Welcome to the whipped nation- FDRE.

By Yilma Bekele

Animal trainers use a whip with a stiff handle to show who the boss is. A whip is used to gain control and achieve compliance using pain. During slavery in the US whipping was a powerful weapon used by the white master.  Whipping to humiliate was the hallmark of the Apartheid regime in South Africa. Whipping is an old fashioned tool and really not that effective. Today psychological form of mental whipping is what is practiced by totalitarian regimes.

This cruel art was perfected by the old Soviet Union and taken to new heights by regimes such as East Germany. The Woyane regime in Ethiopia and the dictatorship in North Korean are the new practitioners of this inhuman method of turning a whole nation into one big concentration camp. How do they do that?

The North Koreans use communism in tandem with a home grown philosophy called Juche to reengineer the human brain. Individualism is substituted by collectivism, self- reliance and independence is not tolerated thus vertical collectivism meaning hierarchical form of structure is deemed to be the norm. With the old Soviet and China using it as a buffer for their own interest N. Korea has managed to survive for over fifty years as a pitiful example of man’s inhumanity to man. The demise of the Soviet Union and the slow pace of China’s crawl towards freedom is what is unnerving the N. Korean dictatorship.

The Ethiopian situation is a little different. Our old tradition steeled in isolation is a fertile ground for any and all usurpers’ that want to use our good nature for ulterior means. The fall of the benevolent Imperial regime opened the flood gates to all sorts of undesirable and unhinged individuals to come to power. The Mengistu regime was a perfect example of an experiment gone wrong. The little Colonel was obviously out of his depth as a leader of a nation when he was not even experienced or competent enough to lead a unit. His motto was kill’em all before they kill you and it worked.

Meles Zenawi and his rag tag TPLF army was served our country on a silver platter and inherited a demoralized and confused nation on the verge of total melt down. The coward Mengistu’s only interest was to save his criminal behind and left our country in the middle of the night with the door wide open. That is what we have been dealing with the last twenty years or so, another experiment gone totally wrong.

Meles Zenawi was a street smart, definitely a mentally deranged individual with enough intelligence to hide his antisocial behavior. Here is a definition of psychopathic type in Cleckley’s book the ‘Mask of sanity’

‘Primary symptoms of the antisocial personality are amorality (lack of ethical standards and consistent moral judgment) and impulsiveness. They typically have a hunger for stimulation and a lack of responsiveness to social controls. The sociopath will commit the same crimes or antisocial behavior repeatedly, even if caught and punished. When caught red-handed, a sociopath makes charming apologies and talks of how life will be different from now on. But he or she is likely to slide back into the same bad patterns. There is little effort to conceal wrongdoing; if caught, the sociopath freely confesses and tries to make everything all right with personal charm. But a sociopath has no real regrets over hurting people or breaking rules; the apologies come almost too readily because they are totally insincere, a means of minimizing the consequences of being caught rather than expressing true regrets.’

What do you think? Doesn’t this personality trait describe our recently departed bully? This was the person that was left in charge upon the other sociopath’s departure. This is what our poor nation has been dealing with the last forty years. The next question is what is it about us that attracts such abusers and mentally disturbed individuals to positions of power and authority? To answer that question we have to look at our rankings in such fields as education, health, technology and general quality of life of our homeland. How we interact with each other, how we interact with our leaders and how we view life in general is based on how much knowledge and sophistication we have achieved in our everyday life. It is not based on wish but on existing reality that is definable, measurable and real. Here is a general description of where we stand as a nation and people on important qualities that makes us who we are.

Item

Percent

Comparison to   world

Urbanization

17%

Life expectancy

56 yrs.

196

Drinking water source unimproved

56%

Sanitation unimproved

79%

Children under 5 under weight

29%

Literacy (can read and write)

42.7%

Unemployment 15-24 age

24.9%

33

Education expense

4.7% GDP

89

Health expenditure

4.9% GDP

143

Population below poverty line

29.2%

Debt external

9.6 Billion US

94

 

What this chart shows us is that we are mostly rural, we have a very low life expectancy, we don’t have clean water to drink, we lack basic sanitation facility, our children are semi starved a condition that will affect them thru their adult life, more than half of our population is illiterate, we spend minuscule amount on education and health care and we owe our creditors more money that our grandchildren are left with to pay. We are a failed state. When we discuss changing our country, when we talk about bringing freedom and democracy to our ancient land, when we contemplate what we should do tomorrow it is always good to know what exactly we have on the table so we can make smart and real plans based on reality.

Thus when we despair about what the TPLF mafia is doing to our people and country it is always good to understand why they are succeeding with such bizarre acts and behavior when we look at it from afar. What is it that we in the Diaspora have that the Ethiopian people lack? It is true the diaspora in general is a little bit educated than those at home, we are a more exposed to newer ways of doing things and most of us have managed to conquer fear. All true but the most important factor in this equation is that we have more information to work with that our brethren at home. Information is power. Information gives the individual choice. Information opens the eye and creates that eureka moment we all dream about.

The power of TPLF comes from denying information to our people. That is why they work over time; spend millions of Bir to deny information from reaching our people. That is why in most library’s’ what is written prominently in bold is ‘ýe shall know the truth and the truth can make ye free.’ The truth is what our government is most afraid of. That is why my tile says whipped nation. They keep our people in the dark and whip them psychologically with falsehood, make believe stories and fairy tales that no one can contest. I will give you some examples from news that took place the last few days all beyond logic but told on Eth TV and media as rational and true.

1)   I will start with the dead PM’s wife Azeb Gola Mesfin’s declaration that her husband used to make US $240 a month on government payroll. It is said ‘nothing else shows lack of conscience better than bold face lying.’ I guess the lady learnt from the best. We know that Ato Meles never worked for wages before he became PM, never have a bank account, never even paid rent, never paid bills of any kind and according to her didn’t even know how to drive a car. On the other hand the same Meles used to wear suit that cost close to ten thousand dollars- now how did that happen? There is no such thing as national medical insurance but Ato Meles used to travel to Brussels for regular checkup and died there after a lengthy and expensive treatment in a private room-do tell us how that was paid? Did we pay for that? Is that part of his employment package? How much did it cost the Ethiopian tax payer?

Furthermore a Spanish newspaper a while back reported that Weizero Azeb spent 1.2 Million Euros shopping for cloth. Is that money she earned all by herself or was it their combined money as husband and wife? You know why this is not known to our people? It is because there is no independent media to report is the reason. No one to call out her bold lie.

2)   It was declared by the current guy who claims to be the PM that the regime has established Meles Zenawi Foundation (MZF) According to Walta ‘The Foundation would serve as a living center of ideas and programs to further advance the works and legacy of the great leader Meles Zenawi.’ Only in Ethiopia could such farce take place. I am sure you have heard of the Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation or the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. What makes the MZF different from the above? Those Foundations were established by the individuals so they could share their good fortune with the rest of humanity instead of just willing it to their family. They wanted to share the success they earned by their hard work and use their wealth to good use.

On the other hand the MZF puts that concept on its head. The MZF is established in a ‘proclamation passed by the House of Peoples Representatives’ thus making the tax payer funder of the tyrant’s legacy. To add insult to injury the dictator’s family is in charge of the foundation with his wife and relatives assigned the majority of the board seats. Dictator Meles has all of Ethiopian public media at his beck and call since he assumed power to share his half-baked ideas and infantile musings and now we gona get more of that even from afterlife. Alive he was always quick to dismiss our green, yellow and red symbol therefore it is odd to see his foundation symbol wrapped with our colors minus his silly star in the middle. That is why I said whipped nation. No one to call out their dishonest plans played on our people.

3)   The ethnic cleansing against the Amhara people shows no sign of slowing down. It was only last year that with the blessing of the late dictator his agents such as Shiferaw Shigute felt free to drive our people from their homes to faraway places. We protested a little but forgot about it within a short time. It is déjà vu time again. This time the TPLF appointed folks of BeneShangul region felt no shame when they decided to deport the Amhars from their homes. As usual this bizarre behavior of displacing people within their own country has become an Ethiopian past time. Of course some of us show indignation but unfortunately refuse to connect the dots that connect such behavior with our practice. Let me ask you when you buy your beautiful condominium how do you think Azeb Kuma, Arkebe and other TPLF folks acquired the property? Where do you think the peasants of Sebeta and Akai went after being uprooted from their family land and home? The acts of Gura fereda and bena Sahngul is just the same immoral and ugly deed but in a bigger scale.

All are clear signs of a regime gone rogue. How exactly are we responding to this blatant abuse of power and unimaginable atrocity against our people? What new ways have we devised to overcome this debilitating sickness that is slowly but surely killing our country? What exactly have we prescribed to ourselves so we can overcome this disease that is destroying our country, people and the Ethiopia we know?

I am afraid we excel at talking, condemning and always waiting for the next abuse so we could do more of our talking and condemning in a new spirit. Nothing more, nothing less is what I have witnessed if asked to testify. Why do you think that is so? In my humble opinion what we lack is a leader to inspire us, to take us to new heights and gather our people to believe. I am afraid that is not something one can buy from a supermarket order on Amazon.com. What we lack is an organization that will respond in kind to the actions and deeds of the TPLF mafia in power. In our country Sir Isaac Newton’s third law of motion that states ‘for every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction’ doesn’t seem to work. Woyane kills we play dead. Woyane abuses we cry like a baby. Woyane ‘ethnic cleanse’ we talk about it and move on. Where is the equal and opposite reaction?

Fortunate for us I am happy to point out we have one area of responding in kind covered. Of course I am talking about ESAT. It is the first and glorious response we have devised to level the playing field. ESAT is an empowerment tool we have at our disposal. ESAT is the expression of our collective will born from amongst us, nurtured by us and serving the ordinary Ethiopian in a new kind of way. ESAT is fair, ESAT is balanced and ESAT don’t need to lie, tell tall stories and ESAT self corrects when wrong. ESAT is the proto type of the new Ethiopia we are capable of building when given the chance. It is the duty of all patriotic Ethiopians to support ESAT, to protect ESAT, to promote ESAT and safeguard ESAT from all and any naysayers that try to nick pick and slander our baby.

I also propose we start a new equal and opposite reaction’ to the current idiotic idea of white washing the legacy of the Woyane warlord. We have to nip this farce in the bud. They have established the Meles Zenawi Foundation and it is fitting we establish The Meles Zenawi Criminal Enterprise Data Base. I call all Ethiopians educated in the field of Library science, data base compilation, achieving, and media to help us preserve the twenty years of atrocity by the architect and his TPLF comrades. We have enough material to fill the library of Congress. We don’t even need a government proclamation nor a handout from dictators. Let us get to work!

So what did you think when you saw the title of my article. I am sure you most of us know what being whipped means but where the hell is FDRE? That is the official name of your country. Not only did TPLF folks come up with a new flag and the Kilil system which they copied from good old Mussolini but they changed our name too. I bet most of us don’t even know our national anthem, do you?

http://www.intropsych.com/ch12_abnormal/antisocial_personality.html

http://www.abc.es/20110120/internacional/abci-primeras-damas-derrochan-201101201613.html

http://www.waltainfo.com/index.php?id=7876:meles-zenawi-foundation-established-today-&option=com_content&catid=71:editors-pick&Itemid=396

 

 

 

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THE ELECTIONS

Jonas tameru

As we all know the upcoming kebele & city elections are scheduled to be carried out in the coming month. This election is being carried out with the intention of giving the public a chance to elect its leaders at the lower level of administration. It is known that in Ethiopia most of the government policies and directives are implemented by these lower levels of administration like the sub city and the kebele offices. This kebele and sub city offices are a very important and critical part of the government’s administration because it is through these offices that the public gets service from the government. It is up to these lower level administrative offices to either serve the public honestly or corruptly and the whole structure of the ruling government is reflected by these offices. So in this sense the public judges and weighs its government based mostly on the quality of service it receives from these offices.

For the reasons aforementioned, the upcoming elections are very important in determining the services that will be delivered to the public for the coming 5 years. It will also play an important role in determining the public’s satisfaction with the current government or if it is fed up with it and wants a new government which will be determined by the national elections that will be held in 2015. So in general the upcoming elections have a high stake for both the ruling party and its oppositions.

Although the current elections have not been given much attention by the public due to little coverage by the media, both the ruling party and opposition parties are taking various steps of campaigning for their respective sides. But as usual the ruling party EPRDF is displaying its coward ways by oppressing the opposition through various methods.

For example on Saturday 16 March 2013, opposition parties called for a rally on the 6kilo street at the Yekatit 12 round about. This rally was not a violent one but rather intended to boost the support for the opposition and to raise the public awareness about the elections. But the government decided to send the federal police officers to disperse the crowd with the false reason of the rally being illegal. And the federal police, instead of conversing with the rally organizers to sort out the miss understanding, decided to resort to force full ways to chase the crowd violently. This is a clear display of how vulnerable the government really is and the evil ways it follows to ensure its control of power.

Even though the government claims that Ethiopia holds free and democratic elections, that is not the case in reality. Rather a clear offence of the democratic process of elections. I long for the day when Ethiopia will have truly free and democratic elections where oppositions will not be oppressed of its right to campaign freely without the influence of the ruling party and its iron fist.

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A Critical Appraisal of the Diaspora Organized Groups Opposed to the Regime in Ethiopia

Walle Engedayehu, Ph.D.

An Overview
The collective staying-power of the opposition within the Ethiopian Diaspora community against the regime in Addis Ababa still remains in a state of paralysis after more than two decades of cry-out for a unity of purpose, goals, and objectives. The opposition has not been able, as yet, to help stamp out both authoritarianism and a minority ethnic oligarchy, which are both well-entrenched in Ethiopia. As its primary objective, this commentary strives to address some of the salient issues that affect unity amongst Ethiopians in the Diaspora. More importantly, it deciphers the adverse consequences of such issues on efforts to usher in a positive political transformation of our country, while offering some possible remedies central to forging a united front among the variety of groups that make up the opposition. Nonetheless, the essay does not purport to be a research-based study on the hard-to-pin-down unity of the Diaspora opposition, but is an opinion that is based on both personal reflections and a keen awareness of the issues with which the writer has been familiar over the years, as a long-time observer of Ethiopian Diaspora-based political activities.
The Nature of the Problem and Purpose of the Commentary
The writer posits that the ceaseless divide, which ostensibly characterizes the Ethiopian Diaspora community in general and the opposition particularly, has unquestionably offered a golden opportunity for the regime in Addis Ababa to continue the ethnic-based authoritarian rule that it has imposed on our country— practically unchallenged. Furthermore, in the opinion of this writer, there has not been a serious challenge exerted against the regime at a level necessary to force the rulers— even at a minimum—to come to a bargaining table for a possible compromise with the opposition on any possible power-sharing modalities. This has stemmed from the undeniable fact that the opposition, both inside and outside of the country, is divided and thus has failed to marshal its collective resources to confront the regime on the many fronts that would be necessary to weaken its grip of power and strangulate its narrow support-base throughout the country. However, the scope of this essay is limited to and exclusively on the Diaspora opposition, although the domestic foes of the regime are also central to any broader examination of the issues.
Indeed, more than two decades have elapsed since the opposition throughout the Diaspora started a campaign of struggle against the Ethiopian regime through peaceful means, mainly aimed at forcing the ethnic minority regime to negotiate with its political opponents on ways to bring about not only a lasting political reconciliation in Ethiopia, but also a national unity government that will lead the country on a genuine path of democracy, transparency and the rule of law. However, all efforts to that end have fallen on deaf ear, as the Tigrean People Liberation Front (TPLF)-dominated government in Ethiopia appears to see the opposition simply as an inconsequential political adversary not worthy of any recognition. Why has the opposition failed regretfully to impel the regime to change its behavior of intransigence for more than 22 years? Retrospectively speaking, why have protests, demonstrations, and condemnations of regime policies throughout the years failed to budge the minority rulers from the North, making them amenable to a negotiated political settlement of power-sharing? Why has our plea for help become so pointless that Western governments have dismissed us as seemingly irrelevant? What have been the glaring consequences of failure of the opposition to wage an effective, united struggle against the regime in power? What lessons have been learned so far from this failure? Are there any changes of tactic that the opposition should explore in order to find a lasting solution to a minority ethnic oligarchy that is well entrenched on the home front? What should we, as concerned and despondent citizens of Ethiopian descent, do to put an end to all the crises beleaguering the Horn of Africa country and shorten the life of a regime hell-bent on pursuing a totalitarian control of all aspects of life in Ethiopia? This essay navigates through these and other related issues here forth.
The Character of the Divided Opposition
First and foremost, the truth has to be told that the Ethiopian Diaspora opponents of the dictatorial regime in Addis Ababa still remains divided; we may not like to admit it, but this is the reality. The varieties of groups that make up the opposition are so many that listing them here would be an unrewarding exercise; they simply don’t speak with one voice, nor do they challenge the regime in unison. The division can encompass the tracts of politics, religion, ethnicity, and even generational gap. On the top of this, there is the silent majority of Ethiopians in the Diaspora that neither is interested in learning about the multitude of the crises afflicting Ethiopia nor cares about supporting any efforts to overcome them. In other words, this majority is totally indifferent to or completely detached from any activities that advance the Ethiopian national agenda. In this connection, members of this majority have become “apolitical,” a term often used to define people who have no interest or involvement in political affairs, or simply show an aversion to politics in their actions. Whether we like or not, however, there is nothing in life that is outside the realm of political discourse.
Of course, at a time of national crisis, such as the one in which we find ourselves today, the tendency to minimize and ignore our differences, problems and even brazen apathy, as if they did not exist, can be understandably tempting. Since unity is the desired outcome of our collective wish, highlighting our divide at the expense of our unity and harmony may appear unpatriotic to some, and even offensive to others. But one cannot seek cure for an illness without diagnosing first the causes of the ailment.
Differences on Political Grounds
The exact number of Ethiopian politically-organized groups active throughout the Diaspora is very difficult to pin down. Throughout the decades, such groups have come and gone in large numbers. While some have survived continuously, others have split and formed new ones. The Ethiopian Medhin Democratic Party, for example, is among those that have survived, although considerably weakened from its once mighty presence in North America under the leadership of Colonel Goshu Wolde in the early 1990s. “The Ethiopian Medhin Democratic Party, founded discreetly in Washington D.C. in March 1992 by Goshu Wolde, the former Ethiopian foreign minister under the ousted Colonel Mengistu and who fled to the US in 1986, is currently making headway in the race to profit from the movement in support of national unity, currently a strong political argument in Ethiopia,” acknowledged The Indian Ocean Newsletter, No. 539, at that time. Others such as the EPRP, which is the longest surviving organization of any Ethiopian organized groups, have split into factions and still pursue their cherished goals of freeing Ethiopia from the yoke of TPLF dictatorship.
In the same vein, coalitions of organized groups have been formed over the years, but among those that came to the fore, none has survived. Just to name one, the Coalition of Ethiopian Democratic Forces (COEDF) was a political coalition formed in 1991 by former arch-rivals MEISON and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party during the final phase of the Derg regime. That coalition is hardly mentioned today, as other coalitions have either absorbed it since then, or it simply has withered away. More recently, efforts to bring exclusively ethnic-based groups into the fold and create multi-ethnic coalitions for a better and stronger organized opposition have been made. One such coalition is the Alliance for Liberty, Equality, and Justice in Ethiopia (ALEJE), which was established in 2010 comprising of Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy; Afar People’s Party (APP); and Ethiopian Unity and Justice Movement (EUJM). This obviously has been a positive development, and yet it remains to be seen to what extent the coalition will carry on and become a model of unity in the years to come. Another recent attempt to bring both political and civic organizations under one umbrella came to fruition in July 2012, with the formation of Ethiopian National Transition Council (ENTC). Yet another recent comer to the scene is the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE), a non-political and non-violent social justice movement established in 2008. A portion of the mission of SMNE states that “We work to mobilize Ethiopians in the Diaspora and within Ethiopia to unite in a coalition across ethnic, regional, political, cultural and religious lines around principles of truth, justice, freedom, civility, equality and the protection of human rights.” It is a non-profit organization that seeks to unite the many Ethiopian ethnic groups based on two guiding principles— “Humanity before Ethnicity, and No One is Free until all are Free.” Still, there are several other politically-organized groups that operate separately, pursuing their specific targeted goals and objectives. Dozens of civic organizations claiming a non-political stand have also mushroomed over the years, although, by and large, the burgeoning of organized Ethiopian Diaspora opposition seems to have ebbed in more recent times after years of uncontrolled increase immediately following TPLF’s exclusive grab of governmental power in the early 1990s.
In essence, all the Diaspora organized groups, big or small, civic or political, have the same and shared interest— the disposing of both dictatorship and single minority hegemony in Ethiopia. While they continue to function as separate entities, they fight the regime as their common foe silently, as is mostly the case with the civic organizations, and through the war of words, as it is true with the politically-vocal groups. Yet no one knows for sure why all these organizations cannot come together under the aegis of a united front and function as such. At least with the politically-oriented ones, neither their political objectives nor their ideological orientation necessitates the pursuit of a separated existence, or of functioning in isolation. Rhetorically speaking, they are not in tune with ideals that advance unity over separation. The ideal of unity can, for example, be best sloganeered in this quotation: “The multitude, which is not brought to act as a unity, is confusion. The unity, which has not its origin in the multitude, is tyranny.” A slogan that offers even a better characterization of our need for unity is this: “Where there is unity, there is always victory.” Yet we have failed to become victorious to this point perhaps because we have been deprived of unity, although no one yet knows for sure whether the deprivation is by design or the result of own complacency.
Differences due to Ethnic Affinities
To the dismay of those of us who uphold dearly a nationalist view, the ethnic entrapment designed for Ethiopia by the regime in power has worked to some extent even within the Diaspora community, thereby amplifying our division and weakening our resolve to advance our shared beliefs for the collective good. While many have been above the fray of the ethnic artificial lines, drawn by the TPLF as a strategy to “divide and conquer” us and thus rule Ethiopia in perpetuity, there are unfortunately many who have been infected with the ethnic bug and thus see all the issues only in ethnic terms. However, there is nothing more damaging for a county and for the advancement of the national interest than having a people divided on the basis of ethnic affiliations. The TPLF designed the ethnic reconfiguration of Ethiopia with this in mind, and many have become easy prey to its plot. Therefore, within the larger Ethiopian diaspora community, separateness by ethnic identity has become a common trend today among some groups and individuals, as they fail to see beyond the confines of ethnic exclusiveness and embrace rather the larger national identity of Ethiopiawinet; that is, acknowledging our shared destiny and compassion, and celebrating our unity in diversity. While most of the organized political groups within the Diaspora take the spirit of Ethiopiawinet as the guiding vehicle for their groups’ missions and goals, there are unfortunately others organized under the ethnic regimentation, pursuing parochial ideals and narrowly-defined goals to the detriment of our collective unity and solidarity.
Ethnic exclusiveness, whether imagined or practiced, is a symptom of social malaise that has no rational justification for existence especially in a country such as Ethiopia where the dividing line is so blurred that it raises more questions than answers to make it a governmental instrument of hegemony, as is the case with the Woyane regime in Ethiopia. The negative facets of ethnic exclusivity often manifest among members of the Diaspora who cling to grievances that had historical roots, to which the current generation is understandably, if not justifiably, oblivious. Discussion about ethnic domination of one group by another throughout the country’s history is a subject that cannot be handled in a commentary as limited in scope as this one is. It is not only a subject that requires a depth analysis, but also an area that is certainly beyond the purview of the author’s expertise. However, one fact must be unequivocally clear— Ethiopia’s ethnic-related issues can be, in most instances, the creation of ruling elites that vie for political power to advance their own personal gains. Using the ethnic factor, political elites have engineered ways to raise the level of interethnic feuds, while fueling tension and animosity that had never existed in the past at a level they are real today. This has been the paramount obsession of the TPLF ruling elites since their ascension to power.
Thanks to the ethnic-based federalism created by the regime, interethnic conflicts in Ethiopia have escalated to the extent that members of one ethnic group have been victims of extermination by members of another, often based on ancestral origin and/or linguistic distinctions. Cases in point are the mass expulsion of 78, 000 Amharas from Benji Maji in Southern Nations Regional State last year and the most recent displacement of 5, 000 members of the same ethnic group from Benishanguel-Gumuz in the western part of the country. The regime’s ethnic policy is all to blame for these and many other similar interethnic conflicts, and even violent incidents at times, that have occurred during the last two decades.
Ethnic consciousness has been rearing its ugly head here in the Diaspora, as well. Although few in number, some restaurants, churches and political organizations, community centers across the United States may have exclusive ethnic memberships, catering only to those they identify with, ethnically and linguistically. In most cases, unfortunately, such groups and individuals are very unlikely to identify with causes that give preeminence to the Ethiopian national interest, as defined by the majority, or with the shared and broader ideals of Ethiopiawinet. This reality not only must be acknowledged but also brought to the front burner of the debate on issues affecting our unity within the larger Diaspora community.
Differences on Account of Religious Issues
The religious facet of our predicament in the Diaspora is even far greater in scope than any other, complicating matters in our midst, as we continue to be both critics of the regime and advocates of nationalist causes. Two major religions have shaped our history throughout the centuries: Christianity and Islam. For the most part, these two great religions have co-existed side by side, maintaining both cooperative spirits and a remarkable respect for each other, and almost with no known organized conflicts that we know of, to this day. Of course, the ethnic overemphasis under TPLF’s re-configured Ethiopia has crossed over some times during the last two decades to the religious arena, especially in the southern parts of Ethiopia, causing interethnic collisions between members of the two religions; yet, the two religious communities have over the years avoided any form of organized conflicts against each other, as has been the case in some parts of Africa, for example Nigeria, or the Middle East, where Christians are the minority. In fact, what we have been witnessing lately within the larger Ethiopian Diaspora community is an unprecedented unity of the two religious communities, advancing nationalist causes and calling for religious and political freedoms within Ethiopia. In fact, there has been an unprecedented resurgence of inter-religious solidarity and fellowship lately that was never seen before, wherein the leaders of the two religious communities, standing side by side and working in unison, have publicly denounced the Ethiopian regime for its interference in religious affairs. By so doing, they have made it abundantly clear that the divide-and-conquer strategy employed by the regime, using religion as a wedge between the two communities, has failed miserably.
Unfortunately, however, we cannot say the same for the Orthodox Tewahedo community in the Diaspora. Of course, the divide within the Church came about when the TPLF took the reins of power in 1991 and orchestrated the removal of the incumbent Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC), replacing him with someone of their choice and thus violating the long-standing canon and practices of Oriental Orthodox Churches, of which the EOTC is the largest. The Church has been in a spiraling crisis since then. For reasons very clear to everyone, the religious divide within the Diaspora EOTCs has been a case of enormous discomfort for the ordinary followers of the faith. Consequently, many writers and religious scholars have devoted their attention to the issues affecting our Church for a long time, having analyzed them even to the extent of overkill. Innumerable website-based articles and airtime slots on Diaspora radio stations and satellite TV broadcasting have been devoted in more recent times to this very subject. On his part, this writer has made modest contributions to the discussion particularly during the most recent past by examining the root causes of the problem and even making some recommendations as part of the possible solutions.
So, the crisis within the EOTC is not one that can be just glazed over when we speak of issues of divide within the Diaspora opposition. A united Diaspora opposition against a dictatorship in Ethiopia under a minority ethnic oligarchy can only be possible when different segments of our community are in pursuit of a common purpose; feel a sense of collectivity in their faith; and uphold values that cater to the greater good of our national interest and of our people back home. As divided as members of the Orthodox Tewahedo community in North America and elsewhere are today, working toward the common good would be an illusion rather than a possibility at our grasp. The fact is we are divided shamefully because the regime in Ethiopia has made it possible for us. And many of us have simply lost our reasoning power to come to terms that we, as a community of believers, must take a stand and challenge the forces of division every step of the way. As this writer has tried to argue in other commentaries on this same subject, our division is a function of a leadership crisis at the Church back in Ethiopia. The EOTC under the current regime has become an arm of the government, and thus been riddled with political- and ethnic-related issues. In a country where single ethnic minority domination has become a fact of life, freedoms of thought, assembly, dissent, among other things, are not a luxury. In fact, the facts below tell vividly the extent of single ethnic minority hegemony in TPLF’s Ethiopia:
• 90% of the command posts in the Ethiopian army, the air force, and national security and military intelligence are held by a single ethnic group (Tigreans);
• Among the latest 37 promotions awarded to high ranking military personnel, 26 involved Tigreans;
• 20 of the richest Ethiopians, excepting Mohammed Al Almoudi, are Tigreans;
• 66 parasitic companies with millions of dollars in both cash and assets belong to the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), the largest business conglomerate that rivals Al Almoudi’s MIDROC (Mohamed International Development Research Organization Companies);
• Even within the EOTC, minority ethnic overrepresentation is clearly reflected in the composition of the Holy Synod in Ethiopia itself, as 16 of the 47 members of Synod are of Tigrean descent;
• The EOTC is clearly under the command of the regime in power. Expecting otherwise would be a denial of Ethiopian realities under the TPLF-dominated governance in that country today, as the latest election of the 6th Patriarch has undoubtedly revealed;
• All the so-called elections that have taken place in Ethiopia since the early 1990s have been rigged in favor the ruling party;
• Taking everything into account, there is no doubt that minority ethnic oligarchy has taken a fanatical hold in Ethiopia since the change of regime in 1991; and
• Let us not also forget that whoever controls the prizes of power also dictates the behavior and functions of those entities that the power holder thinks are essential for the perpetuation of societal domination.
In spite of these and other abysmal facts of ethnic minority dictatorship in Ethiopia, the Addis Ababa regime still claims that the country is on a democratic path of development and that freedom of religion is enshrined in the country’s constitution; however, the facts say otherwise. In a democratic system of governance, as practiced particularly in the West, freedom of religion is a civil liberty that is constitutionally guaranteed to citizens. For example, under the U.S. Constitution, two specific provisions of the First Amendment sanction freedom of religion. First they bar the government from establishing or supporting any one religious sect over another, and second, they ensure that individuals are not hindered in the exercise of their religion. So, government neutrality is a constitutional mandate in this regard. By contrast, in countries that follow a system of government known as theocracy (a Greek word for rule of God), state and religion are enmeshed and thus an official religion is enshrined in the law of the state. Countries such as Afghanistan, Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, Sudan and Yemen are governed by Sharia law and thus a theocracy. So, the reality around the world is that there are secular states that do not allow religion and/or religious considerations to exert any control or influence over the government, but there are also governments that rule by religious decrees.
Ethiopia, as we know it today, is a follower of neither theocracy nor democracy in practice. While the constitution imposed on our people by the TPLF-run regime stipulates that Ethiopia remain a secular state, what we have seen during the last two decades is the government actively intervening in the affairs of the two religions—Islam and the Orthodox faith. In fact, Ethiopia today is governed under perhaps the most authoritarian minority rule that the country has ever experienced in its history. The Church has not been spared from this absolute domination as the most recent facts surrounding the selection of the 6th Patriarch reveal. The latest efforts made by a Peace and Unity Mediation team of concerned clergymen and prominent members of the laity to bring the divided Holy Synod—the Home Synod and the Exiled one— into reconciliation ended up being foiled by the regime because the ruling minority clique did not wish to reinstate the exiled Patriarch whom they removed upon their ascension to power more than 22 years ago. Following are some specific examples of regime intrusion into the Ethiopian Orthodox Church to institutionalize ethnic supremacy:
• Removal of the Patriarch in 1991 and replacing him with the late Abune Paulos (a Tigrean), against the long-standing canon law of Oriental Orthodox Churches;
• Erection of a statue for the most controversial Patriarch (Abune Paulos) ever enthroned in the history of the Church;
• Caretaker Patriarch Abune Nathnael (a Tigrean) giving an interview with VOA at which time he announced that the return of His Holiness Abune Merkorios to his throne was unthinkable before the team of negotiators returned home from the United States;
• Abune Nathnael, in what seemed to be under duress from the regime, reprimanding President Girma Wolde-Gorgis and demanding the retraction of the letter of invitation that the latter wrote to Abune Merkorios asking him to return to his throne;
• President Girma Wolde-Georgis under pressure from TPLF invalidating that same letter he wrote to invite the Patriarch;
• Sibhat Nega, the stalwart of TPLF, recommending that those in the Holy Synod in Ethiopia who pushed for the peace and unity of the church and the return of Patriarch Abune Merkorios should be “hanged”;
• Abay Tsehay, Minister of Federal Affairs, likening the attempt to return Abune Merkorios to Ethiopia from the U.S. to an attempt of bringing back former Ethiopian President, Mengistu Haile Mariam, from his exile in Zimbabwe;
• 18 of the Archbishops from Tigray threatening to have their own Patriarch elected in Axum should the peace and unity effort were to allow Abune Merkorios back into the position from which he was removed;
• Expulsion of one of the peace and unity mediators upon his arrival in Addis to report on the mediation effort in the U.S.;
• The mediators’ eventual communiqué placing the blame squarely on the government and the group of Archbishops the regime has charged with hindering the peace mission;
• The recently appointed Patriarch of EOTC, Abune Mathias, telling priests at the Jerusalem Ethiopian church that a new archbishop will replace him, thereby giving the hint that he was going to be anointed by the regime;
• The publication of a book, funded with thousands of dollars by the regime, aimed at denigrating the integrity of the Fathers of the Exiled Synod in the same way as the film, titled “Boko Haram in Ethiopia,” denounced the Islamic leaders of the now year-long protest movement for greater rights;
• After being appointed to the position of the 6th Patriarch, Abune Mathias (a Tigrean) allocating funds to be used for legal costs that would be necessary to take the neutral churches and those churches affiliated with the Exiled Synod to court in the U.S. and other places, so that they would not use “the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church” trademark in an official record; and
• There is no question that the election of the 6th Patriarch was engineered to produce the result that the regime wanted just in the same way that the election of 2010, which produced the 99.5% win for the regime.
Even with all the facts outlined above, the Diaspora EOTCs still remain divided instead of being united. The disunity is well reflected in three types of churches that have existed for two decades— those churches that have declared allegiance to the Synod in Ethiopia; those that recognize the Legal Holy Synod in North America; and those that belong to neither group, claiming neutrality. The EOTC throughout its storied existence has never gone through a crisis of this magnitude. Many of the conflicts that arise from time to time in some of the churches within the Diaspora are the result of the division that was created by the regime two decades ago. Whether the EOTC is in Uganda or Great Britain, where ongoing tensions have been reported recently, the root causes of the crisis center on factions within each church fighting over decisions to join the Holy Synod-in-Exile as a protest against the regime’s total control of the Church at home, or just to remain neutral. In some cases, some members of the clergy within the neutral churches mobilize a faction of their supporters among the church membership and attempt to align the church with the Home Synod, or in some extreme instances want to maintain their own control of the church by advocating neutrality, which gives them a say-so to run the church as they desire; that is, without answering to a higher authority. Some of the clergymen do this even at the expense of violating the Church’s basic principles and doctrine, so long as they find gullible individuals among the faithful who they can easily influence to go along with their plan. All things considered, this is the state of the EOTC in the Diaspora today.
How then does the current state of affairs in the divided Diaspora EOTCs affect any efforts to fight the dictatorial regime in Addis Ababa as part of the united opposition from abroad? This is where it can get too complex and even extremely disquieting for anyone genuinely seeking to understand the problem in its entirety. First and foremost, most of the faithful unfortunately do not regard opposing a government that suppresses dissent and maintains ethnic hegemony as a righteous act and thus within the purview of a religious obligation. They mistakenly assume that people of faith should avoid taking a political stand, especially those who are our spiritual leaders. This thinking in and of itself is based on a distorted reality of the times in which we live and therefore devoid of any reasonable thought. When this kind of fuzzy belief is added to the division that already exists among the various churches, it is not hard to imagine the extent of apathy that can be exhibited among the Orthodox faithful toward any political discourse that gives value to issues of national interest, or to the advancement of the true ideals of Ethiopiawinet.
No argument can invalidate the fact that unity is the hallmark of strength that gives a community its success and vitality. In this connection, no divided churches, as the EOTCs are within the Diaspora, can speak in one voice and become a force to be reckoned with. With division, no clergymen can even spiritually influence the faithful to speak out for what is right and what is wrong. That is why the moral authority of our clergy is at its lowest today because our churches are not united; and the faithful understandably see this fact, and as a result some choose to remain distant from even regular church services.
Neutral churches, in particular, are operating without any form of religious hierarchy, functioning practically as independent entities almost in the likes of Protestant churches. These churches do this in violation of Oriental Orthodox long-standing practices. Why the neutral churches would not embrace the Exiled Synod and be united with their sister churches, especially when considering what has happened with the regime-run EOTC in Ethiopia, is not only inexplicable, but also out of character for reasonably-thinking believers of the faith, who most, if not all, of the members of neutral churches are. The moral value of the unity of all Diaspora EOTCs and of coming together under one higher institution, such as the Legal Holy Synod-in-Exile, should not be underestimated. At a minimum, it would provide the political opposition with the support base and the moral and financial resources that are desperately needed to marshal a united front to put diplomatic pressure on Western governments to work. Unity of the churches would bring the faithful into a collective mode of thinking for the common good and shared beliefs, which could also have a ripple effect on how we, as concerned individuals and groups, can shepherd our energies, limited resources and even intellectual capital, while focusing on a prioritized list of important issues that are key to our national interest.
Differences Stemming From a Generational Gap
The generational gap that exists within the Ethiopian immigrant community can be extremely relevant in the overall analysis of the issues that divide us. Still yet, the divide is by no means as critical as those discussed previously. In the absence of demographic data on the immigrant Ethiopian population, it is difficult to decipher this issue at a level necessary to get the full picture of our community’s makeup. Under normal circumstances, population demographics could include such significant variables as age, sex, education level, income level, marital status, occupation, religion, birth rate, death rate, average size of a family, average age at marriage, but these data are currently unknown in the case of Ethiopian immigrants because no systematic study has ever been done yet. Given the lack of concrete facts, therefore, it would only be a conjecture at this point to speak to issues pertaining to the generational gap. Regardless, it exists. We can even see it just by surveying informally the age differences of Ethiopian-Americans within the community in which we live.
By and large, Ethiopians in the Diaspora may be conveniently divided into two major population categories: the younger and the older. Without specifying the gender and age ranges of the population, we can still make a clear distinction between those who had spent the greater part of their adolescent years in Ethiopia during the “good old days,” which in essence was the period prior to the coming to power of the Derg, and those who came along later. Thus, the generation that tasted relatively the “good times” of the pre-1974 era cannot help but reminiscence about a period in which the feelings of Ethiopian nationalism were at their greatest height. However, the generation of Ethiopians that grew along with the “dark days” of the Marxist regime after the fall of the monarchy in 1974 was one that paid dearly, as the experiences of the “Red Terror” still paint the worst elements of Ethiopiawinet in the memories of those affected by it. In essence, the ways in which these two generations view issues of national interest today arguably can be different because of not only the experiences of the past and the most recent, respectively, but also because of the generational gap that separates them. In this connection, the question that can be asked rhetorically is, do both groups share the same nostalgia about Ethiopia and Ethiopiawinet? This writer thinks not.
While the older generation cries out more loudly and frequently against the dismantling of Ethiopian national ethos by the regime in power, the younger one may not have a sustained identity and probably would less likely celebrate such institutions as special treasures of the country as the older generation would. Without going too deeply into the subject, the prevailing trend that some of us from the older generation see today within the Diaspora community is that the Ethiopian culture of respect for our elders and religious figures, which was an integral part of our social mores during the earlier generations, has almost become the thing of the past. It can also be argued with certainty that a substantial segment of the younger generation of the post-1974 era shows little interest in the celebration of Ethiopia’s historical milestones; our proud and illustrious history appears to be little or no interest to them. They know barely about our national heroes, uniqueness in the annals of world history, mosaic culture, and other related national symbols, which are held dearly and nostalgically by the older generation. At the same time, we have to recognize that among the younger generation there are those who are the fiercest advocates of Ethiopiawinet, although we cannot say the same for the majority of them. In fact, the greater number of the younger generation is indifferent to any political discourse that advances the ideals of Ethiopiawinet. For example, at any given Ethiopian gathering in any major American city, where issues of national interest are topics of discussion, individuals who attend such gatherings are predominantly those who value highly the ideas of Ethiopiawinet. Unfortunately, the young and those who have left Ethiopia in recent times as political refugees find very little interest in such gatherings as they struggle to make a living in a foreign land where they find the culture and way of life to be very difficult to cope with during the process of assimilation. In sum, it would not be an exaggeration to conclude that the larger majority of the younger generation of Ethiopians in the Diaspora is totally detached from any discourse that gives preeminence to Ethiopian political issues, be it at discussion forums or other settings. At the same time, it would be disingenuous not to recognize that among them are also who are just as patriotic and a strong advocate of Ethiopian nationalism as any member of the older generation. And yet in the overall skim of things, the number of such individuals in comparison with the larger segment of their generation might turn out to be insignificant. Still yet, the writer wishes to remind the reader that generalizations such as these can always be subject to debate and that they should never be taken at their face value.
In what ways then could the generational variant, as characterized above, impact our unity in the Diaspora adversely? The answer is clear and simple—it does affect us in more ways than we want to admit it. First, without unity, an organized group faces a diminished chance of being effective in the realization of its prescribed goals and objectives. In the same vein, an organized Ethiopian Diaspora opposition cannot be effective with a divided constituency that has had different world views shaped by different life experiences and events. The generational gap that exists within our community thus may work against the opposition, as it endeavors to garner support and forge a united and viable force that would be effective against the regime in Ethiopia. This is even true when we know that majority of Ethiopian immigrants are young, less inclined to be active in political affairs, and detached from the rest of us who are relatively informed about the events and crises confronting our country. On the other hand, the silent majority of the younger segment of Ethiopian immigrant population still remains uninvolved politically, and it is difficult to make inroads with this group when both apathy and political consciousness have had a significant bearing on the way they see their role in the broader context of Diaspora political activities. Nonetheless, mobilization of the youth and garnering their backing would be indispensable for the opposition, as it attempts to expand not only its support base but also the resources that it would need to challenge the regime at home.
Conclusion
In this commentary, four important factors were identified as sources of divide affecting our unity as a community of immigrants. An attempt was also made to link each of these factors with realities that have adversely impacted the vitality and potency of the Diaspora political groups that are opposed to both dictatorship and ethnic minority hegemony in Ethiopia. The lesson learned from this discussion is that unity is central to the collective strength of any organized group and that the Ethiopian diaspora opposition has lost strength because our community is divided on the grounds of political, religious, ethnic and generation-based differences. Thus, the possible remedy is that the opposition must push for a much stronger united front that could require several prioritized courses of action, including the following:
First and foremost, it would be necessary for all politically-organized groups, irrespective of their mission and make-up, to come together under one umbrella organization (a national coalition), with a set of common national goals accepted consensually. Ethnic-based groups particularly should join forces with their fellow multi-ethnic counterparts and espouse a national agenda for a change, discarding any form of parochial objectives that have not helped us except perpetuating disunity within the political opposition. The national unity that is proposed here does not necessarily relegate such well-intentioned organizations as the Ethiopian National Transitional Council (ENTC) to oblivion. Rather, it is suggested that all organized forces including the ENTC come to a national summit with new vigor and determination to discuss ways to unite all organized entities under the auspices a united national organization; all relevant details as to the name of the organization, mission, vision and goals will be open to discussion. The option of retaining the ENTC as such should also be on the table for negotiation. The least the national summit would do automatically is sending a positive message to our community at large, proving to them that the days of unifying the Ethiopian Diaspora have finally arrived;
Secondly, just as important would be a separate summit for all faith-based organizations to come together to map out a unified stance on national priorities and give a spiritual boost to adherents of the faiths; that is, interfaith cooperation is acceptable in addressing issues of national interest, irrespective of beliefs and dogmas. With respect to the EOTCs, particularly, a separate summit under the auspices of the Exiled Synod should take place wherein all Diaspora EOTCs, including those affiliated with the Legal Synod and those that espouse a neutral stand, could establish the foundation of unity for a common mission and vision with a renewed vigor, goodwill, and aura of enthusiasm; issues of “ill-feeling” of the past should have no place for discussion since it will no longer serve the renewed spirit of unity and solidarity for the sake of promoting our national interest. In pursuit of this imperative, the faithful must put pressure both on the boards and clergy of neutral churches to adhere to the Churches canon and practices, while urging them to rescind neutrality and forge unity with other churches in the spirit of Ethiopiawinet. It would be unwise to expect the clergy of neutral churches to renounce neutrality because it would go counter to their own personal interests. In neutrality, for instance, they would be able to maintain their authority and control of the individual churches in which they serve currently without ever looking over their shoulders from a higher spiritual authority, which would likely mean Archbishops that could have jurisdiction over their churches under a hierarchical form of church administration— a common practice of Oriental Orthodox Churches.
The above two proposed courses of action reinforce each other very well. They, in return, could lead to three interrelated positive outcomes, which might include the following:
First, the entire Ethiopian Diaspora population would see the future brighter as the plague of division that has infected our community for so long could come to an end. This would also brighten the hopes and dreams of our people back home who look up to us in the Diaspora to free them from the shame and hardship to which they are being subjected under absolute authoritarian rule of a minority regime in Addis Ababa. All hopeful signs would light up the imagination of our people, and this would also encourage those seeking a regime change through the peaceful struggle to feel a greater sense of urgency and heighten the movement to the level that it should be to bring about the desired end;
Secondly, a united and stronger Ethiopian Diaspora community could also yield enormous advantage to the opposition, particularly in the diplomatic arena. For more than two decades, the Ethiopian Diaspora opposition has been dismissed by Western governments as unworthy of recognition because the division within it has been so rife that giving legitimacy to any one group at the expense of another would not have been diplomatically wise. There is no doubt that the United States, Great Britain, and the European Union, from which the Ethiopian regime receives much of its foreign aid, are mindful of the undemocratic tendencies of their client state in the Horn of Africa. They are certainly aware that the regime in Addis Ababa rules by force and that the overwhelming majority of Ethiopians, inside and outside the country, are opposed to the government. However, the divided opposition in the Diaspora has given them no choice other than subsidizing the TPLF-led dictatorship based on their own national interest and the geo-political realities of the Horn. However, a much stronger and undivided opposition could change all of that. There is no doubt that Western governments would be willing to listen to the opposition more favorably about policies supporting the peaceful struggle that the opposition is waging, both inside and outside Ethiopia, if the opposition was united, as being proposed in this paper. A united opposition could have a better political clout with Western governments than a divided one, as has been the case during the last two decades. Already, reports by Western human rights organizations have shown the true nature of the regime in Ethiopia, exposing its atrocities and brutal policies that have caused incalculable damage to human lives, as well as extreme destruction to the habitats of indigenous people around the country.
Finally, the value of unity could also be realized by making the ethnic minority regime in Addis Ababa to rethink about its intransigence and seek ways to give negotiation a slim chance. If the opposition was successful in the diplomatic arena and made some inroads into convincing Western governments that peace and stability in Ethiopia could come only when diplomatic pressure was brought to bear on the regime, the potential for a negotiated settlement could be enhanced. We should have no illusion that with a united opposition, coupled with diplomatic pressure having to bear on it, the regime would have a better reason to consider reconciliation as way out from the crisis into which the country is likely to plunge as the regime’s enemies build momentum day by day. No dictatorship, no matter how powerful, will survive forever, especially one that is becoming more totalitarian by each day, as the TPLF-led regime is in Addis Ababa has become.

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The selling of Ethiopia.

By Yilma Bekele

Actually that statement might not be true. We do know our country is being sold but we have no idea if the bidding has been open or closed. We have sold almost all of Gambella, we have leased half of Afar and Oromia has been parceled out bit by bit. Our Beer factories are under new owners, our gold mines belong to the fake Ethiopian sheik, Telephone is under the Chinese and our Airlines is looking for a suitor. Have we always looked for outsiders to own us?

Not really when you consider that we celebrated the victory at the battle of Adwa a few weeks back and that was the mother of all wars that made it clear this African country is not for sale.  We might not have contributed much to the industrial revolution but we did manage to rely on our own ingenuity to follow along and do things our own way. You might not believe this but there was a time when Ethiopians actually used to be involved in making stuff from scratch. You think I am making things up don’t you? I don’t blame you because today you cannot even come up with one name that stands out as an Ethiopian entrepreneur, go getter  or  someone that shines like the north star based solely on his own sweat and blood.

The things that were accomplished by earlier Ethiopians are all around us but we don’t see them.  All the things the current government brags about have their roots in the yester years they so much condemn and brush off. I don’t know where to start but here we go. Let us start with hospitals.  Bella Haile Selassie (Bella), Leelt Tshay (armed Forces),  Paulos, Haile Selassie Hospital (Yekati 12), Balcha, Ghandi, Tikur Anbessa, Ras Desta, Minilik etc.  The vast majority of the doctors were Ethiopians, the hospitals were clean, well equipped and you don’t even have to take your own sheets and blankets.

How about Hotels? Ethiopia, Ghion, Wabi Shebele, Ras, Bekele Molla were the premier destinations. They were owned and operated by Ethiopians. When it comes to Ethiopian Airlines the Pilots were proud Ethiopians and the technicians were the envy of Africa. The Imperial government built the Airlines from scratch. Trans World Airlines (TWA) was a partner until we were able to train and staff our own and we did manage to do that.

If we talk about agriculture we did manage to establish the Sugar estates of Metehara and Wonji not to mention Setit Humera, the wheat and corn fields of Arsi, the fiber plants of Sidama and the cotton fields of Awash Valley are testimonial to our ingenuity. The sixties saw the emergence of the new educated Ethiopians that raised the bar of excellence.

The establishment of Africa Hall was how Africans showed respect to our Emperor and our old history when they choose Addis Abeba as the head quarter for the continent. The University at sadist Kilo was a gift to his people by the Emperor and it was a spectacular success. All the teachers were highly educated Ethiopians and the graduates were the pride of our country.

Why am I discussing such subject today? It is because two items reported by the media caught my eye a few days back. Both are an assault on our sovereignty and our ability to grow our own economy by Ethiopians for Ethiopians. Heineken a Dutch conglomerate is building the biggest brewery in Ethiopia and Guangdong Chuan Hui Group from China is given 41,000 Sq. meter of land to construct hotel and industrial complex. The way the story is being reported we should be jumping with joy. What could be better than those two benevolent multi nationals investing so much in our poor destitute country?

Is that how we should look at it?  Is there another aspect to this story? In order to see the pros and con of the question posed In front of us it would have been nice if there has been a nationwide discussion to see if the plan makes sense when it comes to our homeland. That is how smart decisions are made. Open and vibrant nationwide discussion regarding such important issues that impact our national economy and our people’s well-being assures a better outcome.

That usually is not the case in our country. There are no checks and balances. There is no independent legislative body and the judiciary is a government tool. A single party the TPLF controls all and everything in the country. Our political leaders have no faith in the ability of the people to know what is good for them. That is why they approach their job as being a ‘baby sitter’ and are constantly fretting about what the people hear and read. Decisions are made by a few TPLF politburo members to be approved by the rubber stamp Parliament. Anyone that questions such a decision is branded as enemy of the people and dealt with.

Let us start with our beer story. You know beer is nothing but European Tella. It is bottled fancy and costs a little bit more. How long ago do you think we acquired the idea of brewing for a larger crowd? Eighty years ago my friend! St George brewery was started in 1922. Meta Abo Brewery was founded in 1963. Meta Abo was a partnership between government and private capital and started with a base capital of 2million Birr. The military junta nationalized both and the current TPLF Woyane regime inherited them with the rest of Ethiopia. What do you think these successive regimes did with our own old industry and land? Did they build on what was started? Did they reinvest the profit to make the enterprises bigger and better? Did they run our industries, enterprises and farms in a responsible and judicious manner?

Both St. George and Meta Abo are no more Ethiopian enterprises. BGI (an internationally acclaimed Brewing Company that operates in many countries.??) bought St George in 1998 for US 10 million ‘through foreign direct investment’(??)  Meta Ambo was sold to Diego Industries-a British congalmorate for US 225 million. Heineken a Dutch multi-national acquired 18% of Bedele and Harar breweries for US 163 million in 2011.  Raya Brewery an idea that has not materialized yet but promoted by Lt. General Tsadkan W.Tensai and investors such as  Yemane (Jamaica) Kidane and other TPLF officials sold 25% interest to BGI for 650 million Br and invited Brewtech a German company as a partner.

As you can see the TPLF regime collected close to US 400 million from the sale of our home grown breweries. By all imagination that is chump change when you consider the ownership is lost and the profit for eternity belongs to the foreigners. Is this a good way to grow a national economy? Has it been done before or is this another of that failed ‘revolutionary democracy’ pipe dream?

BGI, Diego or Heineken are investing in our country to realize profit for their shareholders. What is our country getting out of this? The beer manufacturing business is a highly automated enterprise so it is not about job creation. Most if not all of the high paying managerial jobs will be occupied by the parent company. The malt, barley and other ingredients are imported and are considered a trade secret. We all know about creative accounting thus I am sure our country does not even benefit from the profit because the bookkeeping is rigged to minimize taxes.

Let us not even think of technology transfer since we cannot learn what we have already mastered. Remember we have been brewing beer since 1922. I will tell you what we got out of this unequal relationship. We as a people got royally screwed. The TPLF party officials got paid plenty for their pimping effort. The regime in its insatiable appetite for foreign currency bought a few months of respite to purchase oil, wheat, cooking oil etc. to postpone its inevitable collapse.

There are certain things we know how a growing economy with a nationalist government operates. We have seen how China, India, Malaysia, Brazil and other emerging economies handled their growth potential. They use what is known as subsidy to protect their infant industries from foreign predators. They allowed investment where technology transfer will bring benefit to their people but shielded their home grown industries from foreign competition.

Why do you think the TPLF bosses are interested in selling our sovereignty?  I doubt it is because they are anti-Ethiopian even though the late evil PM used to suffer from inferiority complex when it comes to central highlanders. I believe it is because of their ‘get rich quick’ philosophy. They are in a hurry to accumulate before their Ponzi scheme comes crashing down. According to the UN billions of dollars are leaving our country. They are buying properties in the US and Europe, sending their children to expensive schools abroad and vacationing in exotic places with the money they steal from our country.

What are we the victims doing about this rape and pillage of our resources and the degradation of our national pride?  I am afraid other than insistently talking there is nothing more most of us are doing about it. Why do you think that is so? I could think of a few things but ignorance comes to mind first and foremost. Our ignorance prevents us from connecting the dots and looking at the bigger picture. Our misplaced pride does not allow us to listen to others and learn to be able to formulate better solutions to our problems.

Today we have a population that is not familiar with its history. Sixty four percent (64%) of our people are under twenty five years old while twenty nine percent (29%) are under the age of 54 years. We have a toxic population on our hands. Those under twenty five grew up under the Woyane regime where being an Ethiopian is taken as a liability. While those under fifty four are the result of the Derge era of undermining religion, family, and stability. Ninety three (93%) of our population is a fertile ground for evil Woyane to plant shame, doubt and insecurity about being Ethiopian.

It is this population that is sitting on the side and cheering the selling of their country. For most people what bothers them is not what is lost but they spend endless energy to get a piece of the action. In Ethiopia stealing, lying, being part of a criminal enterprise is encouraged by the regime. When the recently dead Meles Zenawi said ‘even being a thief requires being smart’ he was giving a green light to his cadres and the population at large. The so called Diaspora is the number one enabler of the criminal Woyane machine. They use their new found riches to bribe Woyane so they could acquire stolen land to build their flimsy unsustainable condominiums and spend endless nights worrying if the next highest bidder will in turn take it away in broad day light.

This is exactly the reason we are having a problem forming a united front to get rid of this cancerous body in our midst. This is the reason even in exile we are unable to form a democratic, inclusive and worthy association that will benefit the many. The ninety three percent are in need of education in civic affairs and a dose of what it means to love your neighbor as you would love yourself.

May be it is the lords way of teaching us little humility and humbleness as he did with the children of Israel when he left them to wonder for forty years in the wilderness so they know what is in their heart. It is a choice we have-to be humble or perish due to pride.

http://allafrica.com/stories/201107051138.html?page=2

http://www.diageo.com/en-ie/newsmedia/pages/resource.aspx?resourceid=1168

http://blogs.ft.com/beyond-brics/2013/03/07/heineken-to-build-ethiopias-biggest-beer-factory/#axzz2MxqCwlH1

http://allafrica.com/stories/201107051138.html

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Ethiopia’s Muslim populace has over the past couple of months

Ethiopia’s Muslim populace has over the past couple of months 

By Jonas Tameru

Ethiopia’s Muslim populace has over the past couple of months, been on the uprising with a long list of demands considered unacceptable by the EPRDF. A mess created by the government itself is now proving hard to clean up. In turn it has evoked a wave protests by the Muslim masses in the country.

 

The initial protests began before the death of the former Prime Minister MELES, who as usual responded to the question in a sarcastic manner, unfolding a wave of protests all over the country and even beyond.

 

It is an undeniable fact that internet tools like Facebook, twitter, YouTube and the like are playing a huge role in mobilizing the protests in Ethiopia, in the same way that they have been used in the various Arab countries that hosted an uprising. It is sad though that the majority of the population in Ethiopia is computer illiterate, and this includes the majority of the Muslim community. So the rapid spread of messages to Muslims all over the country about scheduled mass protests has been hindered by the above factor of computer illiteracy. Had it not been for that perhaps we would have seen a rapid uprising by the Ethiopian Muslim community all at once, giving the government a lot to panic about. But instead the Muslims depended on flyers that are handed out at mosques, as a mode of information exchange. This method couldn’t last long because it was simply infiltrated by the government agents.

 

What do they want?

 

It is still unclear and difficult to understand what the Muslim community demands are exactly. But we can all agree on one thing, it is not the so called terrorizing of Ethiopians like the government is claiming, nor does it have anything to do with a jihad war against Christians in Ethiopia. In fact the Muslims themselves have repeatedly indicated that their problem is with the government, and that they have no grievances with the Christian community in Ethiopia.

 

This leads me to another hypothesis. Are the Muslims protesting to give rise to a Muslim government? This question is perhaps what lingers behind everyone’s mind and mine too. While it is not a secret that every Muslim in Ethiopia would prefer a Muslim government that respects and acknowledges Muslim customs at a more than neutral state, but are they willing to go out to the streets and cry out loud for the soul reason of this purpose? I don’t think so, no matter how much they would envy other Muslim states, Ethiopian Muslims would not take to the streets with the aim of overthrowing the government for the sake of establishing a Muslim government.

 

In my opinion, they have other bigger questions that this government can’t answer. Questions like freedom of speech, the question of freedom to practice their religion in the way they like. But the headline to all this questions is the governments Interference in the religious hierarchy. Like other areas the government insists on placing its own party loyalists as religious leader incumbents. This is the question that is central to the Muslim opposition.

 

Although EPRDF advocates the separation of government and religion on the media, it fails to show this in action when it comes to reality. The truth of the matter is that the government interferes and although there are elections to choose religious leaders, it is the government that hand picks who will assume the leadership position for that religion.

 

This by any measure of governance is an immoral and undemocratic action to mix up politics and religion. This is the real reason why the Muslims of Ethiopia took to the streets in protest. They are correct by all means. They did not advocate jihad against Christians, nor did they orchestrate a codetta to topple down the government. Neither are they terrorists being funded by foreign lands to create terror and unrest to the country. They are our own brothers, sisters, fathers, mothers, and neighbors who got tired of succumbing to the governments iron fist.

 

 The EPRDF instead of listening to their question and pulling its hands out of religious affairs that should not concern it, decided in turn to label the protesters as extremists, jihadists, and terrorists. Police started arresting them and jailing them as suspects of terrorism. This was not what a government that claims to be neutral of religious affairs should have done. What the EPRDF is doing is simply labeling the Muslim protestors that it has under its custody, as terrorists and portraying them to the rest of the community as destructors of society. Its recent documentary named “JIHADIST HARACAT” is just another example of the government’s fiction film that is used to brainwash the community into thinking that these Muslims are enemies of the state. Currently the government’s policy of divide and conquer is extending its reach from the racial grouping to religion because it does not want a religion with a strong support to stand out and challenge the puppet leaders that the government has chosen for them.

 

It has been shown on the documentary when the Muslim leaders, who are in custody, were admitting to the crimes they were accused of. This is a major breach of the law by ETV. Let me explain. First of all, these accused Muslims who are in custody, have not yet been convicted by a court of law as guilty. And the famous “innocent until proven guilty” supposedly works In the Ethiopian law. So the documentary by itself contradicts this law by portraying these individuals as convicted criminals.

 

Secondly, this documentary depicts them admitting to their crimes before a verdict has been passed and then decided to show it to the rest of the world although it was banned by the court from doing so. This could have a major impact on their verdict so it can be considered as tampering with the outcome of a verdict, because the documentary will bias the judge passing the final verdict.

 

In Ethiopia, a country where the press law is extremely strict, the actions of ETV should have had it shut down immediately and its leaders under custody for the offences that I mentioned earlier. But that is not the case in Ethiopia; instead the EPRDF government has ignored the actions of ETV as usual and decided to pass the offences that the company committed as necessary.

 While innocent journalists like Eskinder Nega suffer in the prison cells of kality jail, the notorious leaders of ETV roam in the streets of Addis freely.    

Victory for the people of Ethiopia!!Email: tameru.jonas@gmail.com01\03\13 

 

 

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Violence and the Ethiopians.

Violence and the Ethiopians. By Yilma Bekele

 We always think of our people to be so loving that welcome a stranger into their homes and share what little they have. Our language is full of sayings about being a good host, a great neighbor and a kind human. Sharing what you have, helping those in need and putting others ahead play a central theme in all our folklores. At least that is what we try to believe and that is what we tell ourselves and each other every opportunity we get. What a kind and loving people we are is a common mantra.

 Do you think that is a true picture of our country? I don’t know about you but I knew such Ethiopia in my life time. Here we go again, I did not say we were a perfect paradise but definitely we were not the Wild West either. But I know for sure we used to care for each other and we were a once proud nation.

 Then where did all this violent act and talk of perpetual violence came from is a good question? It is a timely question too. Today violence both the act and the talk is permeating our society. The specter of violence is everywhere. Our country has become one big cesspool of violence and you can’t even escape it from any point on earth.

 According to the World Health organization (WHO) violence is defined ‘as the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against a person, or group or community, that either results in or  has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation.’   

 The dergue started the ball rolling with the class warfare crap. The TPLF took over with ethnic cleansing mantra. It looks like the last forty years have been a time of violence, threat of violence and absence of peace era. The Mengistu and Meles generation has been schooled in the exercise of violence as a normal day to day activity.

 What got me look at these phenomena is the current behavior of our masters in Addis Abeba and their children here in the US. The Berket/Debretsion government is going out of its way to bully our Muslim citizens, intimidate our journalists and frighten our people. They are using the monopoly they exercise on our communication media to produce second rate movies, badly written essays and moronic broadcasts to confuse their captive audience.

 War is waged on our Muslim brothers and sisters thru out the country. Their leaders have been incarcerated, their worship places have been desecrated and their religion has been equated with terror. The TPLF is trying to do to the Muslims what they have been doing to the Orthodox Christians the last twenty years. They were able to divide and set the Christians against each other. Bishops and priests have been beaten, exiled and insulted in broad day light. Due to lack of spine by the Christian followers the Orthodox Church of Ethiopia today has lost all its moral compass and made into a leaderless association no different than those ‘teletafis’ clustered around the mighty TPLF.

 Not content on terrorizing our people at home it looks like TPLF has branched out to reach into the Diaspora community and practice its form of violence. For some of us it is not a new revelation. We have been pointing out the presence of TPLF agents amongst us for quite a while. Their activates in the various opposition party support groups we have been forming was visible and hard to miss. Their sabotage of our houses of worship is legendary. Their presence in our football organization took a valiant effort by some to unmask. No one escapes the sinister act of Woyane spies and saboteurs in any outfit that dares to organize as an Ethiopian entity. I don’t think I need to prove any of my assertions. I beg the reader to look around him/her in any city USA. I dare you to find a peaceful association untouched by Woyane virus wherever you reside.

 Now their underground activity is made visible by no other than our dragon slayer, dictator buster, honor restorer and champion of freedom, my friend Abebe Gelaw. No need to elaborate more but our country and people are always grateful for the epic grand stand that was made in Washington DC on behalf of mother Ethiopia. Her children rejoiced while her enemies wept. It looks like they did not learn a lesson. They reverted back to form. 

  They are trying to do here in the US what they do to our people back home. They are trying to intimidate, bully and scare us from exercising our free will. A few months back an individual registered by the name of Guesh Abera on Facebook was investigated by the FBI for threatening Ato Abebe. His normal TPLF animal behavior was taken as a subject of concern by the FBI that sent agents to his work place to interview the individual and put him on alert. I am sure they felt it was better to nip this ugly idea in its bud rather than wait. Whether in jest or for real the issue is Goush threatened and the FBI investigated.

 A few of our Woyane friends tried to make fun of the situation and ridicule the assertion. They went to the extent of accusing ESAT and our independent Web sites of misinformation. They tried to turn the story on its head and attempted to make the victim the aggressor. Awramba Times unmasked itself as nothing but a shameless Woyane sympathizer while some in the venerable Voice of America tried a clumsy investigative journalism that missed its mark. 

 Some organizations and a few people are so dense they are unable to see what is in front of them and change to avoid calamity. TPLF and its operatives are one such outfit. Despite the unmasking and public humiliation of Guesh Abera, guess who shows up to accept the medal of stupidity? None other than another ethnic hero by the name of Mulugeta Kahsay, a proud immigrant residing in Britain. This individual doing his job as assigned by TPLF was caught red handed attempting to intimidate and frighten Ato Abebe. He made repeated cals threatening not only Ato Abebe but his whole family both in the US and back in Ethiopia.

 According to Wiki ‘A death threat is a threat, often made anonymously, by one person or a group of people to kill another person or groups of people. These threats are usually designed to intimidate victims in order to manipulate their behavior, thus a death threat is a form of coercion.’ Here in the US death threat is considered a criminal act. Mulugeta Khassay’s action is deplorable and will land him in jail if it was made in the US.

 Why do you think these two individuals felt such behavior is both acceptable and something to be proud of? The simple answer is where they came from it is considered lawful and practiced with abandon. The TPLF Woyane regime uses violence and the threat of violence to silence its opponents and anybody it feels stands on its way. The late TPLF chieftain Meles Zenawi used to threaten cutting hands of the citizen routinely. Like father like son is the situation here. What is not surprising is the fact that so many Woyanes and their admirers cheered such behavior and they are not ashamed to check out the ‘Like’ button on Facebook. So much for peaceful coexistence, wouldn’t you say?

 In a civilized setting such behavior back fires and results in exactly the opposite of what is intended. We are all appalled by such naked brutal attempt by the two individuals and their organization or are we all? This is a difficult question to answer. When we see how we Ethiopians relate to each other and how we try to resolve differences, the behavior of Goush and Mulugeta are not that much of an anomaly. The system set up by Woyane encourages such criminal mind set and illegal activity. In today’s Ethiopia breaking the law, getting ahead at the expense of fellow citizens is a celebrated act. Lying, cheating, bribing is not frowned upon and expected practice to finalize any and all transaction. It is so routine that it has become second nature to some of us.

 It is not enough to condemn these two gangsters. What is needed is to see how low we have sunk as a people that such action was carried out amongst us. It is not enough to sneer at the workings of Woyane but to reflect on our society that has allowed such evil doers to prosper and grow. When we allow a few to disturb our associations, when we turn a blind eye to those that disrespect our religious leaders and create chaos in our church, when we let an insult and rogue behavior go unchallenged we end up reaping what we planted. As long as we allow ethnic based organization such as the TPLF set the agenda in our country these kind of abhorrent behavior and criminal acts will continue to be the norm. The fight against injustice starts with each one of us. We are grateful to those that have risen to get rid of the body cancer called TPLF from our land. Helping them is a duty to our mother land and to one self.

 See Mulugeta Kahsay tie himself in knots: http://addisvoice.com/2013/02/mulugeta-kahsay-the-failed-tplf-terrorist-video/ 

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Reflections on the Misguided Stance of Neutrality held by Some Diaspora EOTCs: A Critique of Professor Getachew Haile’s Recent Posting on Ethiomedia.com

by Walle Engedayehu, Ph.D. 

Introduction

This is yet another small contribution, among others that this author has made in the most recent past, to the dialogue that has shaped the latest postings on issues concerning the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC). Thought-provoking analyses have appeared on the Diaspora Ethiopian websites immediately following the recent fiasco of the peace and unity meetings between the representatives of the two Holy Synods— the Exiled and the home-based— in the United States.  For many keen observers and supporters of reconciliation, the final blow came, of course, with the arbitrary decision of the Holy Synod in Ethiopia—under duress from the regime— to go forward with the installment of the sixth Patriarch in spite of the peace talks that could have resulted in the return of the exiled Patriarch, His Holiness Abune Merkorios, to his rightful throne. Once again, the Ethiopian regime’s obsession with imposing its will illegally on the selection of the next Patriarch was clearly and unambiguously on display, as a small group of the Synod’s members in Addis Ababa successfully put into action the government’s bidding in a dramatic show of force, supported by the mighty hand of regime operatives. Many other colleagues have written insightful pieces on this very subject, providing critical but timely analyses.

 

At the same time, two latest postings, one written by the Holy Synod-in-Exile, and the other one appearing initially on Ethiomedia.com and having a possible impact on any future attempts of bringing unity among all Diaspora EOTCs, have particularly prompted this writing. The Synod’s posting was a statement of declaration explaining the reasons why the recent peace talks with the Addis Ababa Synod failed, including the course of action it will take to strengthen its presence in the Diaspora from hereon; the decision of the Home Synod to reject the proposed return of the exiled Patriarch to his throne precipitated this declaration. The other posting came from no other than Dr. Getachew Haile, a renowned scholar of Philology but a controversial one.  In effect, the latter advances a stance of continuing the neutrality of non-affiliated Diaspora EOTCs, thus preemptively striking against the recent call made by the Exiled Synod for unity and rapprochement between the churches under its jurisdiction and those that have stayed on neutral grounds since the official split of the Holy Synod more than two decades ago. In the view of this writer, however, continuing the neutrality stance would be tantamount to supporting the latest complicity of the regime in Addis Ababa, which in effect highjacked the process of selecting a new Patriarch to simply anoint a person of its choice. It would also inadvertently appear to be championing the existing divide that has beleaguered the Diaspora Orthodox community for so long. Further elucidation of this point will follow the introduction.  

    

The Regime’s Latest Action and its Consequences for the Diaspora EOTCs

 

Indeed, characterizing the sadness felt by many followers of the EOTC throughout the Diaspora about the failure of the peace talks as devastating would not be an exaggeration; the talks, if they had been conducted in good faith and without regime treachery, would have brought back the Church to its pre-1991 era. For all its worth, that period was a time of relative tranquility, when the sanctity of the EOTC was faithfully maintained and the Church enjoyed, by and large, a respectable measure of stability and unity of purpose. This, of course, would change with the regime’s coming to power in 1991 and the subsequent installment of the late Abune Paulos while the reigning Patriarch Abune Merkorios was still alive— a violation of the Church’s canon law. The divide that ensued within the Church in the aftermath has been at the root cause of discord within the Ethiopian Diaspora Orthodox community, compelling the faithful to choose sides while also making it problematic for them to forge a united front to impact positive changes at home. Still, many wishfully thought that the latest action of the government, that is, thwarting the desires of the esteemed Fathers of the two rival Synods for reconciliation and unity, would automatically translate into bringing together Ethiopians of different political and social persuasions against the regime. For the most part, many also felt it would restore the illusive unity that had been missing within the Diaspora in general and among the divided EOTCs in North America and elsewhere in particular. On its face value, the latest action of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)-dominated government in Addis Ababa should unequivocally prove even to many non -politically savvy members of our community the extent to which the regime’s culpability has become never-ending, as it continues its unrestrained authoritarian rule over more than 86 million Ethiopians. Nothing is more revealing of this phenomenon than the regime’s guiltiness in effecting both the dethronement of Patriarch Abune Merkorios 21 years ago and, most recently, the stage-management of the installment of the sixth Patriarch of the EOTC, which is expected to take place in the coming days.

 

Without a doubt, the regime in Ethiopia has proven once again its unwavering stance of neither making compromises with its opponents in the Diaspora and at home, nor of giving in to reconciliation efforts to bring a lasting peace in that country. In light of these facts, critical questions such as these readily come to mind: How and what exactly does neutrality serve the independent EOTCs in the Diaspora and for how long will the divide within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church be allowed to continue? On what rational, pragmatic and even canonical grounds can the ill-advised stance of neutrality be defended? Why would neutral EOTCs at this very juncture even wish to continue their neutrality as opposed to affiliation with their sister churches of the Exiled Synod, when considering the recent events that clearly exposed that the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa is only a political entity and/or an extension of the government in Ethiopia and thus lacking legitimacy? What benefit would it be to the neutral churches to cling to the notion that a Holy Synod cannot be run from exile in the face of evidence proving that the Home Synod is illegally controlled by a small cadre of clergymen who take their orders from the regime in power? We will decipher these issues next.

 

Rationale for the Existence of the EOTC Holy Synod in Exile

 

Neither Orthodox canonical law nor the dogma of the EOTC precludes the Holy Synod from launching a legitimate Patriarchate in exile and carrying out the teachings of the Lord. A Holy Synod, by dogma as well as practice, is a gathering of high-level clergymen who meet regularly and make religious decrees that are enforceable on member churches. The Patriarch and a few or more clergymen above the rank of Bishop together can legitimately create a Holy Synod. Under Orthodox canon law, a living Patriarch cannot be replaced with another without an abdication by the former of his position, or without the collective action of the Holy Synod of the Church to remove him. Otherwise, it would be a violation of the canon law of Orthodoxy.

 

In the Ethiopian case, the canon law was violated in 1991, and the Patriarch, who was dethroned by the order of the regime, was forced into exile along with several Archbishops, thereby giving him the legitimacy to establish the Holy Synod in exile. For years, many of the faithful that make up largest segment of the membership within the neutral EOTCs had held the erroneous belief, grounded in the regime’s disinformation propaganda, that Patriarch Abune Merkorios abdicated his position voluntarily. That has now been proven beyond a reasonable doubt that it was part of the regime’s ploy to place someone of their choosing as the Head of the EOTC, which in this case was the late Abune Paulos.  At the same time, recent events associated with the pending selection of the sixth Patriarch have also made it clear that the Synod in Ethiopia cannot be legitimate even more so now than ever before, because the government’s dictate on the anointment of a Patriarch of its choosing is openly implemented by a minority group of Archbishops without any fear of retribution from the majority members of the Synod, whose members are being subjected to intimidation and threat against any deviation from the dictates of the regime. This fact alone must be good enough to accept the Holy Synod in exile as the legitimate body by all Diaspora EOTCs.  Indeed, it is the exiled Synod that follows strictly the tradition and practices of the Church devoid of any governmental interference and pressure, unlike the Mother Church in Ethiopia.

 

Indefensibility of Neutrality under Oriental Orthodoxy

 

Looking at critically, the position of neutrality held by several Diaspora EOTCs can neither be rationalized on the canon law and religious dogma of Oriental Orthodoxy, nor can it be justified on any historical precedents established by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. It is rather a lame excuse to run an Ethiopian Orthodox Church devoid of a hierarchical order on the pretext that no two Holy Synods can exist at the same time. In effect, neutrality among several Diaspora EOTCs these days has taken the characteristics of the congregational model of church administration, which is typical of those found under the domain of Protestantism. Neutral EOTCs, for all practical purposes, have become more like Methodist, Baptist, Lutheran, Anglican and Presbyterian denominations in their ecclesiastical arrangement or church administration, but not necessarily in their practices and beliefs. These Western congregation-led church organizations operate independently, and thus do not prescribe to a higher ecclesiastical body in the same way as the Catholic, Eastern Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox churches do. In this regard, the neutral EOTCs have fallen prey to the former group not necessarily because of shared principles of faith but because of their stubbornness to amend past wrongs. Their position at this very point simply defies logic to say the least, as well as trivializes our conviction on the collective sense of unity, as Orthodox believers.

 

While many of the neutral EOTCs may no longer have the pretexts that they have used in the past to remain neutral, a few still intend to do so dogmatically and without just cause. Mostly, two lame excuses were used in the past by those arguing for the neutral stand.  The first and foremost defense used by them was that the Patriarch of the Exiled Synod gave up his position due to illness, and that he never uttered a word to dispel the rumors of his self-induced abdication of his throne while in exile for more than a decade and a half. But this pretext has now run its course, as His Holiness has made a public speech just recently explaining the fact that he has over the years made it known, both in his public action and privately, that he would have liked to reclaim his position in Ethiopia as the legitimate Patriarch of the EOTC, had he been allowed to do so. During the last 17 years of exile, his public activities should have given some clue to those questioning his official deportment that he has been in charge and that his fellow Brothers within the Synod have been his staunchest supporters and advocates of his wishes as the symbol of the Patriarchate in exile. For instance, he has presided over every one of the 34 biannual conferences of the Holy Synod held during the same period. Moreover, he has conscripted 13 new Bishops and charged his clergymen with expanding their missionary work across the globe where the Diaspora Orthodox communities live and work. What further evidence is needed to prove that he has been actively engaged during his tenure as the Head of the Exiled Synod?

 

The second and commonly used pretext by advocates of neutralism was that so long as the EOTC Holy Synod was split into two, neutrality would be the preferred stand that they would prefer, adding that the return of the Patriarch to the throne through reconciliation would make them embrace the Synod once again. However, whatever optimism or hope that there was a few months ago about the return of the Patriarch to Ethiopia and about the possibility of reconciliation for a lasting peace and unity within the Church has practically evaporated under the force of the regime. The illegality of the Home Synod must be evident to many by now since the government has become the driving force behind the decision to reconcile or not reconcile; and a Synod that is subject to regime manipulations cannot be legitimate, nor can it be regarded as one having the integrity and the will to speak for the faithful or uphold the values that advance the national interest, as viewed by the great majority of Orthodox believers. This fact begs neutral ETOCs to rethink their misguided position for the betterment of the whole, and for sake of unity from which the collective strength of our community can be marshaled to make a difference in all aspects of societal engagements.

 

Statement of Declaration from the Exiled Synod 

 

The Synod-in-Exile held a special meeting recently in Los Angeles and issued a public declaration that outlines several points, ranging from the failure of the peace talks with the Home Synod to the proposed activities that it wishes to engage in, since the return of the Patriarch to Ethiopia and peace and reconciliation efforts have reached a dead end. The official communiqué in and by itself is a well-thought out document that has the potential of appealing to the many segments of the Diaspora community, including neutral churches. In the view of this author, the esteemed Fathers of the Exiled Synod now are in a better position to make their case for acceptance by the great majority of the faithful in the Diaspora because much of the confusion emanating from unsubstantiated information on the Patriarch and the rest of membership of the Synod has been completely extricated, if not debunked entirely.

 

In essence, what the outcome of the peace talks and the events that followed have done for the Exiled Synod is that it made the argument for a stronger Exiled Synod more palatable; it has placed the Synod in a much stronger position vis a vis the Holy Synod in Ethiopia. The talks also revealed that the Exiled Synod presented itself as an entity that had force behind its talking points while conducting the reconciliation meeting in good faith. In contrast, the representatives of the Home Synod were under constant pressure from regime operatives in Ethiopia and seemed to be lacking independence in their bargaining positions on the resolution of the issues brought on the table. Of course, the whole scenario began to unravel upon their return, as the government highjacked the course of action that the representatives would have favored to take; it is no secret that they would have liked the Patriarch to return home for the sake of uniting the divided Church. It was in the context of this backdrop that the Exiled Synod sought to reach out through its communiqué to the neutral EOTCs to position itself in a way that will help augment its role throughout the Diaspora Orthodox communities. This is to include expanding its missionary work as well as serving the Diaspora faithful in their spiritual needs, among others. The communiqué, both for its conciliatory tone and plan of action, should make all past detractors of the Exiled Synod to rethink rationally and join the esteemed Fathers in exile in their new endeavor to expand the Church’s missionary work as well religious services throughout the Diaspora.

 

Cynical Retort from Professor Getachew Haile to the Synod’s Communiqué    

   

In what appeared to be a derisive response to the Synod’s statement of declaration, Dr. Getachew wrote a piece that was unbecoming of a scholarly figure, whose renowned public stature is widely recognized particularly in Ethiopian intellectual circles. In many respects, however, Dr. Getachew is also a divisive force, although this may sound too harsh on someone who has made stellar, scholarly contributions to Ethiopian languages, history and literary development. He is both admired and derided by many. He may be regarded by some as a model to be emulated, but others may see him as an embodiment of division, drawing criticisms mostly from his ardent critics. Yet this writer has been an admirer of this scholarly genius. However, his continued stand on neutrality on the Holy Synod has been rather dogmatic in the sense that he has not changed a bit over the years even with new developments that could possibly trigger a rethinking of his views, which happen to be contentious at times and may have broader implications for the unity and solidarity of Ethiopians in the Diaspora. A scholar of high stature, Dr. Getachew made a huge gaffe by sending mixed signals in his latest posting; he may have even made his readers more confused than they needed to be. At the time of this writing, he has already provoked two postings aimed at challenging his advocacy of neutrality, and a few others might follow.

 

The underlying premise in Dr. Getachew’s latest writing is that the EOTC, as we know it, is not divided and that neutrality should be the preferred stance for churches in the Diaspora, so long as two rival religious entities (Holy Synods) claim to be a representative of the Church’s highest ecclesiastical body. In a commentary written in Amharic and titled, “Our Mother Church is not Divided,” the senior professor alludes to a reason that the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is not split because there are not known doctrinal issues that have created a division within the Church. The crux of his argument, therefore, is that the high-ranking clergymen that make up the Ethiopian Holy Synod are divided into two groups, forcing the faithful to either take sides or declare allegiance to their respective cause. Apparently, his prescription for the faithful is not only to ignore this non-doctrinal rift within the Church, but also to look beyond the artificial dividing line and worship in churches irrespective of their affiliation with one Synod or another.

 

Looking at critically his rational for neutrality in his article, I beg to question the state of mind in which the renowned professor was operating when he wrote it. This writer finds it absolutely ludicrous to read an assertion from him that the EOTC is not divided today. Contrary to his claim, the Church has been divided for more than two decades because of doctrinal issues: the forced dethronment of a living Patriarch and replacing him with another in violation of canonical law. There cannot be any denial of this fact in the case of Ethiopia. Secondly, the EOTC in the Diaspora is divided into three organized groups: churches that claim affiliation to the Exiled Synod; churches that maintain loyalty to the Home Synod; and churches that belong to neither group. This is also a fact that neither Dr. Getachew nor any other concerned Orthodox believer would dare refuting. Furthermore, the assertion that there are no practical reasons that preclude the faithful from attending any of the EOTC churches at any given time also begs further probing.

 

With all due respect to Dr. Getachew, the paramount question to be asked of him is, does he not really know that the division among Diaspora churches is not only real but also pervasive throughout the Diaspora churches? In fact, the divide is so widespread that it has split family members and friends in some cases, often based on which church one is a supporter of, or which Synod is a church affiliated with, or whether one is a member of a neutral church, and so forth. This divide has been going on for years unabated, and to deny otherwise would be disingenuous at best and outright dishonest at worst. To advance this argument, a case in point can be made. For instance, the city in which this writer lives is the site of four EOTCs, one of them a well established church with a large membership that is neutral; one smaller church affiliated with the Exiled Synod; and two smaller churches, one leaning to the Home Synod and the other a neutral church that split from it. It is a well established fact that the clergy of each of these churches are prohibited by their boards to celebrate each other’s special church holydays because of the dividing line created by the crisis in the EOTC Holy Synod. This case alone proves the fallacy of Dr. Getahcew’s argument that the Ethiopian Orthodox church is not in a crisis of division. If the illustrated case is not the side-effect of such a division, one must ask, what else could it be?

 

It is indeed ironic that Dr. Getachew wrote the article right after he had purportedly made peace with the high-ranking members of the Exiled Holy Synod, with whom he has had a strained relationship for several years due to his opposition to the Synod and its mission and goals. During his recent visit to Los Angeles to celebrate Timiket (Epiphany), Dr. Getachew reportedly reconciled his past estrangement with the General Secretary of the Synod, requesting for the latter’s forgiveness, which was a gracious and novel thing to do on the part of the professor. However, his latest writing seemed to have put him at odds once again with the Synod’s core mission of reaching out to individuals and churches that are embracing the neutral posture. His ideas, as denoted in his article, definitely run contrary to the goal of the reinvigorated Exiled Synod without any doubt. Again, Dr. Getachew has often been prone to controversy in good as well as bad times. I just wish he could see the larger picture this time and take a vanguard role in advancing the interest and unity of the Diaspora EOTCs. Which religious entity could have the potential of bringing such unity other than the Exiled Synod? It would be a remarkable and even a pragmatic undertaking for Dr. Getachew to reverse course and become the staunchest supporter of unity, validating the institutional appeal of the Holy Synod-in-Exile to bring together all Diaspora EOTCs under one and united body. After all, the good old professor was once the brain trust behind the establishment of the same Synod that he so denounces despondently today. It is a well-known fact that at the time when the late Archbishop Abune Yisehaq was leading the charge during the early stages of the Synod’s establishment, Dr. Getachew played a major role in it, advising His Eminence and others with enthusiasm and optimistic zeal.   

   

Conclusion

 

In this brief critique, the author attempted to equate the neutrality posture pursued by several Ethiopian Orthodox churches in the Diaspora with the perpetuity of discord among the faithful. Using both Dr. Getachew’s article on Ethiomedia.com as well as the statement of declaration issued recently by the Exiled Synod as a point of departure, a critical scrutiny of Diaspora EOTCs that claim neutrality was made, while providing the rationale for the possible fusion of such churches with the rest of the affiliated sister churches of the Exiled Synod.  It was proven that the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in the Diaspora suffers terribly from a division, contrary to what Dr. Getachew would have us believe. Therefore, unity is surely and urgently needed in our community. Neutrality on faith begets crisis of despair more so than feelings of confidence, solidarity or even fellowship, which are undoubtedly the hallmarks of unity as well as an imperative for the collective security and wellbeing of a people. In the humble opinion of this writer, neutrality on faith is simply counterproductive to our sense of unity and solidarity, and it has neither canonical nor practical justifications for us to pursue it, as a community of Oriental Orthodox followers.

 

Given the backdrop above, the pragmatic and compelling action needed in the immediate future is for the neutral EOTCs and the Exiled Synod to call for a summit immediately first to clear up the misunderstanding that has caused the rift for several years and then map out a strategy that will not only foster unity among all the Diaspora EOTCs under the auspices of the latter, but also help expand the religious work needed to advance the expansion and services of our Church across the globe. With unity comes a collective strength that can be marshaled readily for the betterment of our people, wherever they may be.    

 

 

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Federalism or Internal Colonialism-the Ethiopian situation.

 

By Yilma Bekele

 

“The tragic reality of today is reflected in the true plight of our spiritual existence. We are spineless and cannot stand straight.  Ai Weiwei – Chinese dissident.

 

As a concept there is nothing wrong with Federalism as a system of government. There are plenty of examples of such arrangement like as in the USA, Canada, Germany, Mexico and India among others where it has shown to work. That is the system TPLF under Meles and company told the Ethiopian people that they are attempting to construct. It has been over twenty years now since the work has started and the question in front of us is, how is it going?

 

How is Federalism working in our country? I will tell you

 about a specific powerful institution in Ethiopian and you the reader, be the judge. The governmental body I have in mind is one of the most important and key sector of our economy and it is currently named Ethio Telecom. Here is a brief description of the history of the telephone in Ethiopia.

 The first telegraph line was between Harar and Addis Abeba in 1889. Emperor Haile Sellasie established the Imperial Board of Telecommunications of Ethiopia in 1952. Derge reorganized it as Ethiopian Telecommunication Service and later on as Ethiopian Telecommunications Authority (ETA) in 1976 and 1981. In 1996 TPLF replaced that with Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation. It was born again as Ethio Telecom in 1910. The Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation is the oldest Public Telecommunications Operator (PTO) in Africa.  (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telecommunications_in_Ethiopia)

 In our country Ethiopia the Federal Government owns the country including resources, land and most of the vital economy. Communication tools such as television, radio, telephone and Internet are fully owned and operated by the Federal Government. The Ethiopian government is the number one employee in the country. Controlling all this assets give the Federal Government total power on every aspect of the people and country. For the Woyane regime Ethio Telecom is a weapon to amass large amount of money, spy, control, create anxiety and bully the citizen. How TPLF was able to control ETC is the story of what happened to our country. The group known to us as TPLF organized as an ethnic based party took over the political, economic, security sectors of the country called Ethiopia in a very systematic and deliberate way.  This assertion can be proved in more ways than one cares to count. Please read Ginbot7 publication on the domination of the military by Tigrean ethnic group. (http://www.ginbot7.org/the-ethiopian-military-leadership-under-haile-selassie-and-derg-regimes/)

 Ethio Telecom is another key sector of the economy and a very powerful weapon that was targeted by TPLF for complete take over. How they were able to do that is the history of what happened to the rest of the country. Ethio Telecom encompasses the trial and tribulations of our country and people. In my opinion Ethio Telecom is where Weyane’s star shined.

 It took TPLF four years (1991 -1995) to figure out the inner workings of such a large and old organization. In 1996 they restructured it as a Corporation and were able to get rid of ‘trouble makers’ and install their own people in key positions. Its importance did not manifest until around 2000 with the advent of the World Wide Web.  Before that TPLF was content collecting spare change. The Internet changed the whole ball game. Communication became the driving force of change. As a totalitarian regime highly motivated to control the flow of information the TPLF saw the dangers of unrestricted access to information and knowledge.

 In 2010 Ethio Telecom emerged. The birth of Ethio Telecom was a painful moment in the history of our country. People were played upon, dangled around, set against each other and humiliated. Such a powerful and modern organization in the life of our country was made to look like a failed and useless outfit. The twelve thousand strong body was completely dismantled by the TPLF. Guess who was in charge of this tragedy. None other than current Deputy Prime Minister Dr. Debretsion. He was the architect and enforcer of this desecration of an Ethiopian home grown building block.

 To avoid doing the dirty job TPLF gave management services to a subsidiary of French Telecom – Orange (telecommunications). Orange is a third rate multi- national corporation and an easy prey for TPLF to push around. Without input from the workers, without consulting those affected Orange and the TPLF Politburo said ‘we got a deal you cannot refuse.’  They created five categories named N1-N5. N1 included the French team and Ethiopian management personnel. Over half of the twelve thousand employees were dumped on the road side. There was no explanation, no discussion and no review. One of those that was found to be superfluous was the head of the Union Ato Adisse Bore. You see the beauty of Woyane justice? There was no one left to speak for the workers! You can tell the whole idea was nothing but a naked assault on our people when you see that among the personnel the new organization is purported to keep the list included some dead and some on exile.  This is how Ethio Telecom was born.  

 Why do you think Ethio Telecom is a prized asset of the minority TPLF regime? It

 is because communications is the key to the future. The media opens our eyes to situations and places we will not even dream of. The media is the first causality of a repressive regime. Do you notice the first target of any coup d’état is the control of the radio and television transmission sites?  Ethio Telecom is the gate keeper. Ethio Telecom sustains the dictatorship.

 Thus they got rid of half of the employees of ETC and made it in their own image. They trained a few, they imported a few of their own from the Diaspora and they either blackmailed or bought the rest. Today Ethio Telecom is a cash cow to the dictatorship and a very powerful security apparatus to safeguard a few while abusing the many.  Here is the composition of the N 1 Group managing the enterprise they established.   Please let us keep it real here. This is not some one’s imagination gone haywire, nor a just made up figure. It is real and we treat it as such until proven otherwise. Is this what federalism is all about? Ethnicity is the corner stone of Woyane rule. The above chart is based on Woyanes’ own classification of our people.

 This investigative study at its best came out two weeks ago. Fellow Ethiopians took time and effort to find and compile such information so we can have a clear view of the actual situation in our homeland. As they say talk is cheap but facts speak for themselves.  After all is said and done the above picture does not lie. It is based on the TPLF’s definition of who is who in today’s Ethiopia.

 Why do you think the TPLF regime under Debretsion finds communications important enough to control as a monopoly? It is because communications is the key. Leaders like Meles and now Debretsion are aware of the value of information. They are spin doctors. When it comes to a closed society like ours they make sure they are the only source of information. Our country Ethiopia is the last in any measure of technological advancement, why do you think that is so? They don’t allow it, they don’t foster it, and they don’t encourage it because the more we know the less we think of them.

 The Federalism TPLF is building in our country is Apartheid. In the former South Africa the 9.6% white ruled over the 79% black population. In Ethiopia, today the 6.1% from Tigrai region are dominating the economic political and military life of the country. This is a very difficult statement to make and it is a very ugly thought to cross one’s mind. But it is also unfair and being a coward not to face reality. The situation in the military, the situation in Ethio Telecom is not something to ignore. It did not happen by accident. The TPLF party in a deliberate and callous manner created this Apartheid system in our country. The above pie chart showed the so called N 1 group in higher management what do you think N 2 looks like?  Knowledge is power. Knowing what the TPLF party is doing to our country and people helps us realize the problem, discuss the ramifications if left to continue and find a lasting solution so we can all move forward as one people. Uncovering such crime is not ethnic bating. Discussing such unfair and ugly reality is not hating on individuals or groups. It is real and it has to be dealt with. Dr. Debretsion and his friends have to answer why there is such naked discrepancy in the organization they are entrusted to administer in the name of the people. They have to explain to us the people why there are more from their own ethnic group in position of real power and influence than the rest. Is it because they couldn’t find a Gambelan, a Sidama, a Kenbatan, an Oromo or an Amhara to fill such slots? If there is a reasonable explanation we are all ears but changing the subject or accusing one of ethnic bating is not the way to go.

 Now they have inserted their own people in key positions what do you think they are doing with the new and improved Ethio Telecom? Are they using it to connect the country, use the new found digital technology to jump start our economy and education system and usher an era of peace and prosperity? I am afraid a mind that relies on ethnicity and village mentality to get ahead cannot be expected to soar like an eagle but slither like a snake biting all that crosses its path. That is exactly what Ethio Telecom is, a venomous snake attacking our people and country every chance it gets. Check out our double digit growing economy.   

 

Country

Population Mobile Phone Internet users %population
Ethiopia 90 M 18 Million 960,000 1.1
Kenya 43 M 28.08 Million 12 Million 28
Ghana 24.6 M 21.1 Million 3.5 Million 14.1
Sudan 34.2 M 25 Million 6.4 Million 19

It is clear the regime is not interested in using the new technology to help our country join the community of nations. No question ethnic mentality and government monopoly stifles innovation, kills individual initiative and keeps our people in darkness. Here is a finding by Reporters Without Borders (RWB).  

 “Ethiopia’s only ISP, State owned Ethio Telecom has just installed a system for blocking access to the Tor network, which lets users browse anonymously and access blocked websites. In order to achieve such selective blocking Ethio Telecom must be using Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) an advanced network filtering system.”

 Think about it, the ruling junta is willing to invest such huge amounts of money to spy on its citizens instead of using the money to wire schools and libraries. They use Chines technology to block any and all Internet, radio and our ESAT news broadcast. The few decide what is good for the many. It is not healthy. It does not end well. We have seen what a single ethnic domination does to people and country. Rwanda was just yesterday and South Africa will suffer the legacy of Apartheid for decades to come. The current arrangement in our country will not ensure a strong and vibrant Ethiopia where her children will prosper under one roof but rather a weak and divided Ethiopia that one day will fall prey to outsiders that will exploit the division.

 At the beginning of this article I quoted the Chinese dissident Ai Weiwei speaking about the character of his people suffering under the totalitarian system. We in Ethiopia should know exactly what he is talking about. Under the weight of TPLF abuse we harbor deep seated animosity towards each other, instead of fighting the common enemy we point fingers at each other. There is no association, organization club where we Ethiopians relate to each other with respect and dignity. Our political organizations have become places of division. Even our church is not immune from this sickness. We see our Muslim brother resisting and we learn the power of steadfastness and unity of purpose. That is one group of citizen with anti Woyane virus shot.  

 One fact that should be made clear is that the TPLF party is not practicing this criminal behavior all by itself. We have to look at the enablers that grease the wheels to hurt our own people and destroy our country. Those Amharas’, Oromos’, Wolaitas’, Tigreans’, Hararis’ and others in position marginal power and the willing Diaspora that invests on stolen land and fake buildings are part of this national degraedation. What are going to tell your children when Ethiopia becomes another Somalia, the future Iraq or a dying Syria? When they ask you why didn’t you do something daddy or mommy how are you going to answer? You cannot say I did not know because that would be a lie. You cannot claim I tried because that would not be true. No one would say I did not stand up straight because I am spineless. When you go to sleep tonight think about it, please?       

This article is based on the following works: http://abbaymedia.com/2013/01/19/ginbot7-exposes-the-weyanes-ethnic-aparthied-in-ethiopian-telecom/ 

 

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-10-11/zte-huawei-to-be-awarded-ethiopian-telecommunications-contracts.htmlhttp://www.redress.cc/global/gpeebles20120619http://apperi.org/2013/01/14/world-bank-advised-ethiopia-to-audit-large-telecom-agreements/http://www.ethiopianreview.com/content/38649http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats1.htmhttp://www.thereporterethiopia.com/News/ethio-telecom-layoff-union-president-employees.html 

 

 

 

   

 

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Welcome to 2013: FEAR or Freedom?

By Oboaradashawl  January 13, 2013

The Fear part

On this date January 13, 2013, you can watch a TV program on  “Esat Meade Esat Ethiopia” presented by Gelila Makonnen.  The main program is about Tsegaye Gebre Medhin. Who is/are Tsegaye Gebre Medhin? Ask any Ethiopian or Eritrean individual who has been in some sort of schooling. He or she will give you an answer instantly. But his/her answer may not be the right answer i.e. the right personality. If you challenge him/her, there is going to be a war of nerves leading to fear of the unknown. 

Personally I know three individuals by that name. And what is more, they are well known in Eathiopia. Not only they are/were from the environment of the Blue Nile Basin, they are/were versed in Arts, Literature and Religion. The history and culture of Ethiopia has been unified in these three holy alliances. In as much as we believe in the Holy Trinity of God, Eathiopians have also at least in humanity have merged Arts, Literature and Religion. Thus these Trio Tsegayes have created an unholy alliance in the lives of all Abyssinians and non-Abyssinians. The fear of the unknown still persists in Eathiopia. Hoping that some readers will notice, I have written an article about the Tsegayes and I do not wish to write again. The reason I am mentioning these personalities is because of all the days of the month of which I have been submitting articles on every 13th day of the month, I came to see a TV program about the Tsegayes history and picture. I was amazed why it can be. Is it deliberate or by mistake. If it is by mistake, it tells me that a lot of Ethiopians and Eritrean are really confused to what has happened in the forty something years. If the program show has been deliberate, then it is a design to create fear. 

It is no wonder that confusion abounds in the Ethiopian community especially in the artistic works. I don’t blame the EPRDF satellite organizations to believe in ዘር history and culture. There is definitely fear that emanated from confusion of the Arts, Literature and Religion.   It is to be recalled that ten days ago, I have written an article on four professors who have had inputs to the problems of Ethiopia and Eritrea. That was outwardly, i.e. visible to the naked eye. The case of these three Tsegayes is the internal problems i.e. the invisible virus.  The lack of science and technology in Eathiopia has and still creating havoc to community and societies. That is the missing part between the AMMM professors and the three Tsegayes. It is time to bridge the gap via the Econa communication bridge. 

 The Freedom Part  

Years ago, I have written an article predicting or rather forecasting on issues of economic and political cultures. I mean the political culture of Eritrea and the economic culture of Ethiopia. By 2013 Gregorian calendar, the leaders of TPLF will fail in leading Ethiopia and by Julian calendar of 2013; Eritrea and Ethiopia will merge together. Many pundits did not agree with me for the simple reason that my arguments did not hold water. Now, they have a second thought for it looks that the leaders of TPLF are in disarray especially after their sole thinker died a couple of months ago. 

The thinking behind the leaders of TPLF was that poverty was the cause problem and once they solve this poverty, everything will work out smoothly. In fact the deceased Zenawi Legese (prime minister of Ethiopia) boasted of his vision for Ethiopians to have three meals a day. Based on this simple statement and core belief of the TPLF organization, I knew that the real problem of Tigrai province was misdiagnosed. Contrary to the misconceptions of Eritrean elites, the Agame people were not and are not poverty stricken. The propaganda machine which came from Italian legacy has worked into the psychic of many common populace of Ethiopia. But the truth of the matter was that Agame awraja has never been poverty stricken.  

I grew up there when very young and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Army taught, lived and fought in the area. So we can witness to the meaning of poverty level. What is that then, the TPLF leadership came up with this absurd idea of poverty and to devise construction dams for alleviating their so-called perceived poverty. 

There are two reasons for this situation to understand. The first is the belief of the Agame population in particular and the Tigrai populace in general. And that is the cultural history of climate of Tigrai. Since the climate is Weina Dega (60-70 degrees), there was no need for fear to die of starvation. One can survive with air, water and some food for as long as he/she can. The second reason was based on religious belief that ጥሜት ነይቀትል ዘይ ሸብዳዕዳእ one does not die of hunger but “of state of mind”. The people of Tigrai mostly were Orthodox Christians and there were or still are churches and monasteries everywhere. For the common people virtue and honesty and integrity is of paramount values. They used to believe in life after death. And that by itself is antipoverty. By the time TPLF came to the scene, the world began to change. Liberation theology has begun to creep in. Protestantism which had difficulty to penetrate deep in Ethiopia during the Monarchy era, early 1970, the mentality of the liberators began to change. Some of the Orthodox Christians not only were baptized to Protestantism but to extreme forms of atheism. That was the scenarios for the Tigrai population. 

However, after the TPLF have grabbed power in Addis Ababa, it began to propagate the idea of cash flow –from a peasant economy to a cash economy -. The transformation of economy was formulated and designed by the TPLF leadership and their allies… The whole idea of transformation was based on wrong premises of economic parameters. The former Ethiopian regimes of Haile Sellassie and Menghistu HaileMariam had based their development strategy on foreign exchange. Both regimes had to depend on cash crops of coffee, hides & skins and oil seeds. To an extent they were successful.  

The TPLF regime, however, is heavily depended on loans, sales of fertile land and some grants from all over the globe. The transformation therefore, was prescribed on depleting natural resources and on threats and on false hopes. I am referring in particular to the idea of damming rivers of the Blue Nile and Ghibe Rivers. Both rivers will harm the interests of Ethiopia if carried out the way the TPLF is attempting to construct and to dam both rivers. There are other alternatives research studies how to use the rivers of Ethiopia to the benefit of all Ethiopians. 

That was why I predicted that the collapse of the TPLF at least in its present form will collapse. The current judgment is for the readers.. The mentality of the big fish eats the small fish will not work in Ethiopia. The fabric of social culture will allow neither the Chinese nor the American model of development transformation in Ethiopia. As to Julian calendar of 2013, the politics of Eritrea as being practiced by EPLF will last as long as 2013, i.e. eight years from now. By that year whether the current state of political affairs continues or not either Eritrea or Ethiopia will ask for unity. I have this prediction for the simple reason that both peoples will benefit by becoming one instead of two. That is two nations and one political or economic system is the way out. Besides, the Blue Nile Basin and the Red Sea Corridor are inseparable for the super power strategic purposes. They will certainly create obstacles to disunity contrary to a lot of Ethiopian and Eritrean elites’ understanding. 

Let us hope for the better of the two nations. 2013 is the year we can make preliminary progress if not total resolution.  Truth will prevail.   For questions and concernsoboaradashawl@gmail.com

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The role of higher education and Ethiopia.

By Yilma Bekele

My beautiful and brilliant niece graduated from college a few days ago. We are all proud and happy with her accomplishment. It gave the whole family an opportunity to get together. Believe me the festival  was preserved on video and camera, posted on Facebook, published on Instagram and micro blogged on tumblr. That is how important it was. No question it was a proud moment for her parents and an early Christmas present to the whole clan.  We were lucky and our daughter was strong and focused and it all worked out pretty good.    Here in the US Universities, Colleges and institutes of higher education are held in high reverence. The vast majority are public institutions funded by the citizen. There also exists plenty of private non-profit and commercial places of learning. They are all designed with two purposes in mind. Knowledge and Utility.  

They are places of socialization where the individual learns the democratic process such as tolerance, respect for others and the value of freedom. It is here where change is the norm innovation, curiosity and looking into the future is encouraged and the human mind is left to soar like an eagle in a storm.  The speeches during the graduation ceremony reflected these learned values. The rainbow nature of the graduating class speaks plenty to the capacity of the US system to absorb the best from the planet and toss it into what they call the melting pot. The graduate school representative’s speech was a perfect example of using education as a tool to help create a positive environment where society as a whole thrives. 

The graduating class representative from the International Studies program gave a very forceful speech based on his experience as a young man in Tanzania. This is the way he started his long journey ‘… my first visit to Africa was five years ago …..i had never been to a developing country before and I went to Tanzania mostly because the idea of travelling outside my comfort zone scared me and I didn’t want not to do something potentially meaningful just because it scared me clearly I had brain development issues. I was also eager to make a difference the Africa I thought  knew was the Africa of save the children brochures poor and in need of help I was comparatively reach and looking to help surely this will work out.’ His visit to Africa opened his eyes to the many problems facing mankind. His stay at the University gave him ‘some clarity’ not only how to view the situation but the knowledge on how to interpret them and be part of the solution. In his own eloquent words this is what he said. 

‘USF helps us to fill in those gaps and it also helps us to recognize them understanding what we don’t understand made us more likely to question and more likely to dig deeper to find the root of problems.  Therein lays the beauty of our education. The world after all does have problems and the problems do have solutions. USF help us to figure out what they might be and what we can do to help. It is inspiring to feel that you’ve a better understanding of the world than you did just a year ago and you can attribute that improvement to something other than brain development.’  

The President of the University spoke last. He joked about the most expensive Christmas gift they were receiving paid by themselves or their family and went on to remind them of the huge responsibility of living a meaningful life. He used a passage from a book ‘Tuesday’s with Maury’ to drive his point home. He choose a section which he referred to as ‘probing even disturbing’ where in the book Maury asks his middle aged friend ‘have you found someone to share your heart with, are you giving to your community, are you at peace with yourself and are you trying to be as human as can be?’ It is a perfect illustration of how the University was able to nurture and produce young minds skilled both in knowledge and utility. It has fulfilled its promise to society and the tax payer’s money and the tuition paid by the students is a worthy investment.   

It is with sadness we hear the disturbances at Addis Abeba University the last few days. It would have been understandable if the students were protesting about the quality of education, the lack of freedom, the dismal state the library or internet, the issue of press freedom in the country or the non-existence of opportunity upon graduation. It is none of the above. The Ethiopian institution of higher education is not geared to equip the young minds to ask such probing even dangerous questions. Addis Abeba University is the reflection of the TPLF mentality of dumbing down the population and keeping them at each other’s throat.  From what we hear the upheaval was based on ethnic grounds. There is no question like the rest of the country the University is the playground of the TPLF mafia group. The administration and faculty is chosen based on loyalty to the regime and the once proud and independent student union has been demolished to be replaced by ‘Teletafi’ created in the face of TPLF. From experience we know Woyanes are good at starting conflict whenever they want to divert attention away from their criminal acts. The fact that they were successful in the University is what I find troubling here.  

The very same place where students sacrificed asking ‘Land to the Tiller’, the very hallowed ground where they marched against the illegal regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa, today they are supposedly confronting each other arrayed in their own Kilil. What a shame is an understatement. It points to few facts about our country and the new society the TPLF regime has been constructing the last twenty years. In the particular case of the University it is obvious it has become a cadre training institute rather than a place of knowledge and utility. It is an absolute failure on both fronts.   This is made obvious by the recent report that stated the abysmal state of Medical school graduates from the so called medical schools. According to the newly minted proud TPLF windbag Dr. Tedros Adhanom ‘This year, for the first time, we enrolled 3,100 medical students, which is almost tenfold compared to what we used to enroll five, six years ago.’ Dear reader, this is a typical TPLF statement void of value and substance.  

The report by PRI based on site interviews with teachers, students and aid workers makes it clear that the so called medical schools lack such rudimentary accessories as skilled teachers, half way equipped laboratories and decent libraries. Our brave Foreign Minster’s take on the dismal situation is  ‘I don’t think we will change this country by waiting until we get something perfect to start to start something…it cannot be perfect. We have to start with what we have.’ On the surface one might be sympathetic to such talk. You would think a poor country doing its best to relieve a major problem by using its meager resources. But that is not a true statement. The actual situation is a country with plenty of human and material resources hell bent on mismanaging its god given asset.  The TPLF regime sole interest is holding onto power regardless of the consequences.  The regime is interested in inflating the numbers for propaganda purpose rather than being concerned with quality. Like every one of their pie in the sky schemes they use numbers to show how much more they are achieving. The economy is showing double digit growth but the number of those starving is in the millions, the Federal system is working wonders but there is conflict in every region, the number of Doctors is increasing by tenfold except they are not real and according to foreign observers ‘they could do more harm than good.’ 

I would like to see  Dr. Tedros and Dr. Debretsion take one of their medical school graduates as their family doctor. Would they take prescription drugs from those clinics and would they allow one of the surgeons to operate on their son or daughter? I doubt that. Medical practice is not an experimental science. Good enough does not work when it comes to human life.  Training excellent doctors, having great centers of education is not an out of reach dream for our country. It is a question of resources management and defining priorities. The regime spends millions on Chinese technology to jam and block Internet and other media to keep information from our people. Do you think that money could be used for education? The regime employees millions to spy on their family and neighbors can that budget be allocated for good purpose? The regime has one of the highest numbers of troops in Africa, is that necessary? It is all about priorities isn’t it?  

Education is not taken seriously in today’s Ethiopia. The regime is not interested in producing an educated and motivated generation. They cannot afford a smart and questioning youth. There are not enough trained teachers, the class rooms are crowded, books and supplies are non-existent and the facilities are mostly from the Imperial era somehow still standing by the grace of God. Why do you think this is so?  The TPLF regime is not into education. Let alone as a national policy the regime does not even allow private individuals to donate books, computers and other learning tools without their permission. One has to get a written stamped document from the zone, Kilil, Ministry, Foreign office just to bring a computer. Internet is a government monopoly and communication is a regulated enterprise.  Why do you think they do this? 

Control is the key word here. The TPLF regime must control all aspects of the individual’s existence. They control where you live, what you own, where you work, what you read, what you watch and if possible what you think. They instill fear, they trade with fear, and they are peddlers of fear. You the reader of this article are terrified of the TPLF machine even from thousands of miles away. You wouldn’t dare criticize the regime without looking around you. You would not sign a petition afraid who might see it. You dare not go out on protest afraid of cameras. Fear is engrained into our very existence.  Have you heard the saying ‘I’m like a mushroom, keep me in the dark and feed me bullshit.’ They falsify statistics and claim double digit growth, they graduate a bunch of dressers and call them doctors, they open high schools and call them colleges and universities and we go along with that. Because the TPLF leaders are not educated they show absolute disdain to the expert or the educated. Being a medical doctor is not a simple matter. The title is conferred upon someone after a rigorous training and it carries a lot of both privilege and responsibility. Being a university or college professor is achieved after a lengthy process of learning and publishing and peer review.   

When out TPLF bosses play around with such titles it is not a simple matter. It demeans the professions and the efforts of the people that sacrifice to achieve such noble goals. This is another continuation of their cynical view of our country our people and our future. The late criminal Meles used to reveal in insulting our past and mocking our achievement. His children are continuing the legacy of making our country and people not worthy of any pride. Even becoming a doctor has become a joke. I do not mean to dis respect my brothers and sisters working hard to learn under the difficult condition imposed by the regime. I share their frustration when asked to do the impossible without adequate training and necessary tools. My sincere apology since we are both victims of a nefarious system. We shall overcome. 

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