

Why then did the Ethiopian Junta leader walk the extra mile to pick a quarrel with our friends? What is the meaning of such tantrum that wants to pass as a meaningful statement?

According to Reuters this is what he said, “I am not worried that the Egyptians will suddenly invade Ethiopia nobody who has tried that has lived to tell the story. I don’t think the Egyptians will be any different and I think they know that…. The Egyptians have yet to make up their minds as to whether they want to live in the 21st or the 19th century” and after accusing them of trying to destabilize Ethiopia he went on to say ‘If we address the issues around which the rebel groups are mobilized then we can neutralize them and therefore make it impossible for the Egyptians to fish in troubled waters because there won’t be any’

Our fearless leader for life puts Sarah to shame. The Egyptians who are vented upon were both perplexed and amused by the TPLF’s boss behavior. President Mubarak’s response was ‘“We have very amicable relations with Ethiopia, I was surprised by these comments because this is something we cannot do with any Arab or African country.”

Ethiopia does not benefit from this raw. At the moment there are thousands of Ethiopians in Egypt using the country as a transit point. It is Ethiopia’s interest to keep friendly relations with Egypt for the sake of our people stuck there. Egypt is not aware that the Ethiopian regime views it with such hostility to the extent of beating the drums of war. It is not in Ethiopia’s interest to pick a quarrel with such an important country in the region.

Before going any further let us see the position where these two counties occupy in the pecking order of our planet.

It looks like Egypt has a head start on us. To achieve what they have today they must have worked hard. They must have plenty of educated people to run such advanced industrial system compared to Ethiopia. It is obvious Egyptians are good company to keep as a friend. It is just odd to see a regime daring a neighbor thousands of kilometers away when it is even unable to exert any influence in Somalia the only place on earth without a functioning government.

The question becomes why is Ato Meles doing this at this time? Or why is his communications department busy creating news out of thin air? Why is he hell bent in starting a conflict with all our neighbors? Why is our country becoming the mad dog of Africa?

I believe all this incomprehensible blabber is not an accident. It is part and parcel of the ‘modus operandi’ of a dictatorial regime. It is just like Hollywood stars or celebrities like Sarah Palin manage to insert themselves in the news no matter the content. Being quoted, talked about or photographed shows the public that they are around and are making news. They use their notoriety as leverage for more pay, better parts or good table in a restaurant.

The Meles regime uses these bizarre news and behaviors to have the population discuss their latest stupidity while they achieve another goal unseen or cover up one of their blunders. If we observe closely the ‘Egyptian issue’ created its own dynamic. Most of us were amused and it confirmed our belief regarding the sanity of the PM and his underlings. Some of us will conjure this image of belligerent Egypt sending its army to take Abay, while a few of us will even venture to say that it is a ‘Moslem’ conspiracy to conquer our country while the ‘cadres chorus’ repeats Ato Meles is ‘the man!’ the only one with balls to defend good old Ethiopia.

We are familiar with this game plan. Whenever the TPLF regime screws up they give us some bone to chew on. Of course we bite and the rest is history, that is until next weeks drama. We don’t have to go far. The last month TPLF cadres were caught with inflation climbing, their Patriarch with his statue, the Human Right report and most important of all the World Bank revelation that the regime is recipient of over 3billion dollars from the Diaspora in remittances. That is a lot of money. That is bigger than what the despot gets selling coffee, hides and skins, Kat and gold combined. We are the cash cows that help the dictator abuse our country and people.

Well my Diaspora friend take a bow, you are the reason this bunch of psychopaths are lording it over us. There is no reason to be shy about it. There is no reason to hide. Come on get some spine and admit that you were willing to buy stolen land. Of course you claim you created jobs and helped your country. I have no quarrel with self-delusion. You can believe all you want but when the bubble collapses and your pretty condominium go a penny on the dollar I know you will be heartbroken. You will cry foul. All I can say is no one gets rich and famous standing on his peoples shoulder, sooner or later the ponzi scheme collapses the question is who is gona be caught holding the bag.

Getachew Reda (Editor- Ethiopian Semay )

First of all, let me apologize for using the English language by not using the Ethiopian languages. This is because; I am experiencing the Geez Font problem temporarily. Having said that, in this article along with Lidetu and his opponents in London, I will touch some other several different subjects/issues unrelated to the title given. I will touch Lidetu, the opposition media, Human Rights and Journalist associations and their failing business. As you are well aware you have witnessed “all” opposition parties inside the country (I mean ALL!!!!) failed confronting the fascist, the hateful, the liar the genocidal and mercenary government called “TPLF/EPRDF” for stealing, cheating, violating the people’s voice and for abusing its power for so long. And the so called oppositions walked away silently with their tail wagging under their legs with fear and broke their promise to challenge the abusive s in system in power right after the moment the fraudulent TPLF government declared victory. As the result of it, some of the Diaspora opposition went shock (including me) for seeing the opposition in the country whom many of us thought one of them or all of them will encounter the fraudulent system for its cheater behavior and exposed him with a country wide demonstration and every necessary steps to challenge and remove the Emperor of TPLF and his Dukes in power. Unfortunately, they shocked us by quietly went like a thief and like abused women with no clue where to go!

Now, the consequence of it, the opposition supporters in the Diaspora went to almost to a cycle of nervous breakdown and unbelievable confusion. Though it is understood for the opposition in the Diaspora why they are experiencing such shocking moment after many of them financially or spiritually or whatever possible support they gave in the hope to challenge the mercenaries and the fascists and hate mongers in power: In a strange manner, they kept their shock to themselves without condemning the cowardice opposition political leaders who drag the people to the voting poll and left their vote be taken away illegally by the criminal TPLF.

The concern is why the Diaspora Opposition still believe the same leaders who failed over and over and recently also failed miserably in unbelievable way and still gave them a trust that the same cowardice political leaders (Medrek, UDJ, EAUP, Arena…) will fight the genocidal and the fascistic TPLF in the next cycle of confrontation is indeed the most shocking situation than the shock itself.

Not only that many of Diaspora opposition members are acting in a confused and unlearned behavior still flirting and respecting the cowardice political leaders but with the useless and destructive media owners as well.

The strange status didn’t stop there, but also, still, some of the oppositions tried to release its shock /nervous breakdown agony by opposing Lidetu as a therapy and a scapegoat to their shock. It is clearly premature politics!

If they think something is wrong with Lidetu (which he is also in denial in some aspects), it is also equally the same with those who are “MOUTH” OPPOSITION leaders who used our energy and finance to support them, unfortunately, and unbelievably at the end when the true fight approach they too, I mean they too run away with no hesitation, shameful, and quietly like uninitiated, weak, toothless dog from fighting the cheater (TPLF) by leaving the population shocked without political shelter to combat the enemy (They left the population at AWALALA MEDA LAY with no strategy to combat back the enemy !) They too betrayed the people and broke their promise. Is that not right? They too devastated the people’s struggle and spirit for a long time to come may be even going to be toughest for the future if the people to trust any opposition when the people need leaders to lead them with pride, principled, focused, strength and fearless. That is the shocking part of it. We are still on denial!!!!!!!!!!!!!

What I heard from Lidetu’s interview posted on You Tube is he invited the Londoners (oppositions
whoever they are) to discuss with him or raise their concern about him or future situation than to be noisy outside or outside the hall or deny others who went there to discuss with him or raise their concern if they have one if it helps what to be done for the future. His invitation has nothing wrong, but, whoever they are failed miserably to respond in kind. Believe me, as I said before, Lidetu needs to come out of his denial (some of his distorted belief towards the criminal TPLF- needs to be rejected- he needs to revise some of his positions and some myths….), but he is no worst criminal or worst irresponsible or responsible (accountable) or whatever word one wants to use, than the Berhanu or Andargachew or UDJ’s or EAUP leaders the rest. Not at all!!! (I can provide you so many evidence that each party broke their promises, violated many issues and exposed the population by lying and signing a crime they didn’t participate, because the government pressured them…) So. The opposition members (who ever they are) are manipulated by the Diaspora caved political leaders guidance and with all the scenario they seemed to be discriminative in a narrow partisan mentality when they singly attacked Lidetu alone, as if he not their leaders at fault.

The Opposition media are also playing games with such useless politics to look as if something significant is achieved. Some of the opposition in the Diaspora also need to know how the opposition media websites (all – I mean all) are distorted, partisans, I have even some doubts that some particular opposition media are undercover media who served separatist parties and playing destructive anti unity roles.

See how some of the opposition and their media were so unbelievably out of touch talking for so long about Bertukan invitation by the Northern America Sport Federation issue. That was the most ridiculous foolish and hypocrite arguments I have ever seen in few years (at least). Lawyers, commentators, journalists (? if they are), poets, Pal Takers …..Were feeding myth to the opposition (struggle) on and on and on and on until we feel nauseating. Sad!

Who can we believe and who can we talk? To the Journalists? Do we have elements called journalists? I do not think so: may be Tesfaye GebreAb?- Can we use him or trust him? If Berhanu Nega allows us to use him!!!! The rest are not media operators or journalists- to verify what I am saying listen to the Reporter editor Asegid Tefera’s interview on ESAT. He will tell you in a simple word what I was saying all along “There is no media accountable to report the pain of the nation!!!!!!!!!!!!” “The media is the first one to be accountable!!!!!!” The media betrayed the nation!!!!” The media is the most criminal of all elements!!!!” yes, Asegid Tefera was right; though some phrases are mine only mine! This media people “crap!!!” can’t even openly coordinate the public efficiently to help their own fellow journalists when caved in hell by different dilemma, when their fellow journalist is sick theirs/public support or expose TPLF gangs for attacking their fellow journalist/s. For your surprise some of the Ethiopian opposition media (search Google about one Ethiopian journalist in Sweden (?)(Some where in Europe) personality is dedicated to free an “Eritrean journalist”. One of the Ethiopian fellow who lived in Europe dedicated a full time effort to freed one of the hateful journalists (check what he and his likes was writing about our people while they were in Asmara flirting with EPLF government as media people) like by the name Dawit now in jail by Isayas while forgot one of their own in India “Eyerusalem Araya” who is been harassed by TPLF monster/ gangsters. What does that show you? Delusion? I have no idea. Those are Ethiopian journalists who are fighting for Eritrean journalists while their own fellow journalists are exposed for hunger, and murder and health sickness and freedom to move all over the world as immigrants.

Some are even for your surprise elected for International Award for best Journalism! I don’t mind some of those brothers got the prize (I am happy for them), but are they truly qualified for it? No! (Do we know the chain that is pushing such personalities for nomination?)! {WEYtiGudu! Ale Tigre}. How many journalists do you know who were murdered by TPLF gang Knives/sword while tried to go home from work late night? Many of them. How many Human Right activists were murdered by TPLF in a day time and no TPLF gangs/ government security chiefs went unaccountable? Many .Asefa Maru was the victim of such. Tesfaye was the victim … I mean many and many…! Do you believe that Journalists like Eyerusalem can’t even get financial or even news coverage when he is day in day out beaten and run for his life on hiding in India? He is still in need of help (financial and moral and media coverage and none of those (with the exception of few) media are willing to write news or his and his daughter’s situation living as immigrant in India). Who should remember those? It should have been the job of Kifle Mulat the president of the “EFJA” and his officers and as well the rest of the useless “free-media” gangs by dedicating a special page/ website for their fellow members in hardship . But what they do and write and dedicated their pages is for elites that are already their mantra in their group/circle. For your surprise, I tried to contact numerous times to talk to him about the Journalists in Yemen (Serbesa Biru and his other friends) and Iyerusalem Araya and his 13 years old daughter suffering in hiding in India- BOY!!!!!! It was the most disrespectful experience I have never encountered by any educated Ethiopian that I tried to contact ignored my inquiry so far (even the most who hated me response whatever their mind reads them to response with respect). He is the only one Ethiopian I encountered in 18 years I experience ignored my inquiry! Surprisingly, he was able to respond to those known anti Tigray haters calling itself Current Affairs Pal Talk for his interview several times. Doesn’t that make you so sick in your stomach? He was there talking garbage about how he is proud of his fellow journalists nominated for prize!!!!!! Wei TiGUDu !! ale Tigre!

Forget the so called partisan and ineffective journalist institutions (/global/local) to the dust bin. Come to the Human Right Institutions. Check the International Human Rights evaluation of nomination in Ethiopia and you will see how naïve and premature its evaluation for victims award of prize nomination procedure goes too. Have you ever heard the Human Rights talking about victims or nominating about Gebremedhin Araya (who exposed TPLF’s heinous crime in a different and multiple charges and got beaten up to death almost paralyzed in Uganda! Have you ever heard of them talking about him? No! Have you also heard the Human Rights (local or International Human Right agencies ) let alone to nominate even mentioning their name like “Tsegaye Gebremedhin’s EPRP or Abera YemaneAbin, Aberash berta or Asefa Maru…..”? Have you even ever the opposition media ever mentioned those people (Apart the EPRP websites) .Why? Because many of the media or international/Local Human Rights or media outlets. Operators are partisans. They discriminate from victim to victim! The EPRP websites posted pictures and stories of many of the TPLF victims including Bertukan Meddiksa on their websites, but none, I mean none of the opposition websites dare to remember the EPRP leaders and fighters who are TPLF victims. Why? They are ignorant! Nothing else, but ignorance and also twisted by few undisclosed local elites who are partisans from victim to victim confusing the Institution/and the Institution’s officers. You need to have someone there with the ill informed International Human Right officers to push your victim to be nominated. Honestly, I have no idea who lead the Local or International Human Right institutions, but long live and my respect to “SOCEPP” (Solidarity Committee for Ethiopian Political Prisoners located here in the Diaspora is doing much, way much better job than the so called Human Rights ….and Journalist associations who are funded by so much millions or thousands of money and man power….). If I get killed by the mercenaries it is rest assures it will be the SOCEPP that will fight for me not the so called Ethiopian Human Right Activist or International Human Right Activist. Hope the Human Rights or PEN or other contact “SOCEPP” (you can Google for their address) to be oriented about Ethiopia and government victims. I recommended the Human Right Institution and the like contact “SOCEPP” and add in its Committee if it really wants to help Human Right respect. If not, it will be a joke business like the so called UNHCR joke business.

Those opposition media

The so called opposition/free media are the play ground of few of the opposition leaders who are feeding myth to their members. The media themselves are part of the myth feeding business. They need to stop from further damaging the brain of their followers (community) if they really are “free media”. My readers know that for years I have stopped trusting some of the Diaspora media websites calling themselves “Public Media”. I sometimes throw some of my staffs on their website when they allow it (when they are in a good mood) to reach you. But, I never trusted them as media (all). I am glad I have my own I can spread it to the readers equally like their websites. Or else I wouldn’t be able to raise a word of my voice against TPLF or against the myth feeders.

I visited some of the websites this New Year (Ethiopian New Year) to see if they improve their attitude on their website and their maturity on their newly reconstructed websites. Shockingly, some of them even got worst. Just look at their page of link “Political Parties” visit Ethioforum-one of the dangerous media elite outlet to the nation’s unity, anti Ethiopia and destructive gangster media type website (I called them GANG media) and myth feeders and hate group boot lickers… :- If you see for example Ethioforum.org by Kenfu Asefa- The Ethiopian Political parties are in his link “OLF, ONLF, Ginbot7, Andint and EPRP –D” Kenfu Assefa even have a link to EPRDF media outlets while he deny other opposition media access (How ignorant do you think this media operators can be than this?!). Check their links who they recommended the public to read them when you get a chance to visit them. From Ethiomedia to Ethiforum, ECADEF, Abugida, Abay Media…!). And read the many of the opposition websites what kind of articles they highlighted or recommended their link the public to access as important message or media or political party. These are untrained elements, bias and ignorant of any knowledge of justice and media. These idiots are calling OLF, ONL as political party while these are the organization of terror as the primary responsible for human crime and ethnic cleansing equal with TPLF. And yet, they referred to you to trust them as political parties while they deny readers to have the opportunity the link of other media. Their service as media is no different than those political leaders who simply feeding the public a myth! I do not trust them! You shouldn’t either!

Generally speaking the public needs other media outlet and other new political leaders other than those who were feeding us myth for long many years. Both are in a big lie. It is clear that any confused and shocked victim will eventually seek therapy for the shock and disbelief due to the betrayal of all the opposition leaders in the country, but it will be reasonable to demonstrate to find a therapy for the shock not only against Lidetu, but also against all the political liars who misguided us in this last election again. /-/ Thanks- www.ethiopiansemay.blogspot.com

Yinegal   Belachew

I wanted to give one among various titles to this piece of writing: Just few of them; ‘Yayt Misikir Dinbit’, ‘Zer Kelguam Yisbal’, ‘Tinish Siga Endemerfe Tiwoga’, ‘Pride and Prejudice’, ‘A Review of a Book Review’, ‘A Blind lead the Blind,’ et cetera. But  thanks to my rethinking, I chose none of these and took another, for I think it would be unusual to mix up an Amharic title to an English article or to use someone’s book title or to review a review. Nevertheless; come what may, here I am to ‘review’ the ‘review’ of this Reverend  Tecolaworq Hagos which he recently published on some sites.

The title of the book he reviewed and commented is Gahdi One.

Author – Asgede G. Selassie
Signature Book Printing, 2007
Page 240  price $20.00

“Any book review ought to be in the language read by the reviewer. In that case, this review and commentary should have been in Amharic. I am making an exception for the book Gahdi 1 because itis an extremely important book and should be read by every Ethiopian, and I chose to review it in English for maximum reach.”  (stress mine)
The FALLACY begins right here!

Everything I say here is according to me and only me. I only follow my stream of consciousness, not the so called logic or syllogism or anything like that, for I am absolutely exasperated by this brother of mine, Tecola W. Hagos. I hope he’ll read me as I did his.

OK, I said a bit earlier that the FALLACY started there. Let me ask you one simple logical question (Aha! sorry, I said no need of logic!), just simply simple question, who proved that English readers of Ethiopians are more in number than Amharic readers? The scholars of which country in the world have ever found such a new ‘scientific invention’ and declared that the people of their country are more akin to and familiar with a foreign language? What does Tecola mean when he says, in my own words, “Whereas the majority of Ethiopians never understand the Amharic language; whereas over 85% of Ethiopians are nearly PhD holders; whereas almost all the academic staffs of universities and colleges in all over the world are Ethiopians; whereas all English speaking people of the globe are attentively following the daily political and economic  affairs of Ethiopia; whereas the shiftas’ or Mafiosi’s ruling junta of the TPLF/Meles is in its deathbed; . . . Therefore,  I Tecolaworq Hagos have contributed this article in English so that the western hemisphere could stay hand in glove with my naughty boy, Meles Zenawi.”

So fantastic. So intellectual! So funny individual! Most astonishingly ‘ more Catholic than the Pope!’ and more dynamically shameless Ethiopian than anyone of us. So far so good, hence.

What is meant to be Ethiopian, then? Should we always get something shameful from our people so that we have to judge one another in an exotically different manner? Should history be redefined in our time in such a way that ‘history is the document in which the winners, in whatever way and means they win and sustain their victory, shall leave only their account in any way they wish and like?’

This review of Tecola tries to replenish the empty buffet of the Woyanne, though in vain. It doesn’t mention any serious evil about Meles and co. It rather goes farther to the extent of suggesting, though impliedly, to consecrate TPLF/Meles and carve a certain Tabot (ark of covenant), as may be forty fifth or so, to be worshiped by all Ethiopians to whom the kingship of  Meles has brought a ‘tremendous’ blessing.

Other than Herman Cohen, who helped TPLF enter Addis Ababa in that bloody year of 1991(gumbet)? How many Eritreans do you guess had assisted TPLF in all fronts? What is the purpose of all this lying?  Who denied the credit of the Woyannes that they had liberated us, Ethiopians, from our liberty? They deprived us of the small freedom we had and rewarded our silence with an utmost slavery, a slavery which has never been seen in this physical world hitherto. Period. No, not yet for a period, who welcomed and introduced Mr. Apartheid in Ethiopia when His Excellency was chased out of South Africa? It is Ato Meles and his friends. Period. If anyone denies, it is up to them. I stick to my reality, they with theirs. Deal!

Look at this nonsensical blabbing.

“It is often claimed by opposition groups and the general public that EPLF was the main player responsible for the defeat of Mengistu Hailemariam and that helped TPLF fighters to overrun Mengistu’s Army and enter Addis Ababa in triumph. The fact is far from such exaggerated claims, for the numbers of EPLF fighters who were embedded in the TPLF’s expeditionary forces that entered Addis Ababa were not even one hundred distributed in different TPLF fighting unites, [units] hardly of any significance. [pp159-163] Those EPLF members were joined by EPLF security personnel.”(stress mine)

Only ONE HUNDRED EPLF fighters? Does this figure include Meles and Bereket or not? Leave alone ordinary fighters, how many of the central committee members of the TPLF were and still are Eritreans? What is the gain of such a bitter joke, dear Tecola? I know you are citing, but at the same time you are supporting and moreover you believe that Ato Asgede is ‘a man of the people.’ I don’t have any grudge on that actually. He could be so, though I know nothing in that regard. But as you said if he had been one of those eleven core members of TPLF in the beginning, there is no reason that Ato Asgede ccouldn’t be one among those  ‘men of the people’ who deserve our indebtedness.

Tecola beautifully narrates the evils of our former cruel leader, which is right, good of him, and appreciable, but he doesn’t even mention a single of the pogroms carried out by his man, thanks to Tecola, he himself rewarded me this ugly expression indirectly, Meles: – the Agnuaks in Gambella or the Amharic speaking people in Arbagugu, Bedeno, Majetie, Jimma, Asebot, Gonder, et cetera. Why? Well, it is simple. If Tecola mentions these massacres and the over all destruction Meles handed out to ‘his mother land, Ethiopia’, his man would be offended and may be exposed to the international community. Such is stupidity! Such has become Ethiopianism! Such as me and such as him and such as such people of his like and my like are equally claiming to be Ethiopians! Wonderful time, amazing historical conjuncture.

Look at this paragraph:

This is a crucial time for most Ethiopians both in the Motherland and in the Diaspora. Both our liberation and the healing of our spiritual lives may start with our facing the most unpleasant truth of our recent history starting from 1965 to date. Mengistu Hailemariam committed genocidal murders in Tigray and Eritrea, and countless assassinations and public executions of students, civilians from all walks of life (not even sparing religious leaders); he unleashed a reign of terror unheard of in Ethiopia’s long history, for eighteen years devastating the national economy and social life.  Thus, all those who were associated with Mengistu at high policy level relationships should never be involved in any capacity in our Diaspora political opposition. There are many individuals whose hands are drenched with the blood of their innocent victims. Such criminals are hiding allover the Free World, in the United States, Britain, France, Germany et cetera. It is often the case that such criminals often times may be part of opposition groups in clandestine or open activities of agitation and despoiling the names and reputations of those who challenge them, continuing their “Red Terror” activities from the era of the dictatorship of Mengistu Hailemariam. Some even have the absurd idea to reinstate the criminal Mengistu Hailemariam back in power.

I am not opposing his narration about Mengistu, though he is too far away from Ms. Fairness. Those Dergue people, who weren’t arrested and exposed to an indefinite extrajudicial imprisonment then, wherever they might be living currently, are by now dead or old, or if alive, maybe they have learnt from their mistakes and might have corrected or adjusted the way they perceive the world by now. When I say this I don’t mean that a criminal should remain unprosecuted, they should, unlike the woyannes who feel even as if they are above God, for the time being of course.
But understandably, this brother of butchers, this Tecola, who apparently looks psychic individual, seems as revengeful as his ‘kinsman’ at Arat Kilo and is saber-rattling to slaughter them if he gets the chance. Look how he is blood thirsty!  His education never changed him; rather, it worsened his animalistic behavior and is pushing him for another vengeance. Doesn’t he develop a sense of forgiveness after all those 20 years while in due course of time we have fresh butchers here in Addis? Or is it because these murderers are not murderers for the fact that they don’t cut the throats of the people he knows well at his vicinity? Is it not really surprising, ladies and gentlemen? Shouldn’t he silence his pen instead of stoking up unnecessary duels at this time wherein every one of us should abide by the cohesive factors of mere humanity if not possible at all to enhance one Ethiopian nationality? Who is going to benefit? Who forbade him to come and takeover one of the ministries rather than serving the junta as a mole embedded in the Diaspora?

Look at the following citation as his MASTERPIECE in his appraisal ‘review’.

Mengistu’s brutal Government unleashed a wave of genocidal massacre in Tigray. It is ironic that we hear and read about “genocidal Meles Zenawi” whose crime is absolutely miniscule[minuscule] compared to the hundreds of thousands of murdered and brutalized Ethiopian Citizens by Mengistu Hailemariam.

Well, if you once get out of your sane mentality nothing good comes out your of mouth, or pen in our case. According to Tecola, Meles Zenawi should be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to his contribution in regard to killing hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians, sending millions of citizens off the country through ‘Bale’ or ‘Bole’ and exposing them to an atrocious life of emigration, impoverishing millions of Ethiopians irrespective of ethnic or religious affiliations, composing scores of ethnic based tribal anthems along with their flags so that the name ETHIOPIA itself would be forgotten shortly afterwards,… OH!  Yes, Meles’ crimes and sins are MINUSCULE in Tecola’s own terminology! Or if he used it unknowingly, he should take some courses in how to use some diction in English.

Minuscule:    Extremely small (Encarta Dictionary)
Minuscule: Extremely small  (Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary)
Minuscule: Extremely small in size or amount (Macmillan English Dictionary)

My last words: Of course Mengistu Hailemariam jailed, tortured, murdered, … zillions of people in his usurpation. I don’t sympathize with him. He could be analogous to the cruelest father in a nation. But Meles Zenawi jailed, tortured, murdered,… not only people but also he tried to destroy everything ETHIOPIAN in nearly irreversible manner. And unless the ‘braves’ come soon and retrieve the country from the gripping hands of these devil-incarnates, just within five or ten years, … no, no, no, that is not going to happen.  [አፌን በዳቦ ያዝኩት]

“Let the ‘braves’ come soon”! God bless Ethiopia!   Yinegal3@gmail.com

(by Sahlu Bekele – Toronto)

The Spanish, the Portuguese, the British, the French, the Italians and the Dutch were the major colonizers of their respective colonies in Africa. All colonies except Ethiopia had suffered humiliation and conquest in the hands of these European forces. After the colonizers devoured all the resources and decided when they had enough, they allowed independence of their colonies willingly or unwillingly only about half a century ago. Ethiopia was an exception in the history of colonization. When the British army descended on Ethiopia in 1868, King Tewodros shot himself in the head not to give in to the foreign forces in honour of his people and his land at Mekdela. The British left for England taking the King’s wife and his son along with them. When the Italians marched on Ethiopia in 1896, King Menilik mobilized Ethiopians and defeated the Italians at the battle of Adwa. Having suffered their humiliation and having mourned for forty years, the Italians again tried to conquer Ethiopia unsuccessfully for a brief period between 1936 and 1941. Forced by the relentless resistance of the Ethiopian patriots who fought them in the jungle, meadows, mountains and valleys, and by the late support of the British and Americans, they finally succumbed to their defeat and went back to where they came from. So there was a short history of Italian attempt to colonize Ethiopia that never materialized. However their failure has become the mother of success by the internal colonizers we call ‘Weyanes’ who have done what the Italian were not able to do and goes the saying, “Enemies never come far, near!”

A narrow nationalist gorilla movement named, TPLF (Tigrean People Liberation Front) as the name indicates has its mandate to secede the province of Tigray from the rest of Ethiopia. Its mission was supposed to do that and stop right there. However, the people of Ethiopia who had been repressed and reigned brutally by the Mengistu’s military junta did not resist these new Weyane visitors substantially because they thought they could bring peace and freedom for these were the values the Weyanes allegedly fought for. Nevertheless, they had a different agenda hiding in their package. Just like the European colonizers, they implemented the ‘divide and rule’ formula in the name of “the right of nationalities” by splitting Ethiopians on ethnic lines and labeling them as Oromos, Amharas, Debubs, Tigrians and so on. The current population of Ethiopia is estimated to be 85.2 million of which Tigreans constitute 4.5 million the majority of whom are not even represented or served by the Weyane rulers whose job in the outset was to liberate and set them free, free from whom, I don’t know. Weyanes, who are a handful duces have their claws stuck in the flesh of Ethiopians including the majority of Tigrean people and are determined to conquer and reign the nation indefinitely. Their ignorance and our stupidity is to talk about democracy, election and human rights in a vacuum and to be amateur actors all together. The issue clearly has to be a movement of independence and freedom from the internal colonization that we are truly facing. So we can forget about all the other socio political matters that come with a free and democratic system and our agenda today has to be standing against the modern internal colonization of Weyanes in Ethiopia. Do not expect a pigeon egg from a snake. That is what they are and this is the only truth. 6.07% of the population has controlled the other 93.93%. This is not democracy but is aristocracy or autocracy, simply put complete dictatorship. Therefore, the majority of Ethiopians had been and are being colonized by Emperor Meles and his Agazi Army. This colonization however could be more dangerous for the ordinary people of Tigray if the resentment against them translates in undesirable consequences at the end of the day. Uniting and standing as one force against this colonization is a timely slogan unless our view and political participation is biased by economic and other personal interests.

By Obo Arada Shawl – November 13, 2010

Introduction

To live for one-self, as opposed to live for posterity or for predecessors, is now the prevailing passion. To live for the moment has become the fashion. Our historical Eathiopian continuity for community of unifiers, identifiers and democratizers seems to be lost fast and easy. But thanks to our sense of belonging to the succession of selfless generation of EPRP – YA’ TWLD – originating in the past and stretching into the future, the Youth League seems to revive. It is also worthwhile to recognize the concepts of Y’KAELO versus WARSAI in the Eritrean case. Y’KAALo is about the past and WARSAI is about the future generation.

On October 23, 2010, I have witnessed an historical moment for reconnecting the missing links of a generation that was meant to become a model for a political party in Ethiopia.

The Youth

Though the evening was an occasion for introducing to the public, some of the Collective Youth League leadership groups that was recently formed, it was also the 38^th year anniversary of EPRP’s continuum political struggle.

38 years may seem long period of time but in comparison to the tasks and mission to be accomplished by the self-less Generation of the 1960-70 it is a short time. At the time, Ethiopia was at the crossroads of a revolutionary period to be transformed from feudalism to socialism while simultaneously rejecting Communism, Fascism and Imperialism. The Ethiopian Revolution, according to DEBTERAW, was meant to be an indigenous Revolution. It was envisaged as a model for an Eway concept and methodology i.e. a change of the mindset and a belief system based on Eathiopian history and culture (HC).

• The Eathiopian Youth have continued unabated to fight for change even when its members have aged. Eathiopians never age mentally; the brain is kept alive and alert. There is a reason for that, climate.

The Ethiopian Student League of EPRP was very strong psychologically as well as organizationally. Inasmuch as the EPRP collective leadership (be it in the crocodile format or animal format) it was the engine behind the Eway Revolution, ERYLG became the real shaker, if not at times, the mover of the main EPRP organization.

What has happened to all those vibrant and self-less members of the Eathiopan Youth League? It was true; it was destroyed by the Red Terror of the DERG, by the allied forces of the DERG and by the faction of EPRP aka A&B. It was decimated as it was never before. Now, after three decades, a new organization is born to replace or duplicate it.

The Youth League of EPRP hereafter to be known as We’KND is good news. So far, at least, the three members of the leadership as I have witnessed to their presentation do seem to replace the old guard of EPRP individually though collectively it is too early to tell.

A book titled “Mirkogna” authored by Konjit Berhan was on display for this occasion. It is a very special book in the sense that it narrates the various personalities under duress that has happened during the Red Terror and thereafter. It is a book to be read in order to understand the nature of the Red Terror in Eathiopia and its impact on the Youth in particular and among Eathiopian families in general.

ASSIMBA-TSELEMT-MERKATO (ATM)

I have been referring to the Automatic Teller Machine as the struggle of EPRP starting from Assimba-traveling via Tselemt region to reach Merkato in Addis Ababa. There may be questions to be raised such as, did EPRP started in Assimba, and did it only pass through Tselemt or did it or will it culminate in Merkato? Many questions could be asked. But the main thing is this. Was the struggle about holding political power in order to pick money from the nation’s bank of Eathiopia as if it is an ATM? Or should we expect answers from the leaders of TPLF and EPLF?.

Assimba, the red mountain is the symbol for one of the colors of our flag. The indigenous Revolution has to start from top bottom or bottom top. Assimba was the initial stage for the long march. Those who had participated in this march for the sake of Eathiopia are still alive and well. They were forced to move out, were asked to be disarmed or to surrender. Despite all these harassment and threats, they had avoided bloodshed for their Party’s mission was to educate the peasants first before involving them in combat. What a noble mission!

Tselemt is symbolic not only for the harmony of two local languages but also a place where poverty and tradition survived for too long side by side. It was here where another setback for EPRA’s movement has occurred. Some dissident elements have revolted though it has ended in a peaceful way.

Merkatao is a home for EPRP hideouts. The population of Mercato is full of diversity that they do not even know their personal identity let alone their ethnic background. A story was told during this gathering by a young man who claimed that he is an Ethiopian with Eritrean parentage. This was because he was born in Mercado area and that his parents never told him that such incidents would happen. He asked a question about the sincerity of the new Eathiopian Youth League in comparison with the attempted failure of organizing the Youth by EPRDF. He named names to that effect. I have asked him whether his question was answered, he told me no. I encouraged him not to be discouraged. In fact I pointed out to him that there was a professor inside the hall who has the same position like him – an Eritrean by birth but an Ethiopian by nationality. When I told him that I am an Eritrean and an Ethiopian at the same time, he could not believe me. He said, “I have never heard such thing.” He continued to be puzzled “Is there such a thing?” I told him, there is such thing as DEMOCRACIA – a long and an arduous struggle for UNITY.

Collective Leadership

The question of leadership be it in Eathiopia or inside EPRP has been a very critical issue. It is an issue not yet resolved whether among Ethiopians in general or among Issaias, Kinjit leadership or Melesse groups in particular. The rule of the king and the rule of the military dictator have been replaced by CC (central committee). I have written on the concept of CC a couple of times and I found is absolutely irrelevant for our societies and communities as the two words have been so much abused by the so-called revolution of Ethiopia.

What about the leadership concept in EPRP’s case, one may ask? Leadership has been taken very seriously in EPRP’s leadership as it was expected to bring havoc to our societies if not handled carefully.

First of all feudalism has been entrenched in Eathiopia for thousand of years and as such, it was not easy to deal with it unless dealt immediately onset of the Eway Revolution. The “Animal” groups believed in openness and trust while the “Crocodile” groups have had to depend on secrecy and clandestine system of operation. This method of communication has brought not only misunderstanding but havoc and destruction in Sahel, in Tigrai, at Assimba and in Addis Ababa. The Animal leadership has continued to live and struggle to the end. It is always good to learn from history, the animals survived longer than the crocodile. I hope the current leadership of EPRP is doing the right thing in transferring leadership in collective terms in the “Animal format.”

I am happy that collective leadership a la EPRP is a model to be emulated by many organizations in Eathiopia. EPRP has paid a heavy price to be modeled.

To be continued…

The gathering that took place three weeks ago was probably full of experiences of knowledge and wisdom for the average attendee’s age seemed 50 years. By Eathiopian standard, they are all dead but thanks to science and technology, we are alive.

There was a book on display titled ምርኮና “Mirkogna”. It is a book about how the Youth of 1970 and 80’s some of who have volunteered and others who were forced to go to the countryside by abandoning school in order to educate and to organize the peasants of Eathiopia. In the country side, they struggled to change what they perceived as backward i.e. without science and technology – country of theirs via politics and revolution In the process, they were decimated, but those who have survived the wave of Red Terror – have also relived to see the ugly disease known as HIV, a dual tragedy of the “THE GENERATION.”

It is a wonderful book to be read for it depicts different individual characters who were dedicated to the struggle of organizing a political party to be known as EPRP even at the expense of disposing their lives, let alone torture or exile. This book is better understood to be read in conjunction with another book titled “M’skrnet”- a book full of facts but with little truth. Both books tell different stories for they narrate from inside and outside respectively. The author of M’skrnet tells his story from the adage that ‘seeing is believing’ whereas M’Rkogna’s writer narrates from the perception of ‘believing is seeing’. What is our choice in today’s world? Now you see it, now you don’t see it. What a world we are in!

These two books could be solid background readings for understanding the evil event of Red Terror in Ethiopia as well as the endurance of those dedicated and integrated EPRP members.

The Eathiopian struggle will continue until we get it right. EPRP is honored to hand over its leadership quality to the Eathiopian Youth. The Struggle…is to be continued with more of DEMOCRACIA and less of dictatorship.

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

“ልክ ነው ብዙ የተ ጣ ሱ አሰራ ሮ ች አሉ ለዚሀ ም ነው በመ ጀ መ ሪ ያ ም ይቅርታ ለመ ጠ የቅ የፈለኩ ት ፤ የሥራ አስኪ ያጅ ኮሚ ቴ ው ሥራ ው ን ብ ቁ በሆ ነ መ ንገድ እንዳልስራ እኔ ማ መ ን ፈልጋለሁ ፣ ለድም ፅ አንኳን መ ቅ ረብ አል ነበረበትም ይሄን ነገር ድም ፁ ን ግን እንደገና የመ ነጋ ገር መ ብ ት የቦርዱ አባሎ ች መ ብት ነው ፤ በሚ ቀ ጥ ለው ቀ ን ፔ ት ሽ ን ተፈርሞ ም ናምን የሚ ል ሕ ግ የለም ፤ ስሜ ታ ዊ ነት ነበረ ተናግሬ ዋ ለሁ ኃይለ ቃ ሎ ች ነበሩ ተናግሬ ዋ ለሁ ማ ንም ስው ማ ንም ላይ ጠ መ ን ጃ የያዘ የለም እንደዚያ አይ ነት ግ ኑኝ ነት ም ስብሰባ አይደለም ስሜ ታ ዊ ስብ ሰባ ነበረ፤ አርግጥ ድም ፅ ከፍ ባለ ሁኔታ ነበር የሚነነጋገረው ግን ዋናው ስው አንዲ ገነዘብ ል ኝ እናንተም አንድ ታው ቁት የም ፈል ገው ያንን መ ጀ መ ሪያ ድም ፅ የስጡ ት ሰዎ ች ማ ንም ያስገደዳ ቻ ው የለም አይሆንም በዚ ያው በድ ም ፃች ን አንቀ ጥ ላለን ብ ለው መ ቅ ረት ሲ ች ሉ እራሳ ቸ ው አንድ ባንድ ተነስተው ማ ይ ክሮ ፎኑን ይዝ ው እኔ ድ ም ፄ ን ያመ ጣ ሁ ት ን መ ል ሻ ለሁ በሚ ል ነው የወ ስ ኑት፡”

“It is true lots of illigal things were done, that is why I apologised ahead. I want to admit that the executive commitee did not carry its duties in a proper manner. The issue should not have been brought for voting at all on the otherhand it is the board’s pergoative to bring the issue back for further discussion there is no such thing (in the bi laws) as revisitng the issue at a later date using petition. It was emotional meeting as I have indicated, harsh words were exchanged on the other hand no one was armed with guns, it is not such type of meeting. I want all to understand and you (VOA) to be aware that those who voted for the motion withdrew their support without coercion and it was their decision.”

The above is part of the interview granted by Ato Fasil Abebe the public relations head of ESFNA to Ato Adisu Abebe and Ato Alula Kebede of Voice of America. The VOA reporters were very patient with Ato Fasil. They asked him probing question laced with facts from the organization’s past. I am afraid Ato Facil was not able to answer their questions to the listeners satisfactuion. It was a lesson in good journalism when they allowed their guest to escape bloodied but not down so he can contemplate the gravity of the situation. I presume Ato Addisu and Ato Alula felt further probe will not serve the communities interest.

I found Ato Fasils answerer to be a reflection of our attitude towards the law, rules and regulations and general civility in our community. At the bat he admited rules were broken, chaoes reigned, and the meeting was reduced to a shouting and insulting match but at the same time he is willing to argue and defend decisions taken under these curcumstances as valid and binding. This situation is very familiar to us Ethiopians. Might makes right. Rules are inconvinces that can be ignored or redefined after the event to justify what was done.

I am sure ESFNA folks have figured out ‘these Abeshas will complain, really get exited and move on to the next drama and life will go on as usual.’ I am afraid they might be right. If I have to bet I will go with them. Although our country is known for its marathon runners we in the Diaspora are sprinters. We accelerate and tire easy. We overheat quickly and cool down fast. It is obvious we have created ESFNA in our own image. It is easy to ignore individual madness but when an an organization goes rogue it sort of exhibits our collective fault for the world to see. We witness this shameful act of betrayal of trust and general huliganism and we feign surprise. We know it is wrong but somehow we step back and refuse to correct and remedy the situation.

Why? When did we develop this habit of not standing for what is right? Why do we let the criminal elements amongst us to run amok and make our exile existance miserable? How come we always start with good intentions, lofty principles but end up holding a broken organization with members at each others throat? Of all immigrants we are the ones always congregating together, forming little enclaves, running small businesses, worshiping together and generally hanging out like a family. Why are we unable to build on this tremondous reserve of love for country and culture into a formidable organization that reflects the new us? The ‘us’ that left our home land due to civil war, strife, lack of opportunity and dictatorship and settled in a new land and thrive like no one. We work hard, we are an asset to the organizations we work for the community we live in but are totally useless when it comes to associating on a new and higher level as Ethiopians.

ESFNA is our challange. This should be where we draw the line. It is not about what happened yesterday. It is all about what we can build for tomorrow. This is the best opportunity to create an organization built on solid foundation of transaprency, accountability and a promise of serving the community and our country. All the parts are there, it is just a matter of having the will and the stamina to put it together for future generations to enjoy and grow.

We are thankful to those that started the organization. We pay our respects to those that kept it going. Today we are focused on improving on it and making it the power house of good will that it should be. We want it to be an organization that will usher a new model of work based on respect for each other, love for each other and hope for all that look up to us. Obviously we can not do that in Ethiopia. We can start the process here. ESFENA should be our proto type of a superior style of organization building.

The current leadership of the organization should admit that the existing format is not sustainable. It was fine when the outfit was operating in the dark. Well the bright light of public awareness and scrutiny is shining on ESFNA. There are two avenues open to the current leadership. Accept the fact that change is coming and help implement the reforms necessary or continue on the path of denyal and see the organization implode from inside. That does not serve anybody’s interest. That only confirms the suspecion some have regarding the lawlessness and bad intentions of the leadership. I don’t want to believe that. I am sure there are plenty that mean well but go along with the culture of tuggery that has been practised for so long. Let us encourage those that want real change and build on that.

The current crisis is not just about wheather Chairwoman Bertukan should be invited or not. That just happened to magnify the ‘bad style’ of work that used to be acceptable. It magnified the festering problem inside the organization. I am sure there are plenty of association that would love to see the Chairman. No the issue is how the organization dealt with the question. First of all this argument of ‘non-profit’ and ‘politics’ has been debunked. Our esteemed lawyers have answered that question. There are no attorneys in the executive body nor have they brought a written opinion from a law firm to support their mistaken take on the issue. Let us put that view to rest.

Second, ESFNA was unable to show what parliamentary procedure it used to overturn the binding vote taken regarding the invitation. Thus the orginal decision still stands. As far as we are concerned the invitation is still on the table and it is up to the Chairwoman to accept or differ for later time. Our concern is how to reform this organization to serve the interest of the community instead of a few individuals that are focused on running it line up their pockets and protect outside forces that do not reflect the hopes and aspirations of our people and country.

I believe we should concentrate on two fronts. Number one is the issue of ‘empowering’ the clubs to assume responsibility of representing their supporters in a meaningful manner. The ‘clubs’ are the owners of the organization. The executive body is there to implement the decision made by the clubs. As it stands now, the roles have been reversed. The executive committee is a runaway train with the public and the clubs reduced to shoveling more fuel. This train should be derailed in a controled fashion. We ask the clubs to take over their rightful place and demand accountability.

The second front is to demand release of all finacial statement for the last seven years. Our public accountants should be allowed to comb thru the income tax returns and draw up a yearly budget based on past records. This is not a witch hunt to blame or hold liable but a sincere attempt to build a sucessful and proud organization. We hope the current executive body will read the writing on the wall and cooperate in a meaningful manner. The aim should be to build not destroy, to teach not punish and forgive but not forget. It is upto the executive body to choose. It is up to the ‘sane and reasonable’ among them to curb the misguided enthusiasm and anger of their comrades.

ESFNA is considered and holds the license to operate as a not-for profit outfit. That designation entitles it to lots of tax benefits so it will fulfill the vision it enumerated in its application. The license demands of it to operate in an open and transparent manner. Holding the not-profit license is a privilege not a right.

Atlanta is going to happen. We should make it clear that we are not going anywhere. Atlanta is where we make our stand. We do not boycot our own wedding. We do not split and form another organization. ‘Teletafi’ is not our cup of tea. We should just insisit that democratic, transparent and accountable style of work is the only thing acceptable to the majority. Each and everyone of us should work with the clubs to help them achieve the fruits of their labor. Their sucess is our success. As you know the vast majority of those that attend the yearly festival are the young ones. We should find a way to involve them in this building process so they will experience the value of a democratic style of association and work habit. It is not going to happen in one session. It is not take roots in one season. Growing a strong organization is hard work. We can vow to start it today.

  October 16, 2010
By Yelfiwos Wondaya

Contrary to citizens’ percepts, most of the illegal crimes are committed by tyrant regimes themselves and continue to rule the country with an iron fist.  Tyrants are the mother of all violence, often fail to obey, keep, and preserve the laws, the trust, and the promise they made prior to grasping power. That is basically why they often fail to assure us that every word they used and the promise they made us previously is no longer true. To that end, they end up with taking horrendous actions to silence citizens and continue as such to suppress allcomplaints.  On the other hand, the sole purpose of freedom fighters is nothing but to defend freedom of speech, freedom of choice and freedom of press from strife. Most important of all, freedom fighters fight to bring about justice, peace, stability and prosperity to the country.  They do so by ending personal wishes and as well the will of bully dictators ruling the country with an iron fist.

“Give me liberty or give me death”

First of all, in the eyes of narrow-nationalists, competition, cooperation, and peaceful coexistence are unknown concepts.  Rather Peace if possible, power at all cost is the motto of Meles and his ethnocentric dictatorial regime.  If at
all possible, though he will exhaust all possibilities to stifle the voice of the dissents and the spreading of public uprisings, if not, he will continue on creating more of a feeling of fear, owe, and inadequacy in citizens through out of the country.  If such acts of terrorizing the public at large fail to
accomplish his objectives, in terms of silencing sever criticism and keeping
dissents at bay, he will continue on killing political dissents without any
valid reason, entering buildings forcibly, and searching out houses
indiscriminately and arresting dissents and looting their valuables on a regular basis.  And also, in order to intimidate competent dissents, he will as well continue on unleashing his inept cadres to searching through the pile of
documents, forcing dissents to bow their head in shame and live in disgrace
thereafter.  Wasn’t that what Mengistu’s had done and as well what Meles of TPLF
is acting against dissents in today’s Ethiopia?  So, in order to put an end to
his evil motto, Ethiopians of all persuasions ought to forge a durable relation
with their own kinds and come to the point where they can be useful in terms of forming some broadly based government whose vision is broad enough to accommodate the interests of all Ethiopians and thereby taking us to the road of justice, peace, stability and prosperity.

Second, violence” is inevitable in Ethiopia so long as TPLF/EPRDF is in power.
As the offensive intrusion of TPLF/EPRDF against the will of the public unfolds, taking precautionary protective measures on the part of the public to safeguard its civil liberties is inevitable as well.  So much so, the people of Ethiopia in general and the genuine oppositions in particular have every right to react in response to WOYANES violent act.   Collectively, though we should defy and defy now to the ethnocentric dictatorial regime of Meles Zenawi sat pretty in Minilik’s palace of Addis.

‘Give me liberty or give me death’

Besides, like any other bully dictators, the ethnocentric dictatorial regime led
by Meles of TPLF in Ethiopia made laws not to protect citizens, or to protect
the weak from the bullies rather to control the people by breaking the laws.  It does so by launching a series of campaign against the will of the public aimed at the very heart of the publics’ peace and life in the name of cracking down on political parties opposed to their tyrant regimes.  In such a way, it continues to breaking the laws and the rules it created itself and abusing its powers by using an excessive force against the public.  As ever before, it will continue on detaining public leaders and influential figures ahead and shall keep them in places where criminals are kept. It shall do so to intimidate them by making them feel fearful and timid forever.  So isn’t that perfectly justifiable for citizens to retaliate against such actions against tyranny?

 ‘Give me liberty or give me death’

After all, tyranny is the source and the root cause of all violence and the real
heart of the reason for their decline is also that of their diabolic nature in
politics.  The same is true though that Meles’ tyrant regimes is incapable of
learning from both the past and the present, which is why he continues on
carrying out a mission other tyrant regimes before him did so. He is trying
everything at his disposal to stifle the voice of the people but in vain. After
all he like any other dictators before him is incapable of creating an
environment in which justice, peace, stability and prosperity are possible.
With that said such unprovoked violence against the will of the public shall
give rise to mass of disruptions and cause them havocs and instability in the
country, and brings about an end to their tyrant regimes. 

‘Give me liberty or give me death’

Next, the vast majority of Ethiopians are believed to be defiant to all forms of tyrant regimes.  They dethroned the king and unseated the military junta.  And yet, let it be known that it is also within the capability of them to depose the ethnocentric dictatorial regime out of power in Addis Ababa today.  In fact, an all out war against the ethnocentric dictatorial regime is within their reach to do so.  They know when and how to defend their inalienable rights and achieve their end. 

 ‘Give me liberty or give me death’

And also Ethiopians are aware of what some secret admirers of the TPLF are up to.  Unlike, them however, they recognize that The TPLF on one hand and the peace and freedom loving people of Ethiopia on the other are at war against each other.  The allegedly ideological agenda of peaceful and legal movement promoted by some quarters aside, Ethiopians are also aware of what their motives were, they campaigned tirelessly to join the TPLF’S parliament.  Moreover, Ethiopians are well aware of what peaceful or legal means of struggle is all about.  They know that such vague impression is nothing more than an elite-centered analysis of conflict. Whether or not such notion has something to do with their popular movement rising in protest to do away with the current dictatorial regime, the question goes to those who are advocating peaceful means of struggle in Ethiopia.  In reality, though the secret admirers of such approach have already made it difficult for themselves to gain legitimacy in Ethiopia’s current political environment.  After all, the so-called nonviolent and peace studies stressing on such notions as pacifism, reconciliation, constructive engagement, and forgiveness would not apply in today’s Ethiopian political reality. Rather
such notions of pacifism and reconciliation had been primarily concerned with the then nuclear disarmament, the avoidance of international conflict on an international scale to resolve the then Cold World War era with the soviets.

Lastly, an armed struggle that may well bring about a motion to end violence in Ethiopia is in close proximity.  So it is time to plan big and act quickly.  After all, using any means necessary to defend one’s freedom and employing any methods possible to achieve one’s liberty is a privilege that is granted to any given society under any circumstances.  That is when we can prove their tenuous justification of what peaceful and legal means is nothing but to serve the interest of academic zeal. We must get it over with and cease to be confused and misdirected by those who intentionally give us a false impression about so-called peaceful struggle in a plain, open and emphatic way. Say no more for the answer to their empty dreams!  Let the public itself endorse a campaign of brief action that brings about the downfall of TPLF real. Do what is necessary to bring about the largest possible balance of power against enemy.

After all, any valid means of struggle aiming at ousting WOYANES out of power is not a matter of choice.  It is rather a matter of mandatory comes out of the situation triggered by none other than WOYANE itself.  The situation in which we find ourselves into due to the repressive nature of TPLF in Ethiopia is giving us no option but to use whatever means of struggle is necessary to defend our existence   

 ‘Give me liberty or give me death’

Slowly but surely, the opposition groups need to come out to be strong enough including but not limited in supply with materials of all ammunitions and in the source of all capabilities to fight on in defending of their existence from violence.  The violence aimed at the very heart of our nation must be bridled. Afterward, whichever method serves best our interest i.e. to topple WOYANE so as to replacing it with a democratic system of government is yes it is yet to be put into practice by our people and our united force since we are forced to do so.  Presumably, it may well be regarded as an antidote to alleviate our dilemma and to secure our future.  If there is any other method better than an armed form of struggle to defend our existence from tyranny and that can pin down and twist WOYANES’ arm I will be the first to submit to that grand gesture.  Up till then, it must be silly to anyone to believe or to say otherwise in regard to
this burning issue.  Hence, whichever method we think is consistent to our
movement must be pursued with out postponing it for another decade to come.

With conviction, the utmost method would be the one that leads us to gain a
great deal of faith on ourselves and to win a vote of confidence from friends
and alike across the world.  Since we are in a search of such a method, which is sound and counteractive to succeed our objectives we have got to choose it earlier than the incidence itself is in place to take its own toll.  Without fear or favor, the wickedly act of WOYANE must be bridled by any means necessary if you will. With that said, a method that can bring about a counterbalance, a method that we can count on in regard to stepping up our struggle is remained to be second to none to our preferences substituting the first option if ever tested, or if at all fall short to succeed.  So much so, violence is an act of disrupting a peaceful quality of life and it is also an aggression of privacy by intruders against the will of the person or the community at large. Self-defense on the other hand is a plea of justification for the use of force against intruders. One cannot think of any valid reason than defending of one’s own ideas, principles, actions, freedom, family and property against intruders and trace passers alike.

In conclusion, Melse of TPLF may fail to learn from history but one thing is for sure that his tyranny and abusive powers don’t last that long.  For the reason that his strength is growing weaker by the day and as well becoming slow to act against any possible public uprisings,  his regime will be history sooner than later.  “Give me Liberty or Give me Death”

Yelfiwos Wondaya

The Eway model for Eathiopia By Obo Arada Shawl -October 13, 2010

‘They will fight, you will see’

Nega Ayele, quoted in Class and Revolution in Ethiopia

Indeed they fought or have struggled for a Revolution. Both the underlined words were interchangeable during Nega’s time. The entire current crisis in both Eritrea and Ethiopia should be understood in terms of the student movements. Using other criteria including that of culture and religion for success or failure would be a futile attempt. Blaming the Eathiopian students for promoting a Revolutionary path to democracy and for its subsequent failure for the succession for legitimate power must be carefully re-evaluated…

Although, at this stage I do not want to initiate discussion on the Eathiopian culture and its religious practice, it is a glaring fact that many so-called political organizations and church affiliates are in the business of misrepresentation and distortion. Eathiopian culture is too diverse while religion is too monolithic for discussion.

For now, let me say something in relation to the Eway Revolution

EPRP: In support of the Eway Revolution

Although Eathiopia was in existence long before the Common Era (Before Christ), there was neither hunger nor poverty in the country known as Eathiopia, because of abundant energy and climate (CE). That is, “with excellent climate and an abundant solar energy”; neither hunger nor poverty could have existed.

What was the rationale then for carrying out an Ethiopian Revolution if it were not for relieving hunger and poverty? The Ethiopian problem was man made. It was purely the lack of leadership and managerial skill. Whereas the managers of the time were not exposed to technology, the Ethiopian leaders were ignorant of sciences. In other words, the leaders of the time were only leaders in preserving the natural resources of Ethiopia while the managers were protecting the little organized resources that were somehow escaped form the leaders’ attention.

The challenge for Eathiopians to fight or to struggle came with the coming of colonialism seeking for raw materials, market or revenge.

For lack of appropriate terminology, “YA TWLD” comprising Tsinhate M’Huran akal such as Nega Ayele embarked on a long march to fight or struggle against the encroachment posed by Imperialism, Bureaucratic Capitalism and Feudalism.

For seventeen years, the military junta that was led by Colonel Menghistu H.M., in the name of fighting Bureaucratic Capitalism, was promoting Socialist Imperialism – one critical source for our perceived problem.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the TPLF a true follower of Albanian Socialism was caught between the Eway Ethiopian Revolution and the Eritrean colonial history. The TPLF is known for war mongering, partly because of its feudal stand against Haile Sellasie who has perhaps never officially visited Tigrai region and partly because of the provocation by Asmarinos of a perceived “poverty”.

But poverty and feudalism was their own choice. It comes with the territory. The majority of the Tigrians were Orthodox Christians and by definition, Orthodoxy has to depend on natural energy and climate as opposed to science and technology – a foreign stuff.

The Eritreans in their own territory has never stopped fighting American Imperialism even before the closure of the American military base aka “KAGNEW”. ELF with a single track of history was to have a national state at any cost regardless of changing political conditions in Ethiopia, alienating its rival EPLF. For ELF, it was long and arduous struggle with a mantra “the right way or the highway”.

On the domestic front, the Monarchy, the Aristocracy and the Church with a long history to preserve and protect the natural resources of Ethiopia have been challenged.

The Ethiopian Monarchy was challenged by ELF with a clear aim of physical as well as political geography. EPLF spoiled the struggle by inserting a letter “P” inside ELF and hence all Eathiopians are now in crisis only parroting with words such as “Hafash or Shaebia” adding more to the confusion at hand. What a tragedy!

The Aristocracy of Ethiopia was challenged by the DERG initially accepting the Crown Prince but immediately massacred many of the prominent aristocrats and in lieu instituted itself as the Aristocratic class of Ethiopia.

The Church of Ethiopia was challenged by EPRP. Although it may seem absurd for a lot of Eathiopians to accept this assertion especially for EPRP members and supporters, it was true. For EPRP, as far as religion is concerned, it took the position of the separation of the State and Religion. It was in the context of separation of power that the church of Eathiopia was challenged. It was the end of the story as far as religion was concerned…

What is the role of the current Ethiopian regime, one may ask? EPRDF (included name of a country, people, revolution, democracy) Front, Federal Government, ethnic government and so on and so forth, what a name! And how many adjectives! As far as we know, TPLF was a Trojan horse in the history annals of the Ethiopian Revolution. From beginning to the end the TPLF has been fighting against the Ethiopian Monarchy, against the Ethiopian Aristocracy and against the Eathiopian Church. In other words, for the TPLF, fighting against the Monarchy was meant to fight the EPRP, fighting the Ethiopian Aristocracy was like fighting against the DERG and to fight against the Church was like fighting against ITSELF (TPLF). What a comedy!!!

EPRP: In opposition to tampering with culture & religion

Unlike the Liberation Fronts and allied political organizations including the DERG regime, EPRP did tamper in anyway neither with the Eathiopian culture nor with its religious practice.

Just as in language, according to EPRP, Culture could be born, grow and die on its own merit without pushing and pulling strings. As such EPRP’s policy on culture was not to advance or to negate. I should point out though those individual members of the Party could change their cultural behavior as well as their religious beliefs. Such discretions were left to the individuals to choose. However, the cultural behavior of some groups and their religious practice might have been construed as policy guidance from the Party.

EPRP’s liberation front was geared towards political and economic sectors of the country.

Land, the mainstay of the Eathiopian peasants and labor the backbone of the Eathiopian workers were very critical areas of contention for EPRP.

Bureaucracy of the Amhara, of the Tigrai or any other was not and should not be of major issue for the Party. These were issues for the Eritrean and the Woyane Liberation Fronts and it is still relevant for present day opposition organizations and for some activists.

Despite these wonderful principles and positions of EPRP, why is it impossible for a lot of Eathiopians to accept the party of EPRP? The answer, perhaps, lies in the cultural and religious heritage of Eritreans and Ethiopians. What is it? Can we discuss about culture and religion? It is about time to open a discussion before it is too late for debate…

The best solutions for the country of Eathiopia and perhaps for EPRP to present itself as an alternative political party will hinge on finding an individual or groups of individuals who can assume the role of Dr. Daniel Ellsberg, the person who released the Pentagon Papers – the top secret decision making of the US government about the Viet Nam war. The process of involving Ethiopians and Eritreans into the Ethiopian Eway Revolution was long and unknown and should not remain hideous to the general public.

The Impact of taking positions

A regular critic on my writing articles has emailed me the following texts. It shows how much he was influenced by oral communication. I know he is well read and still reads everyday but the point is he has not accessed the minds and hearts of the Eway Revolutionaries. Nevertheless, I admire for his positions and proposals. I present it as is as follows:-

“Please let us work for bringing about a level playing field for the people regardless of BREED, CREED, and STEAD.

The general impression about the causes of the failure of the EPRP is the drive of its leadership MAJORITY to retain positions of leadership for the BOURGEOIS of the AMHARA and TIGRIAN ORTHODOX CHRISTIANs.  Consequently, OROMOS such as HAILU FIDA drifted away from the party, and went on working for implementing programs that would enable their OROMO people to attain an EQUITABLE SHARE OF POWER in the country, and that enabled MENGISTU and his DERG to play them off against one another until they reduced them to virtual non-effectiveness and non-existence.

So please let us work with focus on providing to the people the same quality of education across the board with the same syllabus and curriculum through a NEUTRAL MEDIUM OF ISTRUCTION:  ENGLISH.’

Concluding Remarks

EPRP has resisted to Haile Sellassie’s government, has revolted against the Menghistu’s military regime and was defeated by the combined armies of TPLF and EPLF in the regions of Gondar and Godjam. Currently EPRP has survived by the realities on the ground for its mission involves Justice for all by the power of DEMOCRACIA.

Agitation and propaganda were two methods of struggle. One is in a written form while the other was in oral form. EPLF has used and still may be using the power of agitation, the oral form of struggle. The written form is almost non existence to date. The censorship has killed and will kill Eritrean nationals. Due to its credit the EPLF has made regional History by the power of AGITATION.

Ideology has become the form of struggle for TPLF. First it was aspiring for socialism by adopting the Albanian style – fighting the Giant (China) as ants. Today, the TPLF is playing Giant fighting the ants through grabbing any kind of resources. TPLF is sharing Profit by the power of SUBMISSION to globalization.

Despite EPLF’s of making history by the power of agitation, despite TPLF’s assumption of power by preaching against Amhara Bureaucracy, despite DERG’s declaration of anti- American Imperialism, and despite EPRP’s call for peace and democracy, there still are no alternative institutions to replace the Monarchy, the Aristocracy or the Church hierarchy of Eathiopia.

The Eway Ethiopian Revolution was intended to bring peace in Eritrea and democracy in Ethiopia. But terror by the DERG, greed and cheat by the Woyane leadership and misrepresentation of history by EPLF leaders has changed the course of history both in Eritrea and in Ethiopia (Eathiopia). And above all the absence of justice in both countries has remained stumbling block for harmony and reconciliation.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com