Dr. Mesfin Araya, York College,

 

The City University of New York   January 29, 2008

 

“ It is a curious thing with national hatred….Yet there is a stage at which it vanishes altogether, where one stands above the nations, so to speak , sharing joy or sorrow of a neiggboring people as though they had been encountered by one’s own ‘’ 1

The Age of Enlightenment in Europe has made a profound revolutionary change in the history of humanity. As history, however, is ultimately indeterminate, the Enlightenment has paradoxically brought humanity blessings as well as continued social crises .

With its central governing philosophical principle—The Mind, Reason, as the sole supreme authority—it has opened our eyes to the hitherto impenetrable secrets of nature; and behind the modern day of individual freedom and the unprecedented material comfort in the Western world lurks the historical role of the Enlightenment , although ‘The Third World’ frighteningly remains marginalized.

On the other hand, its heartless logic has unleashed unbridled ecological racism, resulting in a scaring environmental decay ; socially , it has aggressively eroded and narrowed the ethical-moral sphere: The debilitating poverty in ‘The Third World’, the accelerating fatal North/South divide, largely along the racial line , the morally disturbing global proliferation of the sex industry, etc. are indeed indicative of the unquestionable products of a civilization apparently singularily driven by The Mind, Reason, that has never tried to engage the Heart, as the latter has invariably been dismissed as a mere locus of emotions, irrationalities.

We need to understand, however, that behind the distortion, pollution of the historical role of the Enlightenment has been the critical role of its own twin products : The nation- state and capitalism .

The worst crime in the modern history of humanity occurred when a selfish minority elite in society invented the nation-state ; but the great tragedy unfolded when humanity itself blindly believed and followed the enterprising , destructively selfish , nationalists.

The nation-state–driven by its inherent mechanics of Us/Them syndrome and by its no less inherent logic of profit motive–has been central in the unfolding agony of humanity. . AS early as 1862 Lord Acton had predicted that , when he wrote that nationalism

“…does not aim either at liberty or prosperty, both of which

it sacrifices to the imperative necessity of making the nation

the mould and measure of the state. Its course will be marked

with material as well as moral ruin.’’2

Behind the notorious history of the transatlantic slave trade and the cruelest institution of slavery in The’New’ World was the logic of the nation-state. The primary culprit in the late 19^th century European scramble for the ‘The magnificent African cake’ —under the holy alliance of the politician , the merchant , the army , and the church— was the nation-state itself. The two destructive World wars , and the heartless Jewish Holocaust– “ …the mass sacrifice of human beings to the idol of nationalism . ’’ 3 — were no less the products of the nation-state; the unending suffering of our Palestinian sisters and brothers is rooted in the nation-state, this time parodixically, with a Zionist accent . Behind the Rwanda ethnic mayhem was also the role of the nation-state, with an African accent .

With the pessimism of the mind and the optimism of the heart, our dear Democratic Left, Eric Hobsbaum, tells us that– like ‘ The owl of Minerva—which brings wisdom—flies out at dusk ’– the nation-state, with its nationalism and selfish interest, may be on its way out under the onslaught of globalization. If so , its departure does not appear seamless. In its apparent death-bed, it seems to have engineered a destructive agenda. Among its targets is the Horn of Africa . Currently , we are watching the alarming military buildup along the Ethio-Eritrean border, where “ the threat of war is very real . ” 4 ; and we all know that wars –as Goethe would would say “… make many unhappy while they last and none happy when they are over . ” 5

The great question of our time is : Can we frustrate its agenda? Certainly, the answer must be yes ; as the alternative is mayhem , as an end in itself.

Awate.com had– on December 2 , 2007– released ‘An Open Letter to Eritrean and Ethiopian People’ with its encouraging and enticing slogan: ‘Together, we can do it!’ —i.e. , to avert the impending Ethio-Eritrean war, which has been conducted so far as a proxy war in the Horn. Indeed, it is a welcome call, especially coming from Eritreans in whose homeland “ Even the stones [ let alone human beings- M.A. ] were burning” under Mengistu Haile Mariam’s brutal war of ‘Greater Ethiopia’ nationalism . But their call ought to go beyond simply preempting the war to include the defeat of the twin tyrants : The incorrigible dictator in Asmara , Isaias Afwerki, and Meles Zenawe in Addis Ababa , the shameless Musharraf of the Horn of Africa .

The Oromo Liberation Front [OLF] had also issued —on December 3 , 2007— a public statement , calling upon resisting forces in the Horn of Africa to rally around the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy [ AFD ], in order to realize peace , democracy , and prosperty . But it is one thing to appeal for the need to initiate a united front across the region in which OLF itself —like all other opposition forces— would participate as an equal partner and totally quite another and disappointing thing to call upon resisting forces to merely circle around the would-be umbrella organization, the AFD . This is not the time for competing in leadership, it is rather the defining moment for creative collaborative efforts.

I call upon the organic intellectuals across the Horn of Africa—those who are deeply committed to the welfare of ‘The Wretched of the Earth’ in the region– to close ranks and mobilise their capacty to unleash a social movement to defeat the twin tyrants . As a social movement, they can popularize democratic ideas that can be transformed into a formidable material force to bring Peace, Democracy, and Social Justice . I submit that I have little doubts that once these rare and indespensable social values are realized, ‘The Wretched of the Earth’ of the Horn of Africa—who have for long undergone lived experience of abject poverty, oppression, and a vicious cycle of tyrannical rule—are likely to vote with their feet to bury the twin tyrants, the nation-state, and inaugurate a peaceful and democratic transition to the union of the countries in the region .

The organic intellectuals of the region can restlessly expose the servile role of opportunist intellectuals, the advisory councils behind the merciless tyrants; they can educate and show an alternative emancipatory vision . Indeed, history is settled at the present moment ; and if they ever opt to remain as a side observer , they will never escape their de facto complicity with the wantonly destructive designs that the twin tyrants have in store for their people .

I call upon our Ethiopian and Eritrean sisters and brothers- where ever they may be- to join the struggle against the tyrants . I also call upon our Oromo, Ogaden, and Somali sisters and brothers- whose legitimate grievances have yet to be addressed – to join the collective sruggle. Indeed, the need for a united Front has never been more timely ! This is the time for all of us to exit from our respectve ethnic wombs and assert our humanity. We ought not forget– as Goethe would remind us—- that “ The world advances only because of those who oppose it .’’ 6

May the spirit of Ra, God, Allah, and that of our ancestors find us courage and resolve to make a difference . May the spirit of EPRP members—who bravely marched to their death , holding ‘ Democracia’ high in the face of the merciless ‘ Red Terror’ , and may equally the spirit of the Eritrean martyrs— who heroically sacrificed their lives for freedom that never saw the light of day—sustain our collective sruggle for Peace, Democracy , and Social Justice . ‘The Wretched of the Earth’ in the Horn of Africa shall triumph !!!

P.S.

To my dear friends — wherever they are , who may still be not embracing , but rather embraced by emancipatory vision—I would like to recall our memorable years as undergraduates in Addis Ababa : We were young dreamers then—long before the process of living tried its best to undermine our collective dreams for our people . Do you remember when in the depth of the night we formed a circle and swore : ‘ Only death do us part ? ’ . Our dear friends , Wallelegn Mokonnen, Yesehak Debretsion, Yohanes Sebhatu , Tselote Heskias , Meles Gebre-Mariam , Tesfu Kidane , and many more , were there ; Debteraw [ Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin ] was obviously at the center with us . I, for one, remember vividly !

Debteraw remains an exceptional friend. We ought not forget his critical role , especially in the darkest years of EPRP : When doubts and hopelessness prevailed, he asserted courage and resolve! When the narrow individual interest prevailed, he affirmed the broader vision and the collective interest! When sheer expediency prevailed, he held cherished principles high ; when merciless Reason prevailed , he asserted the optimism of the Heart ! When some sold their souls to the Dergue , and then to Wayane , he resolved to struggle– regardless of the price to be paid . Indeed, Debteraw– ‘ The Black Lion’ of the rugged mountains of Ethiopia– shall always live in our hearts .

In the great African tradition the departed are not dead , as they continue to participate in the lives of the living . To die in the African tradition is to change one’s address. Our dear Debteraw has only changed his address ; and what really matters on our part is never to discontinue contact ! May his indomitable spirit guide us all in this stormy, Suname—like political weather in the Horn of Africa !

Notes

1. Frederick Ungar [ ed. ] . Goethe’s World View, [ New York : Frederick Ungar Publishing, 1963 ] :185

2. Edward Hallett Carr . Nationalism and After . [ London : Macmillan ] : vi

3. Ibid . ,p . 34

4. Herald Tribune, December12 , 2007

5. Goethe , p . 187

6. Ibid . , p 113

By  Getachew Reda

No question, some websites owners building Zombies, are working hard to replace real people by play write actors to derailed yours and my attention that would have had focus against the treasonous mercenary regime of TPLF Meles Zenawi.  Zombification or the work of a cult that has increasingly taken over the mind and soul of the Ethiopian Diaspora is sucking the morrow of our energy destroying our unity to the extent you can see naked cults praising website owners who invited EPLF to come to Ethiopia to save it from TPLF. The degree of such Zombiedom is that bad!

Particular websites for months now, been dedicated to add more moss to the oak, dragging the attention of the struggle from Berhane Mewa to Andargachew from them to AFD/OLF/EPLF from it to KIL from KIL to Berhanu Bertukan , from the BB to the attention of Democratic EPRP, from there to the tour of an actor, from the actor to Siye.  Who knows from Siye what will follow. In the midst of this, the real focus is marking a new rout of hate to each other which can dwarf us even more dwarfed from standing tall in front of a monster who is praying to see us all fall.

As repeatedly said it before regarding Siye and the rest; I have no anger at any of them. If he can be the solution, I will be more than happy to see it and support him. But, by Golly! Give Colonel Mengistu and other the chance to save the nation, which were been destroyed by TPLF and the Derg.  That could have been the Thanks giving gift to Ethiopia indeed if we are talking reconciliation issues.

The amazing thing that we felt as a sprinkled of freezing cold water on our face shocked us is the writing of some commentators who told us the Meison Leader Dr. Negede Gobeze whose hand is wet with Ethiopian blood therefore condemned him not to participate in politics while the leaders of the most treasonous and blood thirsty organization of TPLF who are primary responsible for mass killings and sufferings are suddenly qualified for reconciliation and rehabilitation. The worst thing of it is; when people tried for expressing their reaction based on the pain inflicted by such leaders to their families and country are labeled as “few extremists”. I can’t tell you what made such individuals to cross the line to defend individual leaders of TPLF is beyond me. I like to remind readers or those who seemed to forget the nature of TPLF to hear it through the words of a victim excerpted from my article TRUE STORY The harrowing stories of TPLF mass murders in Tigrai as told by a surviving elder. (By Getachew Reda, November 12, 2003 ). Quote:

 “Those are not Tigrians, those are not Ethiopians; those are some evil creatures from hell! They have no respect for even the old. They were educated by us, by the Tigrian parents; they were schooled by the farmers’ and tax-payers’ money, they were armed by Tigrians but turned their back on us, and humiliated us in a way difficult to express in words.”

If such victims or their families just react as any human sense with feeling reaction even for temporary reaction as humankinds suffered from such organization, why in the world do victims deserve an insult to the extent calling them “few Extremists”? Don’t they have a mild word to express than to label us as such? In my opinion, it is not the hate/dislike of Siye or others that made things rough; it is the people around him the words they use to describe Siye and to his reactors made it ugly.

As the NPR commentator Andrei Codrescu in his commentary of “Zombification” he, said the word is undergoing Zombification. It was gradual for a while a few Zombies here and there. But it is becoming massive now”. The Other day said Andrei: “the other day in Colorado, 20,000 people showed up at a bake sale for Rush Limbaugh calling themselves” Ditto -Heads”, because, they have no thought of their own, only a voice that says “Dito” every time Rush speaks”.  (Rush Limbaugh is a conservative talk show host on TV/Radio. The word “Ditto” as I understood meant nothing but a habit to fill the blank as we sometimes say, “Bingo!”

Mass Zombification is the art of building cults. There are degrees of Zombification, of course. Mass Zombification is not new; said Andrei. Ditto- Heads” are benign compared to the suicidal mobs of followers who gave up every thought in their heads for the sake of slogans that lead them directly to mass graves.

What truly happening here in our community in the Ethiopian Diaspora (all sides- pro or against Meles Zenawi’s party TPLF) is mass Zombification in the name of reconciliation or new politics or Fara and Arada politics. When we heard such political baptizing, the rest of us the un-Zombies turn our heads hoping the epidemic of Zombification will just worn out soon. But, it seems there are individuals/groups who are engaged in such business of Zombification who took fun out of the slow paralysis that they induce in people who are not quite Zombies yet.

This disunity and hate among each other of us reminds me the 1988 of the mercenary Eritreans against nationalist Ethiopian army war in Afabet in Eritrea.  Gebru Tarekeng in his paper “from Afabet to Shire: the Defeat and Demise of Ethiopia’s Red Army 1988- 89; journal of modern Africa Studies Volume 42, 2, June 2004) said;  Quote:

“The heads of the 14th and 19thdivisions were so busy arguing that when head quarters warned them the rebels had been seen moving weapons around by Camel and ordered them to close off a 5 K.M gap between their forces, they ignored command. Lost in their hatred for one another, Ethiopia’s commanders virtually forgot to hate their enemy”

From there we know what happened. Entire divisions were being allowed to fall into separatist hands (remember the strongest of all the five Divisions the NADOW Division!). Not only the hate among each other that made the commanders virtually forgot to hate the enemy, but also the deliberate sabotaging the war effort by insiders who were able to infiltrate the army key positions did contributed to the fall of the might army of Africa, in similar way, as the Kil/AFD did mange to destroy the unity of the opposition inside and outside Ethiopia currently by derailed our attention away from focusing the enemy.  The unlearn lesson of the Afabet commanders and the struggle we lost would have been now a lesson for all of us. But, we seemed to forget why we lost all odds over and over. 

 

Ethiopia will prevail!

By: O. Ujilu
Forbidden City, China   2008/01/19

Introduction:

To begin with, it is high time for CUD and UEDF to start talks and weed out the sources of division to build on the culture of working together. As these two parties vastly share common vision and command popular backing of the Ethiopian people, this is the time to affirm their resolve to lead the people’s movement and restore lost confidence. At this juncture, Ethiopians are impatient to see to it a renaissance of partnership, solidarity and patriotism in lieu of protracted altercation. The old habits of skirmish proved disastrous and stalemate to any course of action. There is no way out except tearing this wall down and showing commitment to bail out our nation from this predicament.

Meanwhile, it is worth mentioning new signs of encouraging unofficial cooperation within the unity camp making headway in the past few months. What was impressive is a one time confrontational children of Ethiopia push their differences aside and break the ice to stand shoulder to shoulder, share sympathetic feelings and supportive attitude. I urge these organizations to capitalize on this promising breakthrough, foster cooperation and set the stage for others to take part.

For our crusade to germinate and mushroom we have to reach the most disadvantaged and forgotten communities to board and sail on the same vessel. About 70% of our people are in the countryside. It is morally essential and strategically productive to look at the rural Ethiopians who constitute the majority of the country. A strategy that overlooks this section of our society as central is bound to fall flat miserably. The mobilization process has to jump-start from the political capital we gained in the previous election and build on it brick-by-brick and layer by layer. It makes no sense to write off what was accomplished and start all over again. Reawakening the old ways of EPRP and AEUP’s mass organization genius could trigger a chain reaction in every nook and cranny of our nation to stand up together.

The attempt to reconcile with EPRDF is an empty rhetoric. Can anyone help bring North and South Poles on a round table to resolve their differences? Well aware of opposition’s spinelessness, EPRDF will continue downplaying the need to reconcile. The unpleasant noises that we hear around working with EPRDF are barefaced and preposterous at best. Ethiopians are tired of hypocrisy and subterfuge. If by miracle the regime learn to abstain from old tricks and come clean to play fair game, let’s see to all intents and purposes down-the-line. No play-act! No window-dressing!

How can we turn our differences into common good?

The road that we travelled since the 1974 popular revolution is becoming increasingly dangerous and dotted with lots of potholes. A new wave of defection (what some call it Lidetu’s Flu) scales down our strength and exploited to the tune of tyranny. We are facing an important puzzle that “how do we solve the riddle of defection” that marred our determination and capacity to challenge the regime in power? At this time of our nation’s highest calling, we have to realign and patch up our failures to move on a new spirit of resolve.

CUD’s experience has already thought us an important lesson of the danger of putting all apples in the same basket. It constantly reminds us the need to be judicious in sorting and grading into appropriate place. Similarly, lumping parties with deferent background and political culture together proved unfeasible. Noncompliance of mainly Kestedamena members is important lesson to learn by heart. It is understandable that there are individuals burnt with pipe dreams to seek their own political space to have their own castles that CUD likely not keep a roof over their heads.

I personally do not bother if individuals endeavor for the best and grandest without stepping on moral grounds that we value most. Perhaps, the resurrection of their former party Kestedamena could be a agreeable option for those who aspire to pursue their ambitious dream and leave the people’s party – CUD alone. However, the current fruitless drive to expropriate CUD at the expense of the Ethiopian dream is simply destructive and ill-conceived. Pretty well, they know the only one to make the profit out of it is the regime in power. I have a feeling that, depending the way they recognize this truth, could make or break their future political standing.

If Kestedamena assumed to stand by it self and work constructively in partnership with CUD and other political actors, it will then be a win-win solution for everyone. No sensible people do embark on an impulsive project of self-destruction to bring an opponent down. My sincere recommendation for Kestedamena to stand by itself emanated from the fact that its minuscule representation to claim CUD is unwarranted and the condition to stay as part and parcel of CUD spoiled and unviable. A strategy of standing by itself and play constructive role in loose partnership will certainly help to bridge the gap and transcend into slicing the fruits of collaborative efforts.

In case of EPRP dissenters, conflict resolution formula may not be as complex as the Kestedamena’s case. EPRP has to make effort as promised in its communiqué to setup mediators and constructively resolve their outstanding differences. After all they have been spending most of their life as camaraderie in three challenging consecutive regimes.

Time for loyal oppositions to reflect:

In my humble view, every opposition including those who join the parliament must be accommodated and courted to join hands with the opposition camp. The oppositions strategy has to be formulated in such a way that the EPRDF regime runs out of pretexts used to fool the world. Sadly enough, loyal oppositions are the ones who spoiled the strategy to bring EPRDF to the negotiating table and pressure to play fair game in equal terms. Therefore, bringing loyal oppositions onboard of the opposition vessel is the first most important phase of plan of action the oppositions to think about. Once they are on the unity fold, it may be easier to tell EPRDF, STOP YOUR JOKES!

Recognizing and reflecting on violations of trust that the loyal opposition made will definitely help us understand the level of damage caused and the opportunity we missed. Without such understanding and reflection we may drift along in a comfortable haze of denial. Indeed, the dramatic nature of betrayal had distracted us from the more vital short and long term strategy and severed the psyche of the Ethiopian people to trust oppositions. The truth of the matter in our own lives can be settled only by honest, rigorous self-examination on our bonds of trust with each other and the general public we claim to represent.

No question, violations of trust can shatter our perception of the world and our place in it. However, in order to move beyond this subjective sensation, we must integrate the experience within the larger context of the world in which we live in. Although some of our compatriots break ranks to join parliament, this time asks for a second thought how to move on the right direction. The precarious condition of our country urges us to revitalize the struggle and deny tyranny in our soil without fail. This is a grand project calls for a new approach by closing the unfortunate chapter of our recent past and move forward. It is my sincere belief that this unholy marriage did reduce them to oblivion and taught them a painful lesson. Let me clear my argument in the following scenarios that may help us to figure out what course of action we have to follow.

Scenario # 1: (If loyal oppositions are not accommodated)

It doesn’t take an expertise to discern that they have no alternative but carry on playing loyal opposition role with a promise to retain their seats as softener from EPRDF. Don’t forget EPRDF is going to manipulate them as marketing tool to spread around façade of a perfect election. Whether they are guaranteed to retain their seats as promised is a matter of time. One has to ask does EPRDF honor its promises. The answer is, absolutely not! That means their hope is hanging in the air.

Let’s assume EPRDF honors its promises by a quirk of fate. But, will voters forgive them to cast in their favor? Absolutely not! Recently, I bump into an old friend who came from Ethiopia over a cup of coffee and run the gossip mill. He made no secret his resolve to boycott the 2010 election. If he is compelled to do so, he said, “I better vote for an EPRDF animal rather than an opposition chameleon kept on changing colors at every turn of opportunity.” This scenario did prove me loyal oppositions are waiting their final days on political death row. As a matter of fact, it is naïve to think, they are unaware of the down-and-dirty truth of this scenario. Indeed, they are standing at crossroads incoherently. Nevertheless what the future holds, if the opposition camp blocks the road, they will definitely hang in there playing the spoiler’s cameo role. Then, carefully crafted phony election rules and procedures christened by EPRDF will roll out, and the hopes and aspirations of Ethiopians for a better change will be postponed for unspecified time. Meanwhile, EPRDF will comfortably extend the lease to destroy our nation for one more ugly term.

Scenario # 2: (If they are accommodated)

If they are accommodated to join ranks in constructive manner, the loopholes that EPRDF using to derail the process of democratization will effectively be shutdown. By contrast, the trust among the oppositions will be solidified and get up steam to energize the struggle. In other words, the capacity to mount powerful pressure on EPRDF will be multiplied. The effect transforms the downhearted masses into robust and formidable fighters for their own rights. As a result, EPRDF will run out of excuses and leverage either to give in to the people’s demand or openly declare GOOD BYE DEMOCRACY. My recommendation is UNITY IS INDESPENSIBLE and we have to bring all oppositions onboard for a win-win solution, without SACRIFICING cherished principles of UNSEATING TYRANNY and the INTEREST OF OUR NATION.

Examine how the strategy works:

First of all CUD and UEDF have to come together and devise a roadmap how to deal with all odds of our struggle. In my view we are confronting many battles on multiple fronts. Aside EPRDF and loyal oppositions, self-claimed ethnocentric liberation fronts and resource hungry neocolonialists are posing threat to the security of our nation. This is high time all patriotic Ethiopians to rise in unison and defend OUR COUNTRY. The reason I choose to begin with CUD and UEDF is due to the fact that both organizations have the clout and political capital to influence the public while playing constructive role as uniting forces. I strongly believe these parties are capable of tilting the balance of power if they are quick to work together in good spirit and fraternity. By all means they have the strength and knack of mobilizing the masses to salvage our beloved nation from the yoke of tyranny. The May 2005 election was our fresh memories to prove me right.

In my view, EPRDF is not as strong as we may think to present formidable resistance, if we are working hand in hand and alienate from all pretexts that used to ride free. EPRDF is a lone reed growing on sand that can be humbled with a cupful of wind. EPRDF strength never had been derived from the support of the masses it command, but from devious schemes employed to “divide and conquer.” Therefore, our challenge is simply to roll back division in to unity, indifference into compassion and suspicion into trust. We have to embrace all Ethiopians across the spectrum, minimize confrontation and offer them to join hands as long us they believe in the Ethiopian nationhood, territorial integrity and the rule of law. Our approach must revolve around promoting win-win solution by reinstating trust and confidence in one hand and isolating tyranny and denying all tributaries that feed its survival on the other.

What to expect from elders, religious leaders and scholars:

Nevertheless Ethiopia was endowed with a long tradition of conflict resolution mechanism through local elders, religious leaders and wise men, it seems now failed her to respond when she deserves such intervention more than ever. The CUD and EPRP internal crisis would have been curtailed if the traditional peacemaking system acted immediately. Contrary to our expectation, even some scholars indulging themselves in stirring the skirmish.

Some may think intervention may be employed to temper confrontation exclusively between sworn enemies. In my view, friendly enemies could also complicate the matter sometimes worse than a sworn adversary. The truth is, it is possible to keep sworn enemy at bay but practically impossible a friendly one. The stakes in a friendly enemy are very high because it stays on friendly terms, pretend as loyal while collecting weak points and dazzle with praise until finishing the project of bringing down secretly kept opponent. The good news is, it may be much easier to contain damage and resolve confrontation if early intervention of traditional mediation is employed.

Our elders, religious leaders and scholars has moral responsibility to intervene when the skies are about to fall. For example, the conflict within CUD can be easily contained if not resolved by convincing the warring parties to forge truce not to work against each other while running different organizations. If it had been wisely handled, even their differences could have been redirected for a common good. Don’t call me judgmental, but our elders, religious leaders and scholars can’t escape a few mild lash of criticism for ignoring the traditional wisdom of our forefathers. I hope they will come forward to rescue our struggle by connecting the dots and solving the puzzles with the help of indigenous traditional wisdom and compassion. They can be used effectively as mediator to cement partnership among oppositions.

What we should and we should not:

The current wild pursuit of blow-for-blow game spearheaded by Debebe Eshetu in North America ahead of every scheduled event of the CUD chairman further complicated the division and openly demonstrated who this guy is all about. It is too silly for a person of high ranking professional, shamelessly to embark on the very tactics of the EPRDF “divide and conquer”. This unpleasant venture is totally immoral, disgusting and way out of the mainstream Ethiopian culture. A person of his stature shouldn’t have been embroiled in such a nasty and pathetic project. Given to his age and experience he would have been pacifier and level-headed to defuse tensions instead of fanning. Personally, it is weird to see an old man stalker. He must be stopped and enough is enough. It could be a good lesson for oppositions to cultivate more friends is better than an enemy.

I was very much impressed by Chairman Hailu Shawel’s down-to-earth speech in Seattle, a straight talk on real issues that are grinding our nation instead of rant and rave like what Debebe Eshetu is doing. This is a wise strategy to bury trivial issues and move on to the big picture that calls for immediate action.

The journey forward:

If we aspire to see our dream come true, we have to clean our hoses first and forge workable partnership while maintaining individual party status. Once we do this, the wind starts to blow in favor of our direction. 80 million strong vibrant and change-thirsty Ethiopian people are at our disposal. We can safely occupy a political space to make history and change the old rules of “African’s can’t change without the blessing from the Western World”.

It is understandable that many of my compatriots are frustrated by the events unfolding following the May 2005 election. And some of us may have been given up the redemption of our nation. But, I personally am not in that kind of mood. We have an ambitious project, and it is natural to expect shocks and tremors. There is no smooth democratization ever happen on this planet. It is packed with lots of ups and downs.

In the meantime, it is fruitless to lament and grieve on past failures, but, with renewed energy and new resolve to stand up firm and insure success. It is all about converting failures into achievement. As a people of great nation, we have no reason to abandon our principles and values to see a vibrant, powerful and democratic Ethiopia. I tell you, no nation ever make progress in frustration and discouragement. The state of Japan and South Korea are living testimonies. We have to try all avenues to give flesh and blood for our dream of GREAT ETHIOPIA to walk alive.

Hence, rapprochement and settling differences wisely are the best option to save and shore up the staggering Ethiopian opposition. It may be totally naïve to contemplate winning EPRDF without winning the unity of oppositions. We have to stop talking about EPRDF until we talk the goods in the opposition camp. In the absence of good, sometimes, evil is nearly good.

It looks like only few understood we are facing a battle on multiple fronts. But, the battle within us is the most complicated and lethal. The lingering question is, should we engage on all fronts or choose one on our terms? Certainly, the oppositions are too frail to handle multiple fronts. I suggest, dealing with us first may save us time, energy and resources. It is essential to begin with a rational discourse on how to clean the mess inside our houses as soon as possible. The battle with-us have to take off right now if we aspire to emerge triumphant and ready for the next show-down with EPRDF.

Trust me; the battle with us is not going to be conventional war. No guns, no snipers! No casualties! It is peaceful-war with the aim of defeating animosity, mistrust, reluctance, betrayal and backpedaling with humility, compassion, enthusiasm, patriotism and steadfastness. That time we will rise from ashes of bigotry, decadence and self-abnegation to the heights of formidable force that is ready to put the affairs of Ethiopia into its hands.

Then after, we may not need the business of cult-farming to outfox our own friends – nothing but to blow our unity and kill our progress. We may not need to run non-stopping gossip-mill to grind on one time camaraderie – which is a perfect recipe for self-destruction. We may not need to train ghost cadres – to do the dirty business of brainwashing. We may not need to screen DNA for loyal friends and family circles around us – sooner or later to dig our own graves. And we may not need to sneak in backroom-deals – that will eventually erode the faith of our supporters.

This time around we can only free ourselves from the costly “destruction of us” and move on deal with and reclaim our dignity from the grip of divide-and-rule-machine – EPRDF.

Ethiopia will prevail

With respect

Some of the Shocking & Immature Statements by Educated Elements (AFD and Siye Abraha admirers)

Getachew Reda

Everybody plays not to lose in some areas of life and in some situations. To perform at peak level, psychologists advised, we need to be able to recognize the power of blind spots that could trip us into a risky situation. In similar situation, unexpectedly, I was stunned by individuals who dignified Siye Abraha, as “National Treasure”. These are PhD holders saying this.

Here are some shocking irrational statements for you & think how many educated elements in many cases blindly endorsed some sensitive issues that you know of.  Surprisingly, some fellows confessed they supported sensitive agreements made between individuals in the name of political party /people/without reading and looking at it. Here fellows different individuals, that I quoted them what they wrote on media to the public, which I called it shocking & immature stamens. 

Quotes:

“Then came another person I know and told me that he heard the agreement was manipulated by the OLF in its favor. He complained that some of the most incapable people in CUD shouldn’t have been allowed to handle an undertaking of this magnitude.  I told him I didn’t even read the agreement but have no problem of being manipulation by the OLF.  What is wrong with representatives of the Oromo people manipulating the rest of us at least once in history, I said to him, and asked him if he knows how many times in our history the Oromo people have been manipulated?   He told me he will have to think about that and went to the meeting“ -FEKADE SHEWAKEN /OLF/AFD -A bold move towards freedom and democracy June 2, 2006 “I told him I didn’t even read the agreement but have no problem of being manipulation by the OLF” Fekade Shewakena (Ibid)
“What is wrong with representatives of the Oromo people manipulating the rest of us at least once in history, I said to him,” Fekade Shewakena (Ibid)   “Gefa gefa adirgew wutaw akebetun
Lib yasebew neger ayigegn eletun”
 A poem dedicated by Fekade Shewakena to the formation of AFD on which Fekade endorsed the manipulation of AFD by OLF. Here is a man who didn’t read the agreement of AFD what it said or what is in it; but willing to support it even without reading it. By the way, for your information, Miss. Bertukan, and Engineer Hailu Shawul both denied they ever known or endorsed such dangerous conspiracy.
“Siye Abraha, Ethiopia’s National Treasure”   Tedros Kiros PhD January 7, 2008 (from his article entitled -Siye Abraha National treasure) “We are friends with Shabia, if you want to defend or revenge the ill treatment that Shabiya did to you, we will give you, go grab the gun….” Siye Abraha, From “Anonymous”.

That was Siye Abrha statement in front of many Ethiopians that were kicked out from Eritrea, after they have been stripped out of all of their belongings…as it was still fresh memory…these thousands and thousands citizens were families of soldiers…some that had both Eritrean and Ethiopian heritage…> This is true story.

I (Getachew Reda) have first hand information how Siye reacted and what he said regarding Eritrean deportee, who is willing to give media interview to the public regarding the ins and outs of Siye Abraha during the battle during TPLF and the Derg era and claimed to know  the true story that Siye Abraha was in the jungle. You can contact me, any one who is interested to interview the person on your radio/paper.

“Dr. Taye proved it self to be incapable, shallow, callused, backward, out of the time, mean-spirited, and corrupt” Workie Briye   – X-TPLF Diplomat for twelve years just asked asylum in the USA two years a go. He was in Ethiopia during the protest in 2005. (THE NEW THE OLD, THE Ethiopicide December 17, 2007) I will leave this for you to judge on it, if such personality has the moral ground to depict Dr.Taye.

“Dr. Taye as a means of survival and as an agent of EPRP, allegedly, trying his best and I think he succeeded, to pull the leaders of CUD apart. In the process he lost the respect of many Ethiopians, both here and at home. CUD has to go through this ebbs and troughs as a political party to come out stronger and with a better vision. However, Dr. Taye has fallen from grace never to recover from the blow he handed himself by showing his true-self. By the way, I am yet to come across any scholarly work he has done.” Tefferi Mengistie / January 04, 2008- I will leave this for you to judge if  Taye lost respect from Ethiopians both here and at home, or if he is EPRP agent. History will tell who is lying or who is not. 

During the public gathering to hear the formation of AFD moderated by the OLF man Dr. Tadesse Ebba,  Fekade Shewakena was one of the people who made beautiful comments. He said among other things “I feel like I am watching a concert, I clamped several times out joy” By Obooma (taken from ER Forum)   The Dr. Beyan’s speech reminded me of Martin Luther Kings “I have a dream” speech. People stood up more than 10 time to applaud  (Ibid)Dr. Beyan Oba is the spokes man for OLF who expressed his true inside explained to NeTsanet Radio audience “whether Ethiopia to survive or to be eliminated is irrelevant based on the agenda” 

“There were questions from the audience. One, I think he is an EPRP (you know this guys) asked CUD to withdraw from the alliance. The room shouted at him saying, “shut up and sit down> (Ibid)

Mind you, these are supporters of the AFD who claimed they are fighting to bring democracy, everyone to be heard equally. But, as you read it above, he was told to “shut up and sit down”  “Yemisirach Dagim Tewelde Jegna” – Amharic poem dedicated to Siye Abraha by Belay Gesesse   07/16/2007 posted on TISJD and Deki Alula websites. 

May I ask to my readers to explain me the meaning of “Jegna” in the Ethiopian nationality term and history, when we gave such “pride” to a man who negotiate the Eritrean Independence and the landlocked of a nation for the rest of her life and a man who negotiate a generous peace settlement with the defeated Mengistu, who then fled to hide in Harare? What does “national treasure” mean when some valued Siye as national treasure?  Are we that deeply bankrupted with heroes/herons and national treasures of our time to call TPLF official with such a rank, who himself was victim of his own state machinery that he built it to be cruel and unjust? 

On What an amazing Ethiopia we are living in? Here is the guy with his finger prints all over the current ills of Ethiopia and still conceder the rebirth of hero, savior and the treasure of Ethiopia? My people, how long can you be hypnotized by myth again and again and again? Of course I should be accountable for blunders committed while I was a government official. But today is not the time for assessing past deeds. Our country is in a precarious situation,” the 55-year-old Siye said, “let’s leave vindictive politics behind us, and work with trust and hope for a better future.” Siye Abraha. (Source Ethiomedia.com from the editorial page- ‘Siye is a threat warns TPLF’- Editor Abraha Belay 

“Siye’s plea for reconciliation as opposed to the politics of war, hate and division looks to have paid off among mainstream Ethiopians” (Ibid quoted “Abebe Belew of Addis DimTs radio host”)

Which I agree, since one two three…figures can’t alone do the process of reconciliation giving the greater numbers are still in power continuing the abuse.  Sure, I agree, that assessing past deeds where there is no legitimate body to asses and where the system still is in power might make it difficult for true conciliation.  Having said this, then, how is that possible for him to plea for reconciliation as opposed to the politics of war, hate and division when we know the hate and war and conflict and bitterness was sourced from the past deeds where he himself admitted participating in blunders (what ever that mean) and power abuse? 

If verbal reconciliation isn’t available currently since he and his comrades live in Ethiopia and might be difficult  to do it in detail to release some necessary information as form of reconciliation understandably, for fear and retribution by the Meles group; then how would the public (in particular the victims/ families, friends/parties)take this guy as a trust worthy?   At least, he could have given some hint of readiness to expose for some secretive abuse his TPLF did while he was in power as part of the present TPLF government or as guerrilla commander. He could have done this cooperating privately with private parties or victims of his (TPLF) government as part of temporary conflict resolution. Even though, there are five or four type of conflict resolution methods; at least he could have shown his good gesture to make peace and reconciliation with his millions of adversaries (Ethiopia in general) as he is plea to all sides for reconciliation, the one known as “negotiation participation” could have been his best alternative if he can’t do it in public gatherings for the questions which he was asked to answer them from concerned parties. In “negotiation participation” is voluntary and there is no third party who facilitates the resolution process or imposes a resolution as in mediation for example. But, I didn’t hear parties who complained about his TPLF’s abuse and in the attempt of victims to know where about he been heard or tried to show sympathy to victims, on his response (I am sorry if he did, since, I do not have the full recorded audio speech with me). That in itself can leave still more bitterness and unreliable figure. That is why you hear some calling him national treasure/hero while people like me called it “A farce tell, a mockery”.  “Siye’s plea for reconciliation as opposed to the politics of war, hate and division looks to have paid off among mainstream Ethiopians,” says Abebe Belew, a radio host in Washington, DC: with that he highlighted it saying “The transformation is complete: from a famed army commander to a seasoned political orator.”
As you know this group is a chain in one locomotive driven with emotions as we saw them in the CUD situation here in the Diaspora. The radio host  who we are familiar with,  still sounded that he doesn’t care in regards to victims who are still disappeared, murdered, displaced, out of job, their houses still taken away by TPLF and given away/rent to TPLF cadres in Mekele and elsewhere, and still Siye as we heard him from the quotation is similarly like saying  “leave me alone and move on with me no matter what I did to your country, family or friends in a jungle as a guerrilla commander or as powerful official in the government of TPLF few years back.  “F…” you, as long as a radio host assured me he is satisfied about my being seasoned politician oratorical skill.).I do not blame Siye for a second.  Here is a radio host glorifying himself as “the new generation radio host” or “mainstream Ethiopian” (what ever that meant) downplaying the appeal of victims who pressed to know more from Siye, – unfortunately, this radio host, non-strange for our ear, Mr. Abebe Belew applauded Siye, “as long your oratorical SKILL paid off among us “the mainstream Ethiopians”; (what the hake with the crying victims!); Sadly. He did it again, as he did it during Bertukan and Berhanu congratulating us saying “now, the transformation is complete: from a famed army commander to a seasoned political orator” all that judgment “in few hours of knowing the man in one meeting hall”.

Abebe Belew, assured his “Mainstream Ethiopian group”, Siye Abraha is proven a “seasoned” political ORATOR!  What. Abebe Belew, failed to understand is that “this issue” is not mainstream Ethiopians issue or any other stream issue, as this radio host is trying to use it again this time  for his divisive purposes. This is not a party or Anjja or new generation, or old generation issue or a class, stratus issue. It is justice issue, facts issue, reconciliation with soul and victims and families issue “not the main stream Ethiopians issue only”. 

Siye is not the regular soldier that simply did his oratorical skills and leaves principal issues to be left uncovered by top officials. He himself was Chief Minister of Defense, a top commander of TPLF guerrilla who had responsibilities for millions of lives and did many decisions while on power. So, do not use this issue as political or mainstream Ethiopians or conservative Ethiopians, or left or right wing Ethiopians issue. Ato Abebe Belew, who are the mainstream Ethiopians you are counting on? How many are there? Who are these main stream party Ethiopians by the way? Can you tell us who those group/class/party/parties are? If I was him (Siye), I could have write a fat book about the skeleton, the muscle and the intestine and the soul and the crime of the TPLF secrets that never were revealed by other regular TPLF members who patriotically (GOD BLESS THEM) wrote and revealed what they little know in their capacity. God bless all the x-TPLF fighters who wrote books and pamphlets to inform many of us out here and in the country what TPLF was up to and its true nature. I appreciated and l loves you all! 

I can only tell you all those who are dismissing justice issues  who tried and exchange it for a seasoned political Oratorical skill to let go societies issues easy and unheard- I say  “let it ring and cry the victims of TPLF (the Tigrayans/Oromos/Gurages, Hadiyas, all children of Ethiopians in general) who were purged, disappeared TPLF fighters. Let God of Justice render his judgment for the dispersed thousands of Army, Navy, Police forces and their families, rank and file, officers with stars made turned to be beggars and still thousands of civilians and other opposition party guerrilla leaders and members arrested in every dungeon and scary situation suffering by Siye party and Siye government while he was in power. Ever since TPLF came to the stage and life of the Tigrayans Abebe Belew never had been there in Tigray when our families were burned, tortured live on fire, thousands intimidated and shrink to sub-human level from speaking their mind. If Abebe Belew or the rest were not there to witness, God was there who saw it all, which doesn’t dismissed justice for oratorical seasoned politicians.  //-// Ethiopia will prevail! 

Wolde Tewolde alias Obo Arada Shawl

January 13, 2008

EPRP believes that when the time comes, the youth will come or inquire about EPRP. One such inquiry has come from the following individual. Here is what he wrote.

Dear Wolde Tewolde,

First of all I would like to appreciate your

Reflection on split in the leadership of the famous

EPRP. I am only 26 and I know this party only in

History (through personal readings in the political

History of Ethiopia), I am still interested to know

More about its programs and directions of struggle.

Yes, your recent article has helped me more. Yet

I am still confused in some spots:

1. Out of the seven programs of EPRP you mentioned one

As “the peasant should be armed”. What does it mean?

And what is the justification for arming the

Peasants?

2. In explaining the collective leadership of the

Party you have mentioned three layers – Organizational, political and ideological.

I would be very thankful if you could still help me as to these layers

What exactly are they? And what is the practical implication to

The democratic principles the party is supposed to

Have as a value?

3. I agree personality and firm leadership are pivotal

Elements for any form of struggle. Some persons have

More than others in terms of their significance and

Role in the party. Nevertheless, I do not agree with

Your idea that “Debteraw’s CULTURE AND FAITH is

Calling us for an action. Let us free him to free

Ethiopia.” because he may be free when Ethiopia is

Free. Don’t you think in this way? If not, I beg

You to warrant your claim.

Thank you so much.

I wish you all the best

ARBUSE A (nickname)

 

The above is an email from a young reader and since I believe that it is common but a fundamental question, it should be answered in an honest way. In order to assist readers, I deemed it necessary to post the programs and conclusions of the previous article, Call me by my name: a commentary on EPRP’s split, XXI

EPRP’S DECLARED PROGRAMS

1. Replacement of the military by the provisional popular government

2. Recognition of basic democratic rights

3. Political prisoners should be released

4. Eritrean question must be resolved peacefully and democratically

5. Peasants must be armed

6. Economic demands must be fulfilled and

7. Ethiopia must be free from foreign domination

EPRP’S DECLARED CONCLUSION

Only a popular and democratic government could give Ethiopians and Eritreans a chance to unite and survive. That had been the goal of the popular movement, which was betrayed by the intervention of the military. The soldiers did not relinquish power as they have initially promised (see “confession” a book in Amharic written by Tesfaye Lema).

Woyane did not hand over power to the elected Kinjit groups. And there is no guarantee that from now on, that EPRDF will hand over if they loose in the coming elections.

Power of the people comes only if and when the seven points in the declared programs presented by EPRP comes to fruition. Although these were written and demanded a long time ago, these declared programs are still valid, after all DEMOCRACIA – the organ of EPRP warned us all by writing in its first issue ALEBABSEW BIYARSU BE’AREM YIMELSU – what goes around will come around.

MY RESPONSE: 3 points of clarification for all young adults of Ethiopia and Eritrea

1. Peasants should be armed, as asked by Arhuse A. should be answered in conjunction with the 2^{nd question} i.e. recognition of democratic rights and the 4^{th question} i.e. the Eritrean question must be resolved peacefully and democratically.

The 2^nd and 4^th questions/demands

The second demand is a very crucial issue for a lot of Ethiopian intellectuals.

The issue of Eritrea was taken as solvable by “peaceful and democratic” means. What does democratic mean, anyway?

In the language of EPRP it means that the MEANS justifies the ENDS unlike EPLF’s, TPLF’s and many others who follow the Machiavellian principle YETM F’CHEW DuKqtun Amchew equivalent to the END justifies the MEANS.

Saying it differently, there is a huge difference between “might is right versus right is might”.

EPLO’s struggle started with ‘ might is right’ background

EPRP’s struggle was based on the concept of ‘right is might’. In order to put things more clearly, EPRP’s 2^nd and the 5^th political demands coincides with the Bill of Rights of 1^st and 2^nd of the USA.

The Bill of Rights is the first ten amendments to the United States Constitution. Among the enumerated rights are those that guarantee

• Freedom of Speech, Press and Religion;

• The People’s right to keep and bear arms

The right to bear arms refers to the concept that individuals and/or governments have a right to weapons. Mostly this right is often presented in the context of military service and the broader right of self-defense. In USA, the term “bear arms” is a matter of recent dispute and continuing political debate.

Armed Struggle versus peasants should be armed

By the time EPLO, the precursor of EPRP was launched, the struggle for “right is might” was no more accepted. On the one hand, the nationalists, ethnicists and progressives stand on one side of the equation “might is right.” It was proper to take arms against the Monarchy, the Nobility and the Church who refused to change the status quo of oppression and exploitation, but when the collapse of the Monarchy was imminent to collapse and the Eway Revolution was set in motion, the slogan of EPRP became “right is might” was reverted to its natural place as a priority calling itself as DEMOCRACIA – in name and in substance.

It is obvious that EPRP has continued to defend itself by any means necessary including and up to armed struggle, as the DERG and its cohorts declared that their government would embrace all the demands of EPRP except the first demand which asks for a provisional popular government. EPRP challenged the DERG in written form explaining as follows: “There is no way that 120,000 members, will bring an iota of positive change to Ethiopia let alone 120.”With this belief EPRP defended its political position and worked for the demise of the military regime.

 

And so EPRP continued to educate the peasants and to defend itself unabated until the TPLF possibly with the blessing of EPLF and the Sudanese government launched an offensive campaign to destroy EPRP’s nucleus army when they marched into Addis Ababa in 1991. It is to be noted that EPRA was not a fighting army. It was supposed to be a Revolutionary army “AN’Qi”- a liberator of the mind of Ethiopians and Eritreans.

Once the Eway Revolution was set in motion, ‘might as right’ was over. EPRP has demanded to the Ethiopian and Eritrean fighters to follow the concept of ‘right is might’ and it is still continues to this day.

Zeru and Berhane- long time comrades were for the armed struggle. Berhane despite his intellectual capacity and preparation to be Che Guevara of Ethiopia was captured in a cave. I have met his captor and it seems to me that true to Che Guevara’s betrayal by his own people, it was similar to Berhane Redda’s moment of capture. Zeru Kihshen died without speaking out his thoughts or admitting his mistakes. Zeru was instrumental in recruiting young adults from the United States of America to go to the war zones at home while Berhane had led the EPLO into Assimba Mountain in order to start the Long March that is still ONGOING by Debteraw and his comrades.

The idea of right is might or the means justifies the ends comes mainly by Walleligne and Debteraw Tsegaye. Unlike the false pretense by the TPLF that Wallelegne is a war like hero is false and unhistorical. The idea of self-determination including cession was hinged on the means of the Eway Revolution. In our case, the 5^th program was meant to resist government tyranny especially in Insurrection theory.

Of all the things that EPRP has been condemned for is the use and the abuse of Ethiopian and Eritrean youth. Actually this accusation does not normally come from the once upon a time youth or the current youth of Ethiopia themselves. Most of the allegations emanates from outsiders who have no knowledge of EPRP’s style of workings or from those who deliberately wants to distort the facts in order discourage the youth from joining EPRP. I have experienced this with my own daughter.

Actually, EPRP does not encourage the youth to join any political Party until they feel comfortable to do so. The old generation of EPRP has to take the responsibility of explaining why the E-way revolution was necessary and correct. I believe this recruitment policy is the best of all policies carried out by EPRP.

2. The three layers of EPRP leadership

Political, Organizational and Ideological (POI)

PAC = party + army+ community

The nature of a political organization of EPLO was described as

“An organization with a minimum political organization to distinguish it from a military organization such as the ELF, and to emphasize the importance of its political role.”

Kiflu continued to write

“ This characterization was based on the assumption that the revolutionary activists who emerged out of the student movement, with the necessary tools and guidance, would be able to provide leadership to the struggle. ‘This therefore means that there must be just enough number of revolutionary cadres who are ideologically clear, politically mature and organizationally trained…. before the People’s War is launched’”(Kiflu: The Generation P: 80 emphasis is mine)

On collective leadership Kiflu wrote “ Berhane, the current General Secretary of the organization, was not comfortable with the changes made. In one of the central committee meetings, he stated that since he was elected by the 1^st congress, he would hand over his post only to another congress. The CC ignored the personal aspects of the issue and focused only on structural changes that it felt were obstacles to the internal democracy of an organization.”(Kiflue: The Generation P: 237)

The point I am trying to tell is how democracy works within the members of EPRP and to indicate only the bare elements of complex issues of politics, ideology and organization. It was not simple and it is not going to be either. The following relationships were not rhetorical and shallow but persuasive. EPRP’s fountain is the youth as the old will leave footprint, but we should remember that the old is not going to give up what they have built for nothing. There should not be confrontation when handing over the legacy of its work to the youth. What is my name? Call me by my name. Respect and Trust is my name.

Political Leadership (current plus past)

Students’ and professional associations with many civic and business communities

Labaders’ : Mother

Teachers’ : Berhanu Ijigu

Workers :Marcos Hagos

Youth: Tito Hiruy (Babile)

Professionals: Wogofa

Organs: websites, pal talks, radios, TVs and publications

Organizational Leadership

Current: Fassika Bellette

Past: Kiflu Tadesse

Organ: DEMOCRACIA

Ideological leadership

Current: Iyassou Alemayehu

Past: Tesfaye Debessai

Organ: Red star

The Army of EPRP

B and M member of a nucleus army died and were kept secret because EPRP was still on a journey. The Trust of sacrifice is still intact within the IFs. What if (Iyasou and Fassika become dictators? What if the Ifs become rich? What about the ifs surrender their principles? What about if they suddenly run their personal lives? Is it reason enough to betray the party of Debteraw Tsegey especially when he is held incommunicado?

Mersha Yoseph was wounded in the Marathon struggle of EPRP and I believe figuratively he is still in the leadership of the army that would fight the TPLF until justice and democracy prevails.

The implications of all these is that EPRP was not based not only in name, organizational structure but also in motion, time and space laden with principles and core values for Ethiopia. EPRP has no other name with or without adjectives other than its own name with its management and leadership intact.

3. Debteraw’s culture and faith is calling us for an action. Let us free him to free Ethiopia

So far, as I have been describing Debteraw Tsegaye as a role model for REVOLUTION, EDUCATION, ART and Democracy (READ) in Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Let me give you some hints as why Debteraw’s implication is vital

• Debteraw strongly believed in the culture of unity in diversity of Ethiopia via DEMOCRACIA

• Debteraw strongly believed in the viability of modern and traditional education

• Debteraw inspired hundreds of thousands to believe in the Ethiopian KINET (art)

• Debteraw is languishing in prison in order to promote justice for all for all Ethiopians regardless of nationalities, ethnicities or ideologies and

• Debteraw is a well-known Ethiopian scholar who believed in VIVE LA DIFFERANCE in religion, in social, economic and political reconstruction known as the Eway Revolution.

When I write about Debteraw’s reflection in CULTURE as in FAITH, they were not empty words and phrases they are real and natural.

I don’t advise anybody to see the party of EPRP with a perspective of individual personalities. There were hundreds of intelligent and some with gifted minds but failed because of lack of experience. EPRP should be seen in wholeness. I know that Kiflu Tadesse has used not only individual personalities but also used their ethnic background as if it mattered to EPRP’s organizational structure. His way of writing or labeling even to his own personality was not appreciated. It was wrong to put it that way and it was disservice to EPRP’s policy.

Finally let me give you an example why I say Debteraw’s freedom will free all Ethiopians and Eritreans. Debteraw is one of the TS’EN’HATE MUHUR AKAL, which means that he has the concept, the theory and the application and for that many intellectuals in Haile Sellassie University did not like him as he used to challenge them to think conceptually, theoretically and practically. A clear example would be professor Mesfin W. Mariam. When Mesfin Wolde Mariam became a Human Rights chairman, and while he was touring the Netherlands, he was approached by a certain individual and asked him as to what had happened to Debteraw’s whereabouts. The professor replied that he did not know anybody by Debteraw Tsegaye G. Medhin. It was an act of revenge pure and simple. Can we say that Ethiopia will be free if our professors and doctors do not dare to protect individuals regardless of their personal grudge? That bothers me very much especially when somebody in authority or power replies in this manner. Does this bother young adults? Please, comment.

Can we be our individual selves without fear or apology to witness that the culture and faith of Debteraw will free us all?

For comments and critic

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

Inspiring quotes

“I am not upset you lied to me, I am upset from now on I can’t believe you.”(Friedrich Nietzsche), German Philosopher

“The key is to get to know people and trust them to be who they are, instead we trust people to be who we want them to be, and when they are not, we cry.”(Anonymous)

1. Introduction

Time flies. In comes 2008! Yet another year is replaced by a new year in the eternal dance of time. Our country had a new year in September 2007. It shares also the New Year on January 2008 with the rest of the world. It has the opportunity to pause, reflect, interrogate, evaluate and select what would work from what would not twice, as moments like New Years help concentrate a nation’s priorities and map and shape its future.

The time from the Ethiopian millennium in September to the current New Year has been unsettling to say the least to the vibrant democratic movement that emerged after the May 2005 election. What we expected was the release of the elected MPS that were sent for 20 months in jail will stimulate and invigorate the democratic movement, solve with maturity the difficulties in the Diaspora by displaying the moral authority of the released MPs and move into a higher level of clarification and mobilisation united to build systematically the movement. Unfortunately what happened was a lack of unity and division by those who came out from jail leading to a split that appears to have gone beyond any attempt to repair and rescue. The split is unfortunate as there are wild allegations that would have been very good to clear up. With the split the truth will not be known. We now know who has been rude and who has remained civil through the ordeal, but we will not know who is culpable and who is not, concerning the issues that triggered this destructive turn. This will not be cleared as long as each side remains with its sectarian narrative unexamined and protective of its story. For the moment, there appears to be no way that there can be unity within knjit. It is time in the New Year to resolve and re-think how a post- knjit powerful social-democratic movement and realignment of social forces can be forged. This commentary will attempt to show the obstacles Ethiopians must overcome and put forward a few proposals to strengthen and build the democratic movement for debate.

2. The Obstacle: Social Capital Deficit despite Ethiopia’s Age!

Our readers may recall previous NES commentaries that by some accounts the likely origin of the Ethiopian state formation has become now 7,000 years or even 8,000 years depending on which myth of origin one takes to begin the count!! China has 5000 years of such history. For Ethiopia seven or eight thousand years indeed makes it the most ancient country in the world. If we take the 4000 years that used to be 3000 years until last September’s Ethiopian millennium, it still makes Ethiopia belong in the oldest groups of countries such as Egypt, Persia and China. Even the 2000 years that Ethiopia entered after celebrating its millennium in September 2007 makes it yet still amongst the oldest groups of countries in the world. This is not to suggest all can or should agree on this age of Ethiopia. Those who think very often look back in order to see how far to look ahead into the future.

The question we must ask is this: Given such long historical memory, why has the country failed to invent an ethically anchored, consultation rich politics that works and constructs the nation rather than the divisive, cantankerous and cruel politics that destroys and unsettles all to a point where we all worry whether we can ever evolve a shared national direction to shape Ethiopia’s sustainable future that beats the fear of time? Even after the people made choices, voted and expressed their voice, why is that the very persons involved that helped to bring about this creative trajectory are at each others throat trying to undo what seemed to all indeed a record historical achievement gained also in a record time? Why are we back to the drawing board every time history opens a historical possibility to move in more constructive directions? Why is the seed planted often threatened with such desire to cut and pluck it out and even kill it? When are we going to stop wondering whether the particular way politics plays out in the country may or may not deliver an Ethiopia that will endure? When are Ethiopians to be liberated from the tyranny of a particularly uncongenial politics that disrupts all from mustering and sustaining the ability to relate and interact with each other to undertake substantial coordinated and collective action that is productive based on a shared project for freedom, equality, human dignity and justice for all in order to build and improve comprehensively the welfare of the people, the nation and the country?

3. Counting Age comes with a price of an oppressive inter- generational tyranny!

We continue to repeat reminding all concerned Ethiopia’s old age and historical longevity not to celebrate the few and far in between successes such as the epic African victory at Adwa in 1896 for example, but more as a call to all to reject and extricate the country from the oppressive litany of horrid failures that have existed from time immemorial to the present and threaten to continue to the future. We invoke the long gone past to bring home forcefully how much age old problems continue today to persist and threaten to pile up in the future by imposing something like an inter-generational tyranny over the people and their successive progeny rather than freedom and development. There can be no complacency by retelling the age of any country. We recall historical age in order to review a particular community’s national history where the secret of unleashing the opportunities to shape the future are locked. In order to appreciate the transformations that can make a difference, we must always examine and reflect on the complexities of a country’s historical journey and national history.

Ethiopia’s accumulated historical memory-the good, the bad and the tasteless- can be a source of learning to find the knowledge and the way to help prolong Ethiopia’s life hopefully by injecting a positive transformation dynamics of its age-old static society. That is to say, having lived for so long, one can only hope that this country will live on and on with an age that defies the law of gravity, solving the twin persistent problems of hunger and governance for good with justice and fairness to all.

In and of itself, counting years of vegetative existence of a country’s life, as well as a person may not be interesting. What would be most interesting would be, if indeed, when there is quality to the life-world for an individual as indeed also similarly to the strength, dynamism and self-reinforcing vitality of the system-world that has been driving the specific Ethiopian national history. There is no intrinsic value in counting ages per se however long and rich they are. What is of value is in what each age, as indeed each generation bequeathed to future ages and generations. Problems unsolved or newly created ones, more often than not, can pile up to a mountain top and become additional burdens on the generations that come after previous generations.

In Ethiopia it seems the country has suffered from a syndrome that has subjected generations into an inter-generational tyranny over the ages. By the latter we mean that throughout history problems have a tendency to pile up rather than being solved in Ethiopia. What a generation inherits is not opportunities but compounded problems that have been left unsolved by successive generations. Unsolved problems naturally remain as problems yet to be solved being always transmitted from generation to generation throughout the ages. Politicians seem to bring more new problems than solving old and transmitted problems from earlier generations. For example, had Ethiopia had turned into a republic after world war II as some of the anti-fascist patriotic resistance fighters thought at the time, then the problems to solve today would have been different. Even when in 1974 a transition came from the monarchy to the military, the country moved from one problem to inherit a violent military turn. And when in 1991 the transition to ethnic based government came, again a problem gave rise to another problem of ethnic division and the split of the country into two hostile states whose long term consequence is very hard to predict to the very existence of the country. What clearly emerges is that those who leave and those who come- each in its own way leaves behind a hybrid combination of old and new problems for others to come to solve. That has been the pattern. There is not yet a new model of politics where such compounding of new problems on and with old problems is not recurrent.

This inter-generational tyranny is a reality that threatens to stay with us unless society and people learn to build social capital to know how to relate with each other to bring cooperative action in order to solve problems and not transmit them selfishly to the yet unborn generation to try to solve and pay for it in life, limb and resources. Such oppressive legacies of failure to solve the problems and challenges, threats and dangers from the past must be ameliorated and the work to challenge inter–generational tyranny and convert it into inter-generational liberty must be unyielding. Those who enter into politics must be people with the moral stature and intelligence to solve the twin problems of hunger and governance, and who take seriously their responsibility and believe that to pass on these problems on to the yet unborn to solve is very unjust and unfair. Those who come to power to compound problems for this and next generations must be rejected as liars, cheaters, arrogant, selfish and self- centred and vain persons, money and power seekers. People and society must wake up and scrutinise these power seekers and demand what is it that they offer in practice and not just in words: inter-generational tyranny or liberty? This is an important yardstick to identify, criticise and institutionalise a political system with a constitutive world view that works to transform and stabilise the country at the same time.

4. We Must Learn to Build Social Capital for Ethiopia to Survive!

If there is one critical matter that we Ethiopians must learn to do that seems woefully in dearth in the country is for all of us to strive very hard and create, build and sustain social capital. What is social capital? Social capital is the intangible, invisible glue that is also the productive value constituting relationships amongst people. Social capital deals with intangibles such as: for example, what brings social or membership gluing, bonding, linking and bridging various divides by creating cooperative connections, networks, norms and social trust to generate opportunities for better organisational coordination and cooperative action that promotes all those engaged in a particular social activity from the individuals, families, groups to political parties and governments. Active cooperative action that benefits is often a consequence of connections that are anchored with networks of trust, mutual understanding, sympathy, norms of reciprocity sharing values to bind the interaction of members in any network willing and engaged to make a difference in the missions they care to pursue and advance.

The historical environment, values, and cultural conditions including the way the political and power structure operate and function influence how members of an organisation are engaged in a project by building relationships and allies for realising fully coordinated and cooperative effective action. How the members bond is not merely a matter of the dynamics within an organisation. It also depends on the environment, historical situation; culture, belief systems and language games members deal with and respond to in their interactions with and from their surroundings. For example, when we look at the political history of Ethiopia over the last hundred years, one matter stands out over the rest. Every power seeker has always done two things that are hugely embarrassing: fought a potential rival by plotting and often lying and organising secretly against a rival together with seeking a foreign ally that would weaken the opponent. Look at who supported General Napier to defeat Twedros. Look at who supported Menelik to defeat Yohannes. Look at how Teferi defeated Lij Eyasu.Look at how every political group today in the country is backed by one or another foreign power overtly and covertly. As soon as one decides to ascend to power and started manoeuvring to do so, the urge to enlist foreign backers become irresistible and the cruel and dehumanising attacks against opponents spread like wild fire. This misdirection makes it impossible to solve problems within a national context with national dialogue. It is a recipe to recreate the country’s problems rather than seeking a national mobilisation and conversation to understand the priorities and create national consensus to address them with foresight, imagination, intelligence and vision. With an external factor playing so negatively how can quality relationship between people in the country with trust and empathy in order to undertake a mission together ever be carried out?

Thus, to be sure, in Ethiopia both the environment and culture- both historical and contemporary, and the way the political and power structure have been organised and functioned in reality through the ages have not engendered or encouraged the development of social capital. Of all the deficits the country suffers from, the one that is even more worrying than any material deprivation is the low or underdeveloped level of social capital throughout the ages. We still suffer and may even suffer more in the future from lack of social capital necessary to undertake effective coordinated cooperative actions. For social capital to be promoted the internal culture to address any problem however complex and intractable with dialogue, consultation and conversation however long it takes to talk must be a preferred strategy and route. More importantly, the desire to enlist external actors to subdue internal opponents must also be curbed if this comes at the expense of social capital building to solve the country’s major problems. Lack of social capital is at the heart of the collective failure of the country’s institutions, leadership, talents and ingenuities to solve the country’s problems. Only breakdown of natural capital is as severe as the lack of social capital. Both are very difficult to create or reproduce.

5. Significance of the absence of Social Capital

In Ethiopia, when the country suffers from the breakdown of natural capital, it is because of our lack of imagination, capability, resources and inability to stem deforestation, change our rain fed agriculture system into diversified agriculture, and our allowing the contraction of arable land due to soil erosion and desertification. Although the World Bank has reported that the size of Ethiopia’s economy is growing, the country still lacks financial capital to create the human capital to feed into building education for all, health for all and multimodal infrastructure (physical capital) and manufacturing to move people and goods and services with ease and speed. It may have financial capital to build individual capital, but that is not the same thing as making the country wealthy. The wealth of a country is broader. It includes the health, education, the state of nature repair of a country and the economy of a country. It is not thus just the economy that matters as the economy in fact is the instrument to bring about individual, ecological and social wellbeing development. It includes the social, natural and cultural aspects of a country’s wealth. Wealth is not to be reckoned simply as income in the pockets of individuals. If Ethiopia and indeed nearly all African countries had financial capital, they would not be in the loan-grant and aid system where they keep looking to the external world, i.e., to the donors to beg finance to support our economic growth and development.

Social capital is at the heart for capacitating collective citizen action. It requires trust, civic sense, engagement with social problems as citizens expressing their social consciousness and ability to network the self in a web of relationships and interactions with others to achieve pre-imagined and pre-planned activities, actions and projects. When social capital is low, a society suffers from all kinds of negative fall outs. Networks of interactions, relationships based on observing shared norms, rules, procedures, and institutions suffer. This in turn leads to limiting our abilities for mustering the required solidarity, sympathy, norms of reciprocity and courage to undertake collective action. Without the ability to sustain collective action, it will be hard to change Ethiopia’s millennial static society. In Ethiopia, the ability to take specifically triggered collective action and even spectacular action is in abundance, but the ability to sustain such collective actions by overcoming threats, dangers, challenges, complex and intricate problems with long-term solidarity to maintain coordinated, organised and cooperative action appears to be unimaginably inadequate. The recent dramatic example is the infighting within knjit that has seriously depleted the energy and momentum of one of the most promising social-political movements with demonstrated popular support behind it that emerged after the national election campaigns in 2005. Inability to solve the problems whatever they were seem to us related to the lack of social capital within the Knjit and the fact that lack of social capital amongst the members allowed what appears to be massive infiltration by all those this promising movement threatened in one way or another..

How can one then explain this: That what appears to be an innocuous and a mere trifle of casual and perhaps seemingly untrue gossip appears to break hard-won unity or even solidarity, disrupting the opportunities to continue and sustain coordinated collective action. The viciousness with which the quarrel degenerated is beyond anything anyone can fathom. The recent infighting within the’ knjit or CUDP’ circle of ex-incarcerated popularly elected MPs is not a problem because there were differences amongst them or even competition for leading the democratic movement. There is nothing wrong at all for a number of the MPs coming out from jail to try their luck to lead especially if they think they have good ideas to steer the country’s destiny. Everyone knows such competition and expression of difference can be useful and healthy. Conflict can also be creative. What comes as shocking is how frivolous the conflicts or differences turn out to be to any casual observer and even worse how a snowballing logic imposed itself worsening the situation beyond any imaginable repair. It is unfortunate that the conflict escalated into antagonism with hurtful attacks freely exchanged in the print, and voice media suffocating the political space by turning it into an arena where mutual recriminations and insults either were freely traded by those involved directly or those who wish to protect one side by demonising another. It is this degeneration that shows if there is anything to show that social capital is in short supply even amongst those that voluntarily joined as a team in the 2005 election to win only to undo whatever positive results they attained including the moral authority gained in the process. It shows there was no depth to their unity or trust amongst each other to come out so hard against each other, the latest being a statement by one of the estranged elected MPs executing the dismissal or suspension of the other elected MPs! Had the social capital amongst those who took together collective action in the 2005 election had been high, there would not have been this degeneration to such level of unspeakable insults and campaigns to discredit one another with such cavalier abandon. Where their supporters expected sympathy for each other, the opposite was displayed, disrespect was freely traded in the media and cruelty against each other was forcefully and invasively displayed. Supporters expected fellow prisoners to demonstrate genuine fellowship and sympathy to each other rather than what they ended up showing for friend and foe to see a hidden nature the public never knew they had with their willingly volunteered self-exposure to treat their friends turned opponents with the harsh hostilities that flew back and forth with such ferocity and demonising force! All advice to contain the problem was brushed aside. And the problem has escalated to a point where it is hard to see how these persons can ever come together and work together. Time has arrived to reflect beyond this harsh mistreatment and think what new possibilities may be open for encouraging democratic politics afresh in Ethiopia.

6. Social Capital in relation to other capitals

When natural capital breaks down a country’s geo-ecological system will be irreparably damaged. Once nature breaks down, just like social capital, it is hard to fix that easily. It is hard to reproduce and regenerate natural capital and social capital. That is why human-nature relations observing pre-cautionary principles will be critical to prevent nature break down and preserve natural harmony anywhere in the world for that matter. Physical capital is reproducible. If a building is destroyed, it may even give the opportunity to rebuild a better building site provided the cost can be defrayed in some way. Financial capital is also replenish-able and can even be supplemented by central bank strategy to covert interests into debts, loans and credits as many African states have learned to do to continue to rule over the people. The World Bank has reported in one of its numerous reports on Africa that more money has been pocketed by African leaders throughout decolonisation than the amount of foreign aid that has flowed into Africa. Imagine this crime against Africa which has not stopped to this day! It is Africans who undermine Africa doubly by stealing its own resources and by making it a victim of donor aid, grants and loans!!!

African Governments often run into macro-economic difficulties and they quickly go and beg donors to help them fix their financial insolvencies and not look into how they themselves are squandering whatever resources Africa has. The point we are making is that though finance looks difficult to have, it is not that difficult to regenerating it by various means!

Human capital subtraction too can be reversed by attracting new trainees and learners though it takes time to build skills and knowledge. Once knowledge is degraded, it is not difficult to upgrade though naturally it is costly to re-skill. Similarly individual capital can be built up and lost and re- made. Manufacturing and infrastructural capital is also reproducible after degrading. They can be mended and rebuilt! Cultural capital is also reproducible. The original can be duplicated especially with current digital technology creating wonders.

Social capital is different. It is built from such intangible matters as trust, norms, observance of rules and procedures in relationships following principles, submitting to institutional logic and not to personalised and egoistic pursuits. Each of these elements (e.g., rules, procedures etc..) in and of themselves may be practised in isolation but the human interaction, networks and relationships to generate predictable, irreversible and sustainable solidarity, coordination and collective action is dependent on a combination of the intangible elements that constitute together social capital. When such social capital breaks down it is not easy to fix and reproduce.

When there is high social capital, the tendency for breakdown to undertake effective social action is very low. Conversely when there is low social capital, the tendency to quarrel over little irritating matters is very high. Thus the building and the existence of social capital is a necessary condition to undertake sustainable transformation and development in any environment, cultural and power context. All those that have developed have built over a course of time strong foundations, institutions, citizenship, trust, norms and rules whose interactions together result amongst members in organisations to undertake effective collective actions. They have internalised values of social capital that allows them to function with coordination and cooperation. They have built the culture and ability to deal with effectively against corrosive actions both internal and external that undermine social capital.

7. The Significance of Building Social Capital in Ethiopia

In Ethiopia, we have to learn to build and infuse society with social capital on all fronts. Instead what we seem to see is the opposite. The agenda that drives the country’s system- world (the public realm) and life-world of the citizen (the private realm) is the ethnic philosophy, agenda, policy, discourse and narrative. If the individuals’ existential life world is interpreted with the ethnic variable and the system of government and constitution is also based on vernacular and ethnic foundations, how can constructive social capital that composes, unites and creates solidarity amongst citizens grow? How can civic solidarity, civic expression and civic-based political, social, economic, scientific and cultural engagement be fostered and promoted? It is hard to see how Ethiopia’s social capital can be expected to be growing with the current ethnic dispensation.

If politics is parcelled along ethnic fault lines, how can people vote for citizens with the best ideas, best programmes, best policies and best strategies for delivering service? How can people vote for those that are ethically, intellectually and politically committed rather than those who may be ethnic entrepreneurs? How can norms of reciprocity and networking based on citizenship be fostered when ethnicism dominates and undermines politics based for citizens’ rights and development? How can social capital grow under such constraints? How can building social capital within the ethnic enclosure help the trans-ethnic social capital amongst the citizens?

One of the appealing consequences from the rise of knjit was the possibility of re-framing national politics on the foundation of citizenship and not ethnicity or vernacular specificity. Knjit appeared to promise the emergence of social capital based on a movement that involved citizens’ votes, expressions, voices. It created a new political space that fired the national imagination.

Knjit and its ally Hibret to a large extent appeared to reverse the prevailing logic of current Ethiopian politics. The ruling idea says that ethnic and vernacular identity is the basis of politics. Knjit reversed this logic by appearing to say: Only on the basis of the foundational principle of free and unconstrained citizenship by vernacular and ethnic fences can the rights and freedom of ethnic nationalities and vernacular expressions find constructive manifestation without undermining social capital. The reverse logic of starting with the specificities of ethnicity and vernacular identity will not add up to the non ethnicised and non-vernacularized citizen for the promotion of social capital for creating a web of trust, norms, reciprocity, sympathy amongst the networks of relationships the people form in carrying out their economic, social, political, cultural and scientific pursuits.

Knjit may have run into problems that may not make it live as it was before, but its powerful message must live on and ways must be found to make sure the message continues to fire the popular imagination even though the messenger may be distracted for one reason or another. There is thus a great stake in reenergising a strong post- knjit movement that aims at building citizenship at the core driving the freedom and development engine of the Ethiopian society, economy and politics by building social capital but not destroying it as it is happening now.

8. Fragmented Opposition Undermines Social Capital Development

One serious problem in Ethiopia is creating a political system where political society is organised by principles shared by those parties who govern and those who wish to mount opposition in order to govern. This system cannot be mimicked from outside. It must be home grown. The competition of political parties under norms, rules and procedures that permit legitimate debate and consultation amongst the parties to create a political process that is capable of generating lawful, legitimate and self- sustaining changes and transitions in government with the sole aim of building the infinite well being of the people and their wealth and happiness is a priority of priorities. Politics must start to create and improve the livelihood and well being of the people. All those who agree to do this and wish to devote their lives and sacrifice should enter into politics. If these noble minded people enter politics, there will be hardly any of the spectacles we see today in Ethiopia. There is no need to have all the ethnic entrepreneurs running amuck. There is no need to see all those who use ethnicity to oppose ethnicity. All the fragmented opposition should in principle converge. Those around the ruling party can evolve into a nation-wide unified cohesive party where the core of the party can collect other lesser parties as its allies. The party that emerged after the 2005 election with a popular mandate Knjit could have evolved as another nation-wide national party naturally with its allies. Major two parties that occupy centre stage could have emerged- and could potentially emerge for the 2010 election- clearing the ground for the novel emergence of a new politics that can deliver a predictable and sustainable national direction and transition in Ethiopia. This will provide a historical milestone in the nation’s age-old history. This would be indeed a real dream come true.

The worst scenario is the continuation of fragmented opposition, each seeking external ally to increase its own chances and decrease the chance of its real and perceived or ill-perceived opponents. In Ethiopia, the ethnic entrepreneurial project has multiplied many opportunists who wish to carve out a political niche or space by using an ethnic perspective to the country’s politics. This has fragmented both the concept and reality of doing politics in Ethiopia and created a situation where politicians appeal to their specific ethnic group and try to collect votes as ethnically certified leaders. The contestants become an ethnically validated political entrepreneur whose main platform is contaminated with the primordial politics of blood is thicker than water. This direction will embolden voting along ethnic lines and will undermine citizenship and the emergence of the best and most suitable person from being elected to public life. This is indeed a disease in Africa where multiparty elections imposed by donors in the belief that good government can come through such elections create a situation where such elections degenerate along ethnic voting lines and can even be violent. In Ethiopia the ethnic arrangement has made it a fact that people will vote not as citizens for the best candidate but for the person who belongs to their ethnic affiliation. This degrades citizenship and emboldens ethnic sectarian voting patterns. When this is entrenched it may lead to fostering a backward political culture.

There is a need to think long and hard to go over this ethnic trap and bring out a system of politics where at least for a country like Ethiopia two major parties are encouraged to compete with each other by also engaging with each other in a consultative process even when they compete against each other.

The parties from the ethnic groups should be allied to these major parties that are based on spreading a voting pattern on the basis of Ethiopian citizenship.

The real challenge is not to destroy knjit and create ethnic parties or parties with narrow social bases. The real challenge is to create a post knjit political development to create a national party that is capable of effectively competing with the ruling coalition party. The creation of two national parties is the missing link to practise democratic choice and solve the following problems: a) bring transition from one party to another, 2) create separation of powers juridical and factually where the executive executes policy, the legislators legislate independently, and the judiciary judges without looking for executive license. 3) create freedom to express and freedom to associate with a vibrant promotion of civil society, 4) where minority right to dissent is protected by law, 5) rule of law, 6) build strong social capital, 7) fight corruption by a system where no official can stay in one position or one place more than 5 years without rotation and re-deployment to serve the public, 8) accountability so that never can governing be a means to accumulate economic power.

The creation of two functioning, competing parties that also enter into consultative processes by sharing a national direction together will be the best outcome that we hope will emerge in the post-knjit period. Ethiopia cannot afford many parties nor many ethnic- based parties. This will not bring freedom or development contrary to such claims. Democracy does not mean freedom or development. They are separate concepts. A democratic election can bring forces that do not believe in the freedom of citizens.

What Ethiopia and indeed much of Africa need is not to get many parties scrambling, scheming and fighting. What Africa needs is a few main political parties that can talk with each other, consult each other even when they compete and present their programmes and get elected on a platform that the electorate will hold them to account. All smaller parties can exist but the two main parties must be institutionalised and the people must get used to them.

8. Some Proposals to establish a framework for a workable political system

In 2008 the time should be used to create a broad consultative process to form unity and shared approach on how to prepare a fair and free election where two main strong national parties can be locked in a political dynamics to compete and consult, compete to consult and consult to compete. Whichever party comes will confront formidable challenges and it is not clear how much difference the parties can make. The most important value is to create a political system that creates predictable and sustainable ideological and political stability that all those who have differences agree to construct because this is what the country needs most as a public good to forge ahead and work well.

1. In principle all the political forces from those that rule currently and those that fight with arms should be encouraged to enter into a national conversation. All those that are fighting must be invited to join broad national consultation and encouraged to join nation wide parties or remain as minority parties with the opportunity to ally with at least two chosen national parties that can evolve through a deliberative participatory and patient process.

3. It will help hugely if the ruling party coalition can evolve into a national party and work to engage in consultation with all the parties to assist them to come up with a plan to form an opposition that is based on national citizen- based membership. If the ruling party invites and prepares the ground for a national consultative process and gives amnesty to all those that are currently pursuing their plans with violence against it, an important milestone would have been open. The broad framework must be consultation to create the terms and conditions for creating a national space for legitimate competition to circulate the persons and parties that can govern for a specified time.

5. The opposition parties should call congresses both at home and abroad to bring as many of the forces as possible to come under one minimum programme and form a broad people- based opposition party. Instead of engaging in the destructive response to mutual provocations, it is better to aim higher and look at the needs of the country and try to bring about how all engaged can contribute to the creation of a viable system.

6. There is a big role for civil society sand think tanks that should present programmes for uniting the fragmented opposition to present their recommendation to the parties and on that basis congresses should be held to chart the way forward and avoid risks and peacefully try to bring change. The political parties should seek independent advice from the country’s home grown thinking forces and should not fear independent advice.

7. If the political opposition cannot meet and organise conference, civil society groups and support groups should form pre- congress caucuses and plans to encourage the parties to do that which will stimulate the creation of a political system of competition based on consultation and not adversarial and brutal attacks against one another. They should reach out to as many of the forces as possible to bring them and hear their grievances and plans for shaping a future.

8. The message that was endorsed by 2005 election in supporting Knjit should be revived by a post knjit social movement to create a political system that promotes strong social capital and create a new political culture aimed at creating real participation by the people and accountability by making sure that two major parties function with the dialectical logic of consultation to compete, and compete to promote consultation to expand freedom and development for all in the country.

9. Appeal to all the political forces to realise the value of prioritising the people of Ethiopia, preventing to put their destiny away from harm’s way and enter into a broad concept where they learn to identify the common challenges and opportunities, interrogate their current actions that is bringing violence rather than an intelligent commerce with policies, internalise new values to be broad minded and begin a national conversation and institutionalise a system that can deliver freedom and development.

10. Appeal to the ruling coalition to open the space and invite all the forces that need to be engaged to enter normal political life where the principles of competition and consultation are to be observed as a prelude to bringing all to a system that all will be willing to submit and observe in the end.

11. Appeal to all those who pursue their goals through arms to give a chance to enter into a process for the creation of at least two major citizens- based parties and join the conversation in order to bring out the broad programmes, values and visions that they share in common with others.

12. Appeal to all the supporters to realise the value of supporting the development of at least two main functioning political parties that compete and consult to create a predicable future for all Ethiopians and end the political uncertainties of millennia with a new commitment by investing to get it right un forced by any outside forces entirely through internal debates and conversations.

9. Concluding Remarks

When the power of justice and ethics overcomes the love of power and money, Africa will end its humiliation by not installing governments that are costly and officials that act like stationary bandits no different from roving bandits in search of power and loot and who see ruling as an entitlement to fill their pockets with robbing rather than seeing governing as public service. Government is not business. Governing is not to make profit. People who wish to govern must not run for office to make profit, but to serve the public. If they wish to make money, they should go for business. Society must make governing nothing else than what it should be to serve, people, nation and country. Society must oppose turning governing into a means to accumulate wealth and profit to oneself, ones family, ones friends, ones ethnic group by soliciting backing from external actors rather than build support from the people and citizens.

The time is ripe to enter into a national conversation where the main purpose is to create a sustainable future by creating a political system that is citizen- centred for the citizen by the citizen for the production of freedom for development and conversely development for freedom and wellbeing that is inclusive and centred in improving the livelihood of the people. Let the conversation be conducted in the spirit of coordination to bring about sustained cooperative action to shape a future that works for the people by learning to build social capital.

 

“Physical capital is wholly tangible… human capital is less tangible, being embodied in the skill, knowledge acquired by an individual, social capital is even less tangible for it is embodied in the relations among people.” (J.Cohen, Foundations of Social Theory, Belknap Press, Cambridge, USA, 1990. p.304)

 

MammoMuchie,Chair NES
Professor,Director of Development, Innovation and International Political Economy Research (DIIPER)
AalborgUniversity
Fibigertraede2
9220-AalborgEast
Aalborg,Denmark:Tel.no.00-4596359813
fax.no.0045-981532

http://www.ihis.aau.dk/development/http://www.ihis.aau.dk/ccis/

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CALLL ME BY MY NAME: A commentary on EPRP’s split, XXI

Wolde Tewolde, alias Obo Arada Shawl

 

December 23, 2007

 

Encounter

On Friday morning, a day of freedom, I came across of an old friend by the name of Kebede Essatu, a poet and a revolutionary of a kind. I always tease him whenever I see him. He had sacrificed his education for the sake of EPRP and thereby for the sake of the Ethiopian Eway Revolution. This time he somewhat teased me about the split of EPRP leadership? According to rumors he said that EPRP leaders have split and have shared the Party’s asset. Or, he further asked me if there is a process of reconciliation as he came to read it on websites.

 

Although I do not know much of the reconciliation process, I know that there is no dividend to be shared out to anybody. However, we continued the discussion about EPRP’s leadership row. I told Kebede to look for the truth. “What is the truth?” he said in his usual emotional mood. I continued to explain in the following manner:

 

“We all should ask,” I said to Kebede, “Who holds the truth?” Did the truth about EPRP leadership in America gone with Belayneh alias known as Mersha or is it still with Assefa aka Fassika? How do you know where the truth is? Kebede asked me again? There is no truth, he seemed to utter in his inner own voice. Off hand, I told him what I have heard from the participants in the Conference as the truth. And our discussion went on for a while. Ato Kebede and I can only talk about EPRP’s leadership in America. The leadership we know about EPRP is around these two individuals in relations to the areas known as North America and Canada. That is all.

 

 I reminded Ato Kebede that every time, there comes a fundamental change in a nation or a country or a system of government, there is bound to be a shift and a hope for finding one’s niche. We have seen this during the collapse of the ancien regime of Haile Sellassie I, where a lot of people had shifted with the wind even by betraying the Monarchy – whose legitimacy comes from EGZIABHER

 

When the DERG whose legitimacy emanated from the military power came to end; there was a shift for which Kebede himself was a witness. By the way I have encouraged Ato Kebede to go to Addis Addis when he told me that he had three goals in mind.

• To demand the release of Debteraw and his comrades
• To open a branch office for EPRP and
• To participate in the drafting of the Constitution of Ethiopia.

 

Now, it is the same thing, there seems or there is a perception that the TPLF is going to collapse any time soon and therefore, there is a glimpse of hope within some groups that it is time for them to be on the bandwagon.

 

Kebede asked me what I think about the split in EPRP’s leadership as many have asked me before, and here is what I think.

 

This was not narrated to him as he was with some body and that we did not want to bother the other person with our somewhat private but serious discussion.

 

HISTORY

31 years ago, on September 11, 1976, the military government known as the DERG officially declared EPRP as the public enemy number one. The DERG by declaring this proclamation proceeded to wipe out EPRP. A peaceful dissent by EPRP was met by savage torture and murder of its members and supporters.

 

After 17 years, the DERG was the one that was wiped out and not EPRP.

 

According to the reports made by Belayneh, Woyane, Shaebia and the Sudanese government launched a war against EPRA and presented themselves as true Ethiopian democrats. Simultaneously, EPRP was excluded from the London Conference that was meant to hand over power to the insurgents, on the pretext that they do not have a Fighting Army like that of OLF, TPLF and Shaebia.

 

After seven years, all of the peace loving and democrats of Woyane and Shaebia exposed themselves in bloody battles resulting in an endless war of nerves and wasted resources. Above all, the TPLF and the EPLF fighters is becoming dustbin of history. Only their leaders are reported to live comfortably and luxuriously.

 

After 16 years, TPLF and Shaebia are still remained unpopular governments. But the EPRP collective leadership is still remained intact with both integrity and loyalty to the Eway Revolution.

 

Why is this anomaly has occurred? Is it the leadership style that mattered? Or is it the democratic style that is at work?

 

In other words, Shaebia imprisoned 15 of their leadership comrades, Woyane dismissed five of their leadership comrades, and Kinjit fired 5 of their leadership. Ask your self whether EPRP leaders have fired their fellow leaders. Absolutely not. Only member’s votes can put them down. Where is the democracy in action? I leave this for the readers to answer.

 

It is now a truism that is what is most important is not a country’s first election, but its second and subsequent elections. And what matters is not simply that people have the right to vote, but they are offered a real Choice, under conditions that are truly free and fair. EPRP believes that this phenomenon is not happening in Ethiopia today.

 

Elections are one part of a democratic symphony. This should have been a reminder for Kinjit leaders and members. A full orchestra is required, including markets that reward initiative; legal structure that prevail justice, police that respect due process; and a press corpse that is free to pursue the facts and publish the truth. EPRP has learnt this not only from history books but also from bitter experience in Ethiopia.

 

 

Split Over Democracy or DEMOCRACIA?

Let me go back and speak with Kebede.  Leadership and Relationship with EPRP was never about property or financial gain. It is about understanding and working together.

 

Two individual of EPRP collective leadership members became dictators. Assefa and Hama Tuma were labeled as dictators of EPRP. Are they really? Assefa’s dictatorship is very well known in North America. Kebede knows it and Berhanu Shalleka knows it because both claims that Assefa has never oppose them let alone to dictate them.

 

What about Hama Tuma? Hama Tuma is a satirist. He cuts through the baloney and gets to the truth. Wit has its place in Ethiopian politics, and people always like to laugh where Mr. Hama Tuma offers them in his writings. But funny can be a distraction from the serious stuff that Hama conveys to Ethiopians. Hama Tuma writes about Ethiopian elites, the African leaders, Texan Ethiopians etc. Ethiopian culture, opposition to the war in Somalia involvement and the way Eritrea is separated from Ethiopia and so on and so forth. Mr. Tuma has always been funny in his writings for a lifetime of making people laughs and critically think. Ato Tuma tries to sound deadly earnest even, in truth, a little ponderous at times as he seeks to be a real democrat. What comrade Hama now needs is gravitas. True democracy is never achieved- it is always a pursuit

 

If EPRP that love liberty is weary, then those who love power will always sweep all of us away. That is indeed the fear of Hama Tuma and it is a legitimate fear. In other words, DEMOCRACIA is an Ethiopian version of democracy.

 

As to the question of Ato Mersha, we have gone through this before. When Kiflu Tadesse wrote a history of EPRP, we have agreed to respect each other and do the right thing until Ethiopia offers an opportunity for EPRP to be a candidate as a political party. When that time comes, Ato Mersha can campaign that he has never stopped the entire journey of EPRP’s long struggle and that he has been wounded in the battle whereas Ato Kifle can claim by saying that he had written a partial history of EPRP but stopped somewhere in between. I thought we have agreed on this. Ato Kiflu has parked so to speak while Ato Mersha was actively involved in bringing back the former EPRP members back. At the beginning Ato Mersha’s attempt was noble but somewhere I lost him when he was deeply involved in bringing old leaders and intellectuals back to struggle. His task was not about recruiting, it was rather about convincing individuals with new ideas or telling the future plans of EPRP. It is true that ideas can bring people but people cannot bring ideas. I am not opposing that he should not bring back old comrades to the struggle but they should be convinced first why they come back. After all EPRP is for everyone and everybody. But what every one should accept is that there is one and only one EPRP Organizational Tree and a center. In terms of space and time, there is AAssimba, there is TSelmti and Mercato, i.e. ATM.

 

In order to walk away from EPRP’s path of struggle, one has to evaluate what the stated programs of EPRP were. For your evaluation, they are written down in the following.

 

EPRP’s declared programs

 

1. Replacement of the military by provisional popular government
2. Recognition of basic democratic rights
3. Political prisoners should released
4. Eritrean question must be resolved peacefully and democratically
5. Peasants must be armed
6. Economic demands must be fulfilled and
7. Ethiopia must be free from foreign domination

 

How many of these demands are met today? I leave the answer to the readers of this article.

 

 

CONFUSED OR CONFUSING?

SECURITY, PROPSPERITY AND VALUE for all Ethiopians is at stake. Debteraw’s

CULTURE AND FAITH is calling us for an action. Let us free him to free Ethiopia.

 

Here is how things should work with EPRP collective leadership

 

EPRP has three layers of leadership.

• Organizational leadership,
• Ideological leadership and
• Political leadership

They all work as a team and are known as collective leadership.

 

Organizational

A= V-V-V, i.e. voluntarism-vote-victory

The question of priority is very important not only for EPRP but for the whole civilized world. EPRP appeals to voluntarism by educating, persuading or agitating. No threat or cheat. In other words, the Machiavellian type of attaining power by any means necessary is not its forte. YETM FISCHEW DQUATUN AMCHW roughly means the end justifies the means. Instead EPRP teaches, “the means justifies the ends.” Once this is accomplished, then volunteers will be organized to participate or in this case VOTE. After a vote, then they considered their mission as VICTORY. But other organizations and parties do vice versa. Most of them, they prefer, victory first. Judge for yourself, which is better. EPRP members or associates whether former or current do not regret of being associated with EPRP for precisely because they were volunteers before victory. I do not want to blame all our intellectuals for not deciphering the Latin letter of “A”. Our Geez letter of “LE” is reversed.

 

Ideological

B = 13

Decipher the letter B,

Spin the letter E

Put them together and

Be whatever you want to BE

 

There are three categories of people, those who search for BENEFT = B

Those who search for BLOOD = B and

Those who search for BELIEF = PRINCIPLE

 

I hope when we talk about EPRP leadership, we are referring to PRINIPLE and not to blood is thicker than water or is there a benefit for me. If we are going to judge about EPRP’s leadership, it is always about the belief and value for Ethiopians. Those who look for better financial benefit or for their kin’s and kiths, EPRP is not for them. EPRP has been and still is a haven for Integrity, Love and Trust.

 

 

Political

C = Culture

Like any culture, the Ethiopian culture is very complex. Although many educated individuals attempted to challenge and change the Ethiopian culture, EPRP did not even try to change let alone to challenge the culture. By the way culture in the Ethiopian context culture is “ a state of mind” while in the Eritrean context it is about telling yourself about yourself. What a contrast!!!

 

 

Conclusion

Only a popular and democratic government could give Ethiopians and Eritreans a chance to unite and survive. That had been the goal of the popular movement, which was betrayed by the intervention of the military. The soldiers did not relinquish power as they have initially promised (See “Confession” in Amharic by Tesfaye Lemma.)

 

Woyane did not hand over power to the elected Kinjit groups. And there is no guarantee that from now on, that EPRDF will hand over power if they loose in the coming elections.

 

Power of the people comes only when and only when the seven points of programs as proposed by EPRP comes to fruition. Although these were written and demanded a long time ago, they are still valid, after all DEMOCRACIA – the organ of EPRP warned all of us by writing the following:  “ALEBABSEW BIYARSU BE’AREM YIMELESU.”

 

 

For comments and criticism

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