*Mesfin Araya   NYC, May 15, 2012

 

Eritrea– which was once an Italian colony, a British protectorate, and briefly an autonomous region before it was reduced to a mere province of Ethiopia– became in 1993 an independent nation-state, redefining post-colonial African map, hopefully not setting a dangerous precedence. The history of over thirty years of bloody armed struggle had inflicted unbearable human suffering with both Eritrean and Ethiopian blood mingled, flooding the Eritrean mountains, hills, rivers, and streams.[1]

The Eritrean nationalist struggle began with full hopes and ended full of disappointments. The costly struggle merely produced at the end a distorted, bastardized, nation-state.  To date, in post-independence Eritrea, not even a semblance of a constitution exists. A personality cult is at its frightening height of power.

Indeed, despite the tragedy that mercilessly descended upon the population–during the brutal war unleashed by the Ethiopian dictator, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam – the history of the Eritrean nationalist struggle is–to employ Shakespearian expression– “A Tale Told by an idiot full of sound and furry Signifying nothing.”[2]

When, how, and why did that happen? Indeed, Eritrea’s chance for a peaceful democratic change appears slim, unless that burning question is publicly raised and debated by the Eritreans themselves.

This article tries to address that question. It will focus on the historical role of the Eritrean petty-bourgeois class – the very class that was in the forefront conducting the armed nationalist struggle for independence.

 Although in reality it is complex, as overlapping abounds, I classify the Eritrean petty-bourgeois class into three strata to achieve and maintain analytical clarity. These strata constitute of the political, intellectual, and private business. In what follows I take up each strata to describe and explain its peculiar historical role in ultimately producing the bastardized nation-state.

The Political Strata

This stratum organized and led the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), also known by its Arabic acronym as Shaebia.

In order to comprehend its historical role and conceptualize what I refer to as its ‘original sin’, we need to capture the when, how and, why of the process the leadership followed in its organizational formation. To that effect, a critical reading of the pamphlet,  Nihnan Elamanan³,  Our struggle and its goal–apparently written by the current President of Eritrea,  Issais Afeworki– is in order.

At the outset, a visceral anti-Muslim sentiment of the author is visible in the writing. That behavior need not surprise us, as the author comes from the Kebessa, the Christian highlands. He was merely expressing his long standing ancestral culture that despises and treats Muslims as second class citizens  What is surprising, however, is how the author goes around to justify his and his clique highlanders split from the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), also known  by its Arabic acronym as Jebha – an older Muslim dominated political organization which had been struggling for Eritrean independence since 1961,

According to the author of Nihnan Elamanan, the split was caused by the concern of the Christian blood frequently shed  by the ELF Muslim leadership.  But what remains suspicious is whether President Afeworki led the split over the concern regarding the killing of Christians, or over some thing else? We need to interrogate his own answer in the context of the period.

Under the Jebha leadership, there was little or no space for the Christian leadership. Afeworki knew that bitter reality very well. A split was the only alternative left if the Christian elements were to assume leadership; and the Kebessa region would offer a fertile ground for mobilization. As those familiar with the history of EPLF may recall,  the Kebessa indeed provided EPLF a fertile ground for effective mobilization, especially so after the Ethiopian government of war policy increasingly began to alienate the population⁴;   but what was hidden behind the author’s explanation was his own pursuit of power.  Indeed, it never took the public long before it discovered Afewerki’s hidden power ambition.

Not long after the split from  Jebha, Afewerke and his highlanders clique began to shed blood in the process of their own organizational formation.  In that respect, the first and historically momentous event was the summary execution of the”Menka” leaders in the early 1970’s⁵. That execution was arbitrary, as there was not even a semblance of a court trial.

The ‘Menka’ leaders advocated for democratic changes and labeled Afeworki’s leadership as authoritarian and its ideology as a petty-bourgeois narrow nationalism⁶. The ‘Menka’ leaders were principled and courageous enough to face the shooting squad in graceful dignity, rather than compromise their principles. Subsequent to their execution, the blood of thousand dissidents within EPLF continued to be shed. Torture and imprisonment became a common practice. The decision to eliminate the ‘Menka’ leaders – it is widely rumored– was singularly that of Afeworki.  If indeed that was the case, it is a sad story that the clique around him—who later in 2000 were themselves sent to jail—never appeared to consider the law of the unintended consequences.

 All the negative elements that were to transpire in broad day light in post-independence Eritrea were implicit in that arbitrary execution of the ‘Menka’ leaders. That Eritrean martyrs, over sixty thousands, would sacrifice their lives for freedom that never saw the light of day was long implicit in that eventful day – the execution of the ‘Menkka’ leaders. That rule by personality cult would become the norm in post-independence Eritrea was no less embedded in the execution of the ‘Menka’ leaders. That life in post- independence Eritrea would be unbearable enough to produce a ceaseless Eritrean youth refugees⁷– incidentally, the leaders of tomorrow’s Eritrea – was also contained in that momentous historical event. Indeed, Stefano Poscia had to characterize the event as a Dark chapter in the history of EPLF⁸.

But the death of the ‘Menka’ leaders was not in vain. Today, the demands of ‘Menka’ leaders have found their echoes among the new Eritrean generation, whose spirit and language appear to be democracy and freedom. Indeed, the original sin of EPLF leadership is likely to haunt it.

The Intellectual stratum

The members here were the willing ideological rationalizers of EPLF leadership. Predominantly, they came from the Eritrean Christian highlands. They were  Kebessa intellectuals. These intellectuals appeared the most cowardly and oportunist elements that the homeland of Bahta Hagos, Zerai Deress, and Idris Awate has ever produced.

In what follows I will try to reconstruct their collective historical role in derailing any historical possibilities that might have paved the way for democratic change in the history of the Eritrean struggle for independence. I will confine my description and explanation to three historical significant events.

From day one, these intellectual elements had advanced a blank check to EPLF leadership, particularly to Afeworki.

In the early 1970s when the ‘Menka’ leaders were summarily executed, these Kebessa intellectuals never raised their collective voice – I know of no intellectual who publicly raised her/his voice at all. Albert Einstein says that those who have the privilege to know have a duty to act. But like the sycophant clique around Afeworki,  the Kebessa intellectual elements also never seemed to ponder over the law of the unintended consequences. They never appeared to understand that their utter silence might help deliver a Frankenstein Monster that would one day rise to pursue them to death. The Ethiopian wisdom, ‘Neg Bene’,  never crossed their minds. The Kebessa intellectuals’ historical crime did not stop here.

When EPLF leadership militarily evicted the ELF from its own homeland in 1981, these intellectuals publicly turned their back; not even a single voice was raised.

They failed to understand the lasting devastating implications of their utter silence. The existence of two competing political organizations has – all things being equal – a potential tendency to open the democratic process. Were these Kebessa intellectual elements ever aware that their behavior might contribute to derail that potential possibility? Certainly, at the end of the a day a single highly organized and politically intensely engaged EPLF was aided to emerge as the sole power in the entire territory of Eritrea in 1991.

 During the Referendum in the early 1990s the Kebessa intellectuals again buried their heads in the sand.

By all standards, the Referendum Proposal by the EPLF leadership was narrow and undemocratic, especially compared to what had been presented by the same leadership in the early 1980s during the peace negotiation with the Ethiopian military government at the Carter Center⁹.

We all recall that the social and political environment of the referendum was highly toxic: There was no freedom of the Press, as the media was under the full control of EPLF; Jebha was not allowed to participate as an opposition political party in its own homeland. EPLF had its own agenda regarding when, how, and why the referendum would be carried out.

What is amazing was that to decide the fate of 4/5 million people is a serious business, yet the Kebessa intellectuals never rose up to their historical duty: To challenge the toxic social and political environment and demand the freedom of the Press, a public debate to expand the referendum choice, to assess the cost/ benefit of any choice; in short, to have an informed voters on historically momentous issue that was going to define the fate of Eriteans¹⁰.

 Indeed, the Carte blanche support that these intellectuals elements extended to EPLF leadership may be mind boggling, but  not inexplicable.

In the his book signing forum in New York, two or three years,  ago,  Bereket  Habte  Selassie did admit regarding  the blind support that the Kebessa intellectuals extended to EPLF leadership. However, he added that they were clouded by the larger desire to attain independence.  I totally reject his answer: The motive for the blind support appears to lie somewhere else, which Bereket seems to hide, or may be, did not reflect upon.

I submit the explanation lies in the regional sentiment of the Kebessa intellectuals. Deep in their hearts, they were longing for an Eritrean independence under the Christian control.

 As the readers may know the modern history of Eritrea, it was the Muslims who were at the center in the struggle for Eritrean independence. The demand for independence was the sole property of the Eritrean Muslims, and for legitmate historical reasons, which could not be pursued here. The Kebessa elements had at best a marginal presence,  until the early 1970s and after. In other words, the rise of EPLF leadership dominated by Kebessa elements was entirely a new phenomenon in the modern political history of Eritrea.

 

 The Kebessa intellectuals saw in this new phenomenon a rare historical opportunity for their own ascendancy in the area of privilege and social status- Not only would the rise to power of a Christian leadership open access to privilege, it would most of all rescue the long-standing fear of Kebessa people regarding an independent Eritrea under a Muslim leadership¹¹. How else could the invariable blind support of these Kebessa intellectual elements be explained??

 It is said that it is better late than never. Some of these intellectuals are today demanding for democratic change; and Anti-Issais  Afewerki movement has indeed become fashionable.

But these intellectuals need to be reminded: Afeworki did not come down from Mars; it was rather the Eritrean soil that produced him. Every Eritrean, especially the Kebessa intellectuals are historically answerable.

The Kebessa intelectuals need self redemption; they need to confess publicly regarding their historical role in inflecting pain and sorrow on their own people, before they ever utter the term democracy that was totally alien to them– incidentally, a term that was dear to the hearts of “Menka” leaders.

 

The Private business Stratum

Here I have merely brief comments to make, as there is little information. This  stratum was well known for its material and moral support to EPLF. We know now that its fate has turned out to be a comedy.

The inherent logic of any business activity is defined by two principles: Avoidance of authoritarian political environment and a tireless desire to seek a larger and wider market. Yet, the Eritrean private business stratum suddenly found itself under the authoritarian regime and under narrower Eritrean market.

Some of us may recall that under the reign of Haile Selassie, successful Eritrean business class was highly visible all over Ethiopia. The members  were found in import/export, hotel, mechanic etc business activities. By contrast, under independent Eritrea, there are no longer rich private business stratum, as business activities are monopolized by Shaebia. The days of Kidane Adgois, etc,  successful Eritrean business individuals  under the reign of the emperor ,  have become the Golden Age never to return. Cry me a river! What else could one really say?

Conclusion

Paul Sartre- as an existentialist- says that the individual is the sum total of her/his own decisions. What an apt description of the historical role of the Eritrean petty bourgeois class! Its dreams were indeed narrow and petty. Dreaming the big and the beautiful has been alien to it.

 The current crises in Eritrea,  manufactured by no other than this class itself,  have come to overwhelm the leadership.

Isolated from its regional neighbors, the international community, and the US imperialism apparently poised to topple it behind the Musharif of  the Horn of Africa– Meles Zenawe– the Eritrean regime may collapse any time.

The great question is: Which way Eritrea???  In my opinion, the salvation of Eritrea lies in the Eritrean Youth. This author appeals to them to rise up and make a difference! My generation is fast disappearing. Tomorrow’s Eritrea belongs to them not to my generation. They need to act now!

As the Ethiopian youth also finds itself in a similar horrible condition, the Eritrean youth should not hesitate to forge a lasting bonds in the struggle for eternal freedom.

 I wish them the Best!!

 

---

 

 

 

 

Notes

 

1.  Berecket Habte Selassie.  Conflict and Intervention in the Horn of Africa{ NY: Monthly Review Press, 1980};   Ray Patman. Eritrea : Even the stones are burning { Trenton : The Red Sea Press , 1990 }

 

2. Barbara Mowat and Paul Werstine  eds. Macbeth { New York : Washington Square 1973 } p.179

3. “Nihnan Ilaman” in Liberation vol. 2, # 3{ 1073”, p.5-23.

 

4. See Habte Selassie.

 

5.  John Markakis. National and Class Conflict in the Horn of Africa{ London: Zed Press, 1090}.

 

6. Ibid.

 

7. Yebio Woldemariam. “The Saga of the Eritrean Refugees” in Asmarino.com{ January 2012}

 

8.  Stefano Poscia. Eritrea: Colonia Tradita{ Roma: Edizione Associata, 1990]

 

9. The Proposal had three choices; Independence, Federation, or Union.

 

10. Meles Zenawe is no less a culprit in this affair. The permission for the referundum that Zenawe

 

      allowed through the UN was never meant to be the property of the Eritrean people; they never

 

      owned it. It was rather the personal commodity of Shaebia leadership.

 

11. Even today, one only needs to shout in public “The Muslims are coming! The Muslims are

 

     coming!” to scare off the Kebessa people.

 

 

*The author, Ph.D, is a Professor of Africana Studies at York College, The City University of New York{ CUNY.}

 

 

  Dear President Obama,

 

I am sure you do not have time to read my letter nonetheless it gives me a certain amount of release from the pain I am feeling and the little chance of this letter getting to you fills my soul with great amount of joy and hope. I am an Ethiopian immigrant currently living in California. I came to your country to go to college. I am always grateful to the American people in general and the citizens of the State of Oregon in particular that supported me in fulfilling my dream. Their graciousness in welcoming me and their generosity in helping me with financial aid to finish my education will stay in my heart forever.

 

Upon finishing my education I have become a productive member of society and hopefully contributed my share in making your nation a beacon of light for all of mankind. I have been blessed enough to get married to a beautiful person and raise a family. I am glad to claim I am the personification of the American dream come true. I am not writing you to ask a favor for myself but I want to tell you about the dire situation regarding the homeland I left behind a long time ago. I want to give you an idea about my country Ethiopia and the horror faced by my people in the year two thousand twelve as the rest of humanity thrives.

 

The source of this unbearable pain forced on my country is none other than the individual that shows up in every meeting the heads of the advanced industrialized countries attend to solve problems and plan the future. I am sure you have noticed him during picture sessions and dinner parties. He is the one who claims to represent Africa and is usually given the corner seat in the back to keep quiet and observe.

 

His name is Meles Zenawi and his title is chairman of TPLF party and Prime Minster of Ethiopia. He has been in power for the last twenty years. It is not that he was elected to that position since free democratic elections are not allowed but he has managed to organize sham election and rigged voting not once but five times in a row. I will tell you a few things to give you an idea of how he manages to do that.

 

1) Press: There is no free press in Ethiopia. There is only one local TV controlled by his party. The only radio-broadcasting unit is under his communications department. There are no independent newspapers in the country. The few that are allowed to exist are routinely harassed and their publishers and editors spend most of their time in his rubberstamp court. Today a few are in his dungeon accused of fabricated charges and plenty are forced out of the country. There is only one Internet provider and his outfit controls that. He uses Chinese technology to block any foreign TV or Radio broadcast and Internet sites. Your Voice of America broadcast is routinely jammed. Today there are more journalists and Independent Web sites outside the country than in our homeland. The Ethiopian people are kept in the dark by design.

 

2) Political Party and Civic organizations: The dictator does not allow real independent political parties. On paper there are over eighty political parties in the country, but they are all the creations of the dictator. The few that dare to organize independently are subjected to harassment, imprisonment and even murder. His claim that there are no worthy opposition parties is a cruel joke. In Ethiopia being an opposition party leader is a death wish. We have lost many worthy leaders in the last twenty years. Independent labor unions, civic organizations and non-government affiliated associations are not allowed. If they dare to organize they are brought under government control within a short time.

 

3) Administration: He has divided the country into what is known as Kilil. Kilil is a black version of Apartheid; the system the White South African set up to control black citizens. The individual appoints all Kilil administrators usually local lackeys for show purpose. His party and ethnic group controls the Army and Security service with all commanders’ hand picked from his ethnic group. Ninety nine percent of high-ranking military officials belong to the dictators ethnic group. The individual and his party inherited the dreaded Kebele system set up by the departing military dictatorship to control neighborhoods and enhanced its capability using modern means. Today the Kebele system is the eyes and ears of the TPLF party and is present in every household to terrorize and control. 

 

4) Economy: All land belongs to the state. The Ethiopian people are sharecroppers. When he took power twenty years ago facilitated by your State Department he created a congramolate called EFFORT controlled by his ethnic group. All major confiscated business and property were given to EFFORT and today it is the premier corporation in the country involved in banking, transportation, manufacturing, import export and the hospitality business. EFFORT is bigger than Ethiopia. Unable to grow the economy, ill prepared to unleash the creative potential of his people the dictator is currently selling our fertile and virgin land to foreign investors. This is despite the billions of aid dollars given by your country and Western Europe and the billions more written off the book from the IMF and World Bank. His sole purpose is to stay in power by bullying and enrich his ethnic group, family and friends. 

 

Dear Mr. President, you might think what a coward people we are to allow such and individual to do us so much harm and accept it with silence. That is not so. We were not always that docile. The simple explanation I can offer you is that he came on the scene at a very unfortunate time for us. The twenty years of military dictatorship has sapped our strength to fight back. We were caught at a time when in the name of socialism our people and country had gone thru a very traumatic process. Our moral compass was left in disarray. No one was willing to continue the self-inflicted agony we experienced. The current dictator also showed up carrying an olive branch that promised to form an all-inclusive government. Your State Department was the premier facilitator of such transfer of power from the Military to the new liberators.

 

Unfortunate for Ethiopia your country still is coddling and enabling the dictator. He is considered the front line in the fight against terrorism The Pentagon is pouring money and resources to train his army. He is given the green light to interfere in Somalia in the so-called war against terror. We pay the price. The US is not made safer with all the support given to the regime but the Ethiopian people are made insecure and hopeless. Today the Ethiopian people are migrating out of their homeland at an alarming rate. The young and able and the educated are leaving their country in search of a better tomorrow. Washington DC your capital is living proof of the flight of our people outwards.

 

We ask you to intervene and stop this human catastrophe. We believe it is the right thing to do. It is the moral thing to do. Ethiopian Americans were in the forefront of your campaign for the presidency. We were filled with hope that you will intercede and help our motherland enter the twenty first century with dignity. It has not happened. Your State Department never fails to record and publish the crimes of the Ethiopian regime. The annual report is a very alarming detailed testimony of the nature of the illegal regime and the crimes it commits against its own people. Thanks to Wikileaks we are made conscious of the terrorist acts of the security department’s involvement in setting up explosives on its own citizens and blaming the opposition. Your Ambassador was part of the cover up of this crime. It is wrong.

 

We would like to call your attention to the policy the US followed in the aftermath of the Second World War when it came to Europe. The US was instrumental in encouraging democratic forms of government. US aid was based on the rule of law. Sixty years later Europe enjoys the fruits of such progressive and forward-looking policy. We ask your administration follow the same principle when it comes to Africa. We deserve nothing less. We ask your administration stop coddling and enabling dictators, misfits and loathsome individuals from terrorizing their own people.

 

The Ethiopian people are faced with a sad dilemma. How could they fight back against a terrorist regime armed and supported by a big power like your country? It is not a fair fight by any stretch of imagination. They find it confusing that on one hand you preach democracy and human rights while on the other hand you furnish the weapons and facilitate loans from World Bank and the IMF to the their tormentor. Wouldn’t you say the US would have a lasting and worthy relationship with a strong and democratic Ethiopia rather than a country always on the verge of civil war and a pitiful hand stretched begging for food and medicine? 

 

The Prime Minster is showing up at your dinner table next week. We all know he has nothing to contribute to such discussion. The country he has been leading for the last twenty years is beset with famine, double digit unemployment, runaway inflation and human misery in a large scale. He has no record to be proud of. He has no opposition to shame him. His presence at this gathering is unexplainable and undeserved. His single TV station and his sole Radio broadcast will present a different picture. They will use the occasion to bully the Ethiopian people. There is no other voice to set the record straight.

 

We wish you would UN invitee or dis invite him. We know that will not happen. On the other hand we ask you use the occasion to make it clear to him that your constituents are not happy with his actions. We wish that you explain to him US aid goes hand in hand with the existence of the rule of law and respect for human rights. The American people are blessed to have such a caring and honorable person as a leader. You lead a very honorable and generous nation that has stood with Ethiopia in its time of need. We ask you to step forward and do the right thing at this critical moment in our history. We ask you to think of the eighty million Ethiopians that are made to suffer because on man and his ethnic based party is enabled by your country and others to run amok and brutalize. History will not look kindly at such abdication of responsibility. 

 

Dear Mr. President, we are aware of what happened to dictator Gadaffi. We are witnessing the unfolding human misery in Syria. That is what is waiting Ethiopia if the regime continues its mal treatment of its won citizens. That is what we are trying to avoid from happening in Ethiopia. You can help us.        

 

Finally we are not asking you to fight our war. We are perfectly capable of doing the job ourselves. We are simply petitioning you not to stand with the dictator. Not to give him lethal aid and training to turn his fire on us. We know it is in your power to make a stop to this enabling activity. The children of Ezana, Tewodros, Yohanes, Minilik, Aba Jifar, Tona and many others are up to the task given the opportunity. We have taken care of our business for over three thousand years and there is no reason to think we will not rise up to the occasion now. Just give us a level playing field and Green Yellow and Red will fly high on our ancient mountains and fields. 

 

P.S.  We have a petition on line to be presented to your office along this letter. The Web address is as follows: http://www.gopetition.com/petitions/obama-stop-monster-zenawi-invitation.html

 

      

 

 

 

 

 

 

By Obo Arada Shawl

 

May 1, 2012

 

Introduction

Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) was formally founded on a week long underground conference April 2 – 9, 1972. Four decades have elapsed since that time. Is this a milestone or a tombstone? That is everybody’s inquiry.

 

By milestone, I mean a significant point in political development and by tombstone (with small letter t); I am referring to a tombstone where geographically Tombstone is a town in Southern east Arizona. The place of Tombstone is where a 30 second gunfight was carried out for the possession of silver mining. Tombstone is now a historical museum in Arizona. Who can say EPRP deserves a milestone (landmark political history in Ethiopia and Eritrea) or a museum like Tombstone in Arizona, please stand up!

 

I hope this article will answer at least the basic questions whether EPRP deserves a milepost in the modern Eathiopian history or a tombstone with no epitaph.

 

At any time in history & cultureβ, of people, questions of unity, sovereignty and peace of a country comes up frequently. The case of Ethiopia or Eritrea is no exception to these concepts. I stand witness to the political history as well as culture of both countries of Eritrea and Ethiopia aka ኤትዮጵያ- Eathiopia

 

What was EPRP’s position on Unity, sovereignty (democracy) and Peace? Who were its members and supporters? What were the mission and vision of EPRP? Did the Party have political philosophy/ideology? Above all did the Party have a plan of action? Last but not least, does the Party still exist?

 

I would like to answer the above questions albeit briefly within the framework of my personal and societal obligation and not political affiliation.

EPRP’s position on Unity, Democracy and Peace

Everyman’s approach towards understanding the above concepts could not be uniform; some elements of EPRP were anti intellectual while the Party’s real position was anti elitism. There is a real difference between these two concepts. The former concept of intellectual is about reason while the latter elite relates about the status of individuals in society. For this reason, there were lots of row among Ethiopian and Eritrean college students during the Revolutionary struggle. Political history reveals that Eritrean college professors and students freely interchange elitism with nationalism. They have avoided philosophy – the basis for reasoning. That may be irrelevant with today’s selfish generation but it was not with the selfless generation of the 60s, 70s and 80s.

What is Unity?

Among leaders of EPRP, unity is sought from diversity. For this reason, the Party was popular. It is a fact that the Ethiopian Student Movement that culminated in the formation of EPRP emerged victorious simply for its diversity not only on issues of personality but also with ideas and issues of the day.

 

Diversity was not only symbolic as in ritual or heroes but also in values as well. Even during the Third phaseз of EPRP’s struggle, it is documented that EPRP was for diversity. Debteraw once wrote “we have said vive la difference.” He wrote this even when the Party was driven out of Tigrai province. So unity in EPRP’s parlance is beyond words. It has essence and substance.

 

What about democracy? The core venue of EPRP was democracy. Its symbol, its slogan and its rhetoric was/is democracy and/or DEMOCRACIA. That is, small d for its members and capital D for its associates and supporters. Before the world raises the slogan of democracy to signify for individuals and as well as for communities. EPRP was way ahead of the concept and its future significance. In actual fact, I know no organization in Africa’s liberation movements that sacrificed for or rallied around democracy so much. I would tend to think these days that EPRP (d) is a microcosm of the Party element despite many allegations and innuendoes. Capital letter D or small letter d is no alien concepts for those who really understand and follow the nature of EPRP. It is no different than saying WE and ME interchangeably.

 

So much so, the party’s main political organ was named locally democracy – ዴሞክራሲያ DEMOCRACIA – ዲሞክራሲያ. Actually, EPRP and its members have “cried” so to speak for 40 years. Thanks to its members and associates that they made it possible for the word to become a household word in Eathiopia. Historical documents reveal that EPRP’s milestone for democracy goes back half a century ago. Its martyred members and supporters deserve a shaped tombstone engraved with a plaque, pillar, cross, tablet, shrine, obelisk, memorial or any other inscription written as “remember me for D and d”- showing unity in diversity.

 

What about peace? Why was it necessary for EPRP to coalesce around peace? Peace is the only valuable asset for any body or community to survive and prosper. Without peace, Eathiopia couldn’t have survived for millennia. And so the Eathiopian Student Movement asked the then Ethiopian Imperial government to bring peace to Bale, Godjam and above all to Eritrea. Eritrea has been separated from Ethiopia for sixty years and it has made an impact at least politically among progressive student activists. There was a need to negotiate for peace with Eritreans. One of EPRP’s hall of fame was the struggle for peace in Eritrea. EPRP has never advocated for war in Eritrea. As I have repeatedly argued that EPRP’s also known as EPRA was a አንቂ – self-defense army.

 

EPRP’s members honestly believed that Eritrea would not cede from Ethiopia provided peace and democracy prevailed. A Referendum could have solved the Eritrean case. See my article on Referendum on Imblta dated …

 

Who were the supporters of EPRP? Who were/are its members? It is impossible to document members and associate members of the Party. The only way to find out is when and if peace and democracy reigns in Eathiopia. Although the party functions clandestinely, its members and associates relate through its party, army and mass organizations such as workers union, women, teachers, traders and professionals and the Youth. As long as there is a slogan for democracy and peace, everyone and everybody in Eathiopia relates to EPRP. That is the glue upon which the Party survives against all odds.

 

As far as communication and relationship are concerned, I have come to realize that the Party members, leaders and others communicate in their daily lives in the following manner.

• EPRP members communicate Heart to Heart
• EPRP leaders communicate Head to Head
• EPRP supporters communicate Soul to Soul

 

What about it mission and vision? I personally believed that the Party’s vision would be one Flag, one Fidel and many freedoms. Now, we have two flags, different alphabets and few freedoms. EPRP’s mission was to distribute land to the tillers, make the bureaucracy efficient and to honor national bourgeois. That meant three thronged fight anti-feudalism; anti-bureaucracy and anti-imperialism i.e. both imperialism of America and Soviet Union – was time honored struggle. Whether this time honored struggle is obvious to the common man is another question. But the Party’s vision for hardworking and discipline was clear. Eathiopians inside the country and abroad are seen to work hard though for the wrong reason. The current governments of Eritrea and Ethiopia push for cash value. EPRP used to advocate for Education for the value of education is inculcated in May Day which means that the value of work will translate into the love of humanity and prosperity. EPRP’s mission and vision go hand in hand.

 

How about its philosophy or ideology? It was well known among the student movement who galvanized the Ethiopian Revolution to follow philosophy. What do we mean by philosophy? Ethiopian University students at that time used to believe in the philosophy of poverty whereas the Eritreans laurel themselves in the poverty of philosophy. For Eritrean students philosophy was meant to get more information about the world, their birth place and themselves whereas for Ethiopian students, philosophy was meant to be useful to help them understand the things they already know and to understand them better than previous eras. Eritreans were looking to natural/social sciences and above all for colonial history. Unfortunately, Ethiopian history on colonialism was bitter to swallow.

 

The Adwa case was a point of reference. Unless and otherwise Eritreans and Ethiopians namely the MI (Meles & Issais) partners and their followers resolve their differences on this issue, it will continue to add fuel like that of Badme for generations to come. Adwa III should take precedence over Adwa I and Adwa IIµ.

 

What was the plan of action?

EPRP members have organized themselves to narrow this gap by thinking philosophically. It was done meticulously step by step to identify their class enemy ማንቃት – Mankat, get them organized – ማደራጀት Maderajet and empower ማስታጠቅ – Mastatek – people with resources. Their opponents such as EPLF and TPLF worked backwards. They armed their people before they educate them. While Meison, another arch enemy of EPRP confused the Eathiopian populace by rearranging the steps as staggered as first, second and third, the Party of EPRP would carry simultaneously its mission.

 

Meison’s mission was without purpose, it was as if changing people to bricks. EPRP’s act was purposefully done. That is to say there was some goal they all have in mind. In other words, the difference between Meison and EPRP was philosophical between Means and Ends. EPRP’s thinking was always in the Means not in the Ends. የትም ፍጪው ዱቄቱን አምጪው – did/does not reverberate with EPRP.

 

The ideology of EPRP was common experience and common sense. In order to assess EPRP’s struggle for Revolutionary change, one needs a sustained reflection and reasoning. A three-hours reading per day was a requirement to become a full member of EPRP. While the reading materials mostly reflect that of Leftist literature, there was no restriction not to read other books of interest. It is no wonder that the party was rigid as it could be. E pluribus Unum meaning many uniting into one (out of many one) as in EPRP d and D.

 

Does the Party Exist?

The question is perhaps the single most relevant one for both Eritreans and Ethiopians. But for me, it is one of the dumpiest questions I have so far encountered in my urban life.

 

By urban life, I mean those sections of the population who lived or travelled along the five routes that radiate from Addis Ababa.

 

That is the main arterial roads going from

1.      AA to Asmara via Wolo and Tigrai

2.      AA to Asmara via Godjam and Gondar.

3.      AA to Kurmuk via Wellega.

4.      AA to Gambella via Illubabor.

5.      AA to the main arterial networks going from Addis Ababa to the rest of the country, south, south east, south  west and east to Assab.

 

The inhabitants who live along these routes definitely know the government and business sectors. The power of the government officials and cash of the merchants play a heavy handed role for the consumers. In other words, they are at the mercy of government officials for their lives and services. Under these towns no one was a citizen or a consumer in the real sense of the word. Whoever demands for public or private service, the government police and courts are right after them.

 

I don’t believe these injustices and corruption has changed neither during the Derg nor under the TPLF regimes for these sectors of the economy. Those who ask for the rights of consumers or for any other citizens right, they were labeled as anarchists, anti-revolution, secessionist or members of EPRP.

 

What about those who live abroad who want to return to their home countries but could not? They are basically EPRP at heart. That is, their desire for personal freedom and social justice is the same as that of EPRP.

 

Urban development in Eathiopia has taken place along the roads.  This trend has not changed much. It is possible even today that the urban population knows or hears about the Party of DEMOCRACIA as the word democracy has penetrated deep into the psychic of all urban dwellers. Thanks to the sacrifice of EPRP members and supporters. The survival of EPRP is equivalent to the flourishing of democracy in Eathiopia.

 

Conclusion

Two years after the formal foundation of EPRP in April 1972, the Portuguese dictatorial regime who ruled for fifty years has collapsed. On that year the American President Richard Nixon resigned. It was a bad omen for the Empire of Ethiopia. Nationalists came to power everywhere and Marxist began to shore up for power. The spirit of democratic value was enshrined among the members of EPRP. Democracy was neither a luxury nor a Western concept as was envisaged by the opponents of EPRP. Democracy has a universal value. That was neither Russian nor American. It was Eathiopian too. The exchange of prize between Wallelign and Zewge Fanta was a case in point.

 

To concretize it, we have stated that EPRP has a vision, a mission, and a goal and a plan of action, what’s needed is a resource or budget to implement it.

 

Fortunately or unfortunately, EPRP are those who sacrifice their land, property, and their lives to the cause of the Eathiopian Revolution. The Eathiopian Revolution is a continuum. It is a human race for peace not prosperity as the current Meles government attempt to portray a distorted picture of Eathiopian realty.

 

But who leads this Eway Revolution of Ethiopia. Obviously, it has started 40 years ago and it is still continue to the present day. The journey will end in 2013 as predicted.

 

The Heavenly Stars have existed to hover over Eathiopia since the beginning of life on Earth. One can see with a naked eye. No one needs a telescope or a microscope in the land of Adam and Eve. One needs to synchronize the heart and the mind. The mind for the microscope and the heart for the telescope – that is the Eathiopian way or the EPRP way.

 

PostScript

What’s more interesting is the fact that the Stars gave us direction as to how to relate and follow them with our heart via DOB.

Where is Tupac? That is the question for African American

Where is Haile Sellasie I? That is the question for Ras Tefferians.

Where is Debteraw? That question was asked by Getachew Redda of Semay. There was no follow up though. May be Getachew is looking up in the sky. But I know that DEBTERAW IS NOT DEAD. He is here on Earth. Our mission is to find him before aliens find him. He belongs to the Human race. He is ours.

 

The search for DEBTERAW is the key to reconciliation and for maintenance of the Peace Machine. DEBTERAW represents rebel with a cause, arts & culture; philosophy/religion; compassion/passion; and above all courage to bring freedom to “d” and “D” and justice to all humanity. Let us immortalize him.  

 

TRUTH WILL

 

For questions and comments

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

 

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β History & Culture = ዘር፤ the current government confuses Ge’ez with Latin letters

з ABC = Anja-Bitena-Continuum: This sequence is only relevant for the Party Organ.

µ Adwa I is about colonial history (1896-1941) : Adwa II is an assault on culture & religion (1974-Present) AAdwa III is the struggle to defend Adwa I and to counter-attack Adwa II

By
Assefa Negash, M.D.
Amstelveen, the Netherlands – 18th of April 2012

“A pregnant woman who only gave birth to a child during the night was thrown out on the street the following morning along with her mattress and child who is just a few hours old (neonate). Pregnant Amara women have been forced to flee their homes. Many children as young as 8 months of age have been locked up in prison along with their lactating mothers and they have nothing to eat or drink thereby suffering from hunger. A farmer who individually was able to own as many as 3000 tree plants of coffee, avocado, mango, papaya and banana has been forced to leave behind everything and flee. Those farmers who had many bee hives and had engaged in poultry and dairy farm had to leave behind all their wealth. All these Amara farmers were told by the local authorities that as you came empty-handed, you cannot take along with you anything. Armed government officials threaten the Amara farmers with imprisonment on false charges of burning forest, terrorist activities and illegal possession of weapons. There are farmers who have been imprisoned on such false charges and some others have appeared before the court on such false charges. After confiscating and tearing into pieces identity cards of these Amara farmers, the local government authorities have subsequently accused these Amara farmers of travelling without an identity card and roughed them up and subjected them to suffering”.

Excerpt taken from appeal letter (dated 27 March 2012) written by the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) chairman Hailiu Shawel to prime minister Meles Zenawi regarding the forced eviction and deportation of 78000 Amharas from Bench-Maji in southern Ethiopia.

Hereafter I reproduce personal Testimony of an Amara who has been forcibly displaced in a draconian measure that amounts to ethnic cleansing from Gura Ferda district in southern Ethiopia. It is based on an interview a VOA reporter conducted with the victim by telephone.

“Amaras have been put or squeezed into a grain sack and subsequently beaten by the local officials. These Amaras were forced to feed on sand. They were yoked like draught animals and subsequently beaten. One person who was beaten in such manner has been incapacitated so much that he cannot stand any more and he is now under treatment in hospital”.

As I was writing this article, I heard how the houses of the displaced people, along with all belongings of the displaced Amhara peasants, were set on fire by the TPLF regime on the eve of the Ethiopian Easter so that these peasants may not have any reason to return to their houses by way of collecting or selling their properties. This is a cruel act of the TPLF regime which will go down in history as unforgettable act that we would immortalize so that posterity may not repeat such deeds that defy any rational explanation.

Do Ethiopians Have Constitutionally Guaranteed Citizenship Right Under TPLF?

Article 8 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia states that:

“All sovereign power resides in the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of
Ethiopia”.

Ethnic federalism to which TPLF, including all the ethnic-based parties subscribe is premised on the ethno-nationalist principle which holds that ethno-linguistic or cultural boundaries must coincide with political boundaries. The logical sequel of this ethno-nationalist principle is that cultural/ethnic and political boundaries are not allowed to cross cut each other. The Ethiopian constitution reflects this principle. According to article 8 which I quoted above, the individual citizen of Ethiopia as an embodiment of sovereignty does not exist. In a democratic system, sovereignty emanates from the unified consent of individuals who agree to give their support to the state that governs them on the basis of freedom and equality. In a democratic system, free individual citizens bestow their unified will on the democratic state. The unified will of the individual citizens becomes the popular sovereignty which invests the democratic state with the supreme authority that emanates from this popular consent of individual citizens. This is what we call popular sovereignty which places ultimate authority in the people. This sovereignty is expressed through the choice individuals make in electing their representatives who form a government and would be subject to election and recall at any time. (Donald S. Lutz, Popular Consent and Popular Control: Whig Political Theory in the Early State Constitutions (Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1980)

Ethnic federalism bestows rights on the so-called “nations, nationalities and peoples” that are in the case of Ethiopia represented by ethnic elites that are picked out by the TPLF bosses. As such Ethiopians become citizens of their respective ethnic region and not citizens of Ethiopia. The current constitution defines rights of an Ethiopian as being premised on the ethnically-based territory or Killil. Under such political construction, an Amara has no right to speak of outside the ethnically designated Killil called Amara Killil. The concomitant of article 8 of the current constitution is that it nullifies all the rights which are stated in the constitution such as the right of free movement of people to go from one region and settle in another ethnic region and earn a living. In what she dubs “the idiosyncrasy of the Ethiopian federal system”, Lovise Aalen a Norwegian anthropologist who conducted an extensive research for her PhD thesis on the politics of Ethnicity in Ethiopia observes that the “assumption that every citizen is an ethnic citizen makes the Ethiopian system very different from other federal systems in the world”. Source: Lovise Aalen, “The Politics of Ethnicity in Ethiopia: Actors, Power & Mobilisation under Ethnic Federalism” 2011.

What many Ethiopians fail to realize about the current political system based on ethnic federalism is that this system does not recognize citizenship right that entitles a native of Ethiopia his or her right that extends over every inch of the Ethiopian realm or territory. As such the present Ethiopian constitution cannot be counted on to uphold the right of an Ethiopian as the constitution recognize no Ethiopian citizenship, but ethnic Amaras, Oromos, Tigreans, Gurages, Somalis, etc. The constitution recognizes citizenship that is bound up with one’s ethnic identity and ethno linguistic region. The present constitution has created two groups of people in every ethnic Killil. The first group concerns those who are considered to be the indigenous people to the area i.e. “sons of the soil”. This group of people are given preferential treatment in terms of rights compared to the second group of people (often ethnic minorities) who are seen as second class citizens with no constitutional rights to speak of and whose existence is dependent on the good will of the local ethnic Killil leaders or their Tigrean bosses at the center. Any one who is outside his/her ethnically designated region is treated as an alien with no rights to claim or defend. Hence the propensity of Tigrean entrepreneurs of hate to use this legal loophole to ethnically cleanse southern Ethiopia of the Amharas the TPLF perceives as its historical nemesis. TPLF is undertaking the ethnic cleansing of Amharas through the agency of its proxy representatives Mr. Shifferaw Shigute. In present-day Ethiopia the only people who are not adversely affected by this rule are the Tigreans who as members of the ruling Tigrean regime have every right to settle in every part of Ethiopia and prosper even at the expense of others with the full support and favour of the incumbent state which protects them. The sad thing about ethnic federalism which denies Ethiopians their right as citizens of that country is that this dangerous and inhumane system of government is not only embraced by the ethno-nationalist TPLF but also by ethnic-based opposition parties that subscribe to ethnic federalism.

The Social Construction of the “Amara Enemy” by TPLF

Some of you may have read about the recent forced displacement and deportation of Amaras from southern Ethiopia. This diabolic act is not an isolated one nor did it come out of the blue. It is part of a cumulative process of demonization of the Amara ethnic group which has been going on for decades now. And in the last 21 years, the Amara people have been made the main targets of vilification, demonization, discrimination, etc by the TPLF government that has mobilized the whole media and state machinery at its disposal towards this goal of criminalizing the identity of Amaras as a people. The incessant propaganda the TPLF and its cohorts mounted has targeted the Amaras . This propaganda has succeeded in reducing the Amara people into a population that is fit for any act of dehumanization by groups such as TPLF who continue to perpetrate atrocities with impunity against the Amaras they identified as their mortal enemies. During 21 years of TPLF’s rule, the Amaras have served as convenient punch-bags of every anti-Amara group that project its hatred on Amaras. All these happened with the direct encouragement and incitement of the TPLF. As the following quotations show, for the last 38 years, the TPLF has been working tirelessly to create an enemy image of the Amara ethnic group it loathes and abhors most. And for this, the founders of TPLF and the Tigrean elites bear responsibility. In an anthropological research conducted for his PhD thesis among Tigrayans, the Tigrean Alemseged Abbay, one of the research questions which he posed to those Tigrayans he interviewed was the following. Whom do Tigrayans perceive as their foremost historical enemies and he came with the following result that overwhelmingly showed that Amaras represented their historical enemies.

“The historical enemies of Tigrayan informants (82,1%) start & end with Amhara (Shoa) & only 10.7% included Turkey & Italy in the list of their historical enemies”. See Alemseged Abbay’s book entitled: Identity Jilted or Re-imagining Identity?

“Moreover, since the people of Tigrai had the dominant Amara as their adversary, the media had mobilized the people and united the militant forces to deal an outward blow”.
Source: “How the media of the TPLF Emerged & Countered the Dominant Media of the Ethiopian State: Could it be a Viable Alternative for Societal Transformation? by Aregawi Berhe, Institute of Social Studies, Hague, the Netherlands, 1992”

Here comes another text which I quote from Aregawi’s paper written in 1993 as his master’s thesis at the Institute of Social Studies:

“The defeat of the Italians at Adwa gave Menelik immense power over his potential rivals, particularly the Tigrean nobility under Mengesha Yohannes and Alula Aba Nega. Menelik had the opportunity to divide and weaken Tigrai. His army was let loose to devastate as much as the colonial army did. The people remember this period as “Zemene Shoa” which means the “era under Shoa”i. Source: Aregawi Berhe: “Origins and Development of the National Movement in Tigrai – A Socio-economic Analysis”, 1993 – Institute of Social Studies, the Hague
Aregawi Berhe,who wrote the above lines in 1993 accusing emperor Menelik of dividing, weakening and devastating Tigrai by equating emperor Menelik;s alleged record of destruction with the Italian colonial army, tried to present himself later as an innocent person who does not share this hateful thoughts which I quoted from his work. Instead Aregawi blamed the present TPLF leaders such as Sebhat Nega for accusing Menelik of pillaging the villages of Tigrai in the following way. Here comes Aregawi again who in his book published in 2009, wrote the following lines blaming his former comrade-in-arms such as Sebhat Nega by way of washing out his hand.

“Cultural events, theatrical performances as well as jokes and derogatory remarks were used to disseminate this poisonous attitude. Fuelling some historical grudges perpetrated by the ruling classes, the Sibhat faction tried to cast doubt on the possibility of living in unity with “the Amhara”. While they stressed how emperor Menelik’s army pillaged the property of Tigraian people during its Adwa campaign, the damage the same forces had also incurred on the Amhara or Agew peasants was intentionally ignored. These lopsided historical presentations were noted and ciriticized by friendly organizations like the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM). Source: Aregawi Berhe, A Political History of the TPLF (1975-1991): Revolt, Ideology and Mobilisation in Ethiopia, 2009, Tsehai publishers.

From the two quotations which I presented to readers regarding Aregawi’s attempt at covering up his own written statement which is informed by ethnic hate, show how this self-styled “opposition leader” is dishonest about what he did and believes in. Here Aregawi is caught red-handed while trying to cheat the Ethiopian public thinking that his records are not known to other Ethiopians. Aregawi and the other TPLF sharks who currently masquerade as opposition figures should realize that there are Ethiopians like my self who watchfully follow their track and put their records out on the open so that Ethiopians may not be cheated by them once again. It is not a sin to hold any political opinion in the past or present however wicked the opinion may sound. But it is shameful to appear to be what one is not as Aregawi has been trying to do long after he claimed that he has distanced himself from the TPLF and joined the opposition rank. The Ethiopian proverb ድመት መንኩሳ አመሏን አትረሳ expresses best Aregawi’s dishonest behaviour that I have shown above with incontrovertible evidence.

The Demonization of the Amaras: a prelude to Ethnic Cleansing

Before one group (in-group or one’s own group) targets another group (an out-group or enemy group) for genocide, it subjects the other or out-group to a barrage of propaganda war aimed at dehumanizing the out-group whose identity it seeks to erase or destroy. This is what TPLF, its supporters and even its opponents (members of the Ethiopian opposition groups such as the OLF, ONLF, etc) have tried to do against the Amaras. TPLF and its associates have consistently tried to depict the Amaras as rapacious exploiters, invaders, blood-suckers, breast-amputators, national oppressors, parasites, etc. The catalogues of negatively charged epithets that have been hurled at the Amaras are too long to exhaust here and all these epithets have tried to place Amaras out of the realm of human community by equating Amaras to parasites. The Amaras have been invested with all kinds of enemy images that have tended to portray Amaras as less than human beings or monsters that should be dealt a crushing blow (for a discussion of the enemy images in which Aharas have been held, read the book by the Norwegian anthropologist Kjetil Tronvoll entitled “War and the Politics of Identity in Ethiopia: the Making of Enemies and Allies in the Horn of Africa” published in 2009). The Amaras have been excluded from the scope of morality thereby reducing them to sub-human creatures that are fit for abuse, humiliation and degrading treatment including forced displacement, deportation, ethnic cleansing and massacre. When people such as the Amaras in present day Ethiopia are excluded from the scope of morality and made to be perceived as psychologically distant people, their lives become expendable and any kind of mistreatment meted out to these Amaras that as a group have been reduced to a status of a sub-human creature, becomes justified.

This is Part I of my article which has been broken down into five parts (so understand that the other four parts will follow soon)

April 14, 2012

By Tesfay Atsbeha and Kahsay Berhe

 

The inhuman measures of expelling Ethiopians from their own country in the district of Gura Ferda should outrage all Ethiopians. How can hardworking innocent farmers, women and children who were living legally be deprived of their houses, farmland and belongings and evicted by force, simply because they are ethnic Amharas? The root cause of this crime is the backward and divisive ethnic politics of Meles Zenawi.

 

Since tyrants normally fear the elite of a people whom they want to subjugate, they try to destroy or weaken the elite as Hitler and Stalin did in Poland and the Italian fascists did in Ethiopia. A similar repressive policy has been causing a brain drain in Ethiopia in the last decades. On the top of that, Meles is harassing poor and harmless people like the Amharas, Anuaks and Afars, who do not pose a threat to his power.

 

Gold and wax on the form of organization

 

According to the internal magazine of the Marxist- Leninist League of Tigray (MLLT) called: “May Day” in the late 1980s, the Amharas should not be organized as Amharas and the cadres of Meles, like Addis Alem Balema (later Ambassador, etc…) were sent to convince the members of the MLLT in Europe of the alleged need that the Amharas should not be ethnically organized. It would have sufficed to pass orders to the members of the TPLF/MLLT in Tigray to let them accept whatever Meles wanted, but the members in Europe asked why the form of organization should not be left for the Amharas themselves to decide. They were told that the Russians who were members of the oppressor nation like the Amharas were organized as Party committees of Petrograd and Moscow by the Bolsheviks and not as Russians. The discussion grew hot. The participating members in a meeting in London told Addis Alem that they have neither the right to decide on how Amharas should organize themselves nor the duty to imitate whatever the Russians did and rejected the proposal.

 

The discussion looked like a combination of gold and wax. Meles seemed to see ethnicity as a source of as well as a danger for his power at the same time. Whereas ethnic division would enable him to divide and rule, he wouldn’t succeed if the Amharas and Oromos got their own respective independent organisations. The Amharas would be too strong if they organized themselves ethnically and those who opposed meddling in the rights of the Amharas suspected what Meles wanted, but they could not discuss openly to avoid being incriminated by Meles for opposing what he did not present openly. Therefore the indirect agitation (the Russian argument) was unanimously (except the cadres of Meles) opposed by the participants.

 

It is a paradox. Meles seems to fear the Amharas not only because they have the experience and the potential to remove him from power, but also because they stand for Ethiopian unity. Although his history will be associated with Ethiopia as he is (mis) ruling the country, Meles is opposed to all who stand for the unity of all Ethiopians. This is the reason why Meles lumps together the multi-national organizations to bogeymen as interhamwe, chauvinists, neftegna and remnants of the Derg. Meles also hated the EPRP more than any other organization in Ethiopia not because it is an Amahra Organization, since many Tigrayans and other non-Amharas in leadership positions belonged to its founders, but because it is for the unity of Ethiopia and it was aware of his machinations. Of course, Meles used to say that the source of the dangerousness of the EPRP was the attractiveness of its program to the petty bourgeoisie.

 

The TPLF and the puppet organizations

 

When the All Amhara People’s Organization (AAPO) came into being, Meles was forced to declare the formation of his own Amhara organization called Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) led by non-Amharas. It was the Ethiopian people’s Democratic Movement (EPDM) which was renamed to ANDM. Some members of the EPRP who didn’t want to continue the struggle as members of the EPRP, who had neither their own program nor the ability to form an independent organization went over to the TPLF. They were at first disarmed in the vicinity of Abergelle by the TPLF but not treated as POWs, because they came to the TPLF voluntarily while the fighting between the TPLF and the EPRP was going on. They might have taken a pre-emptive measure to avoid being taken prisoner. Most of them went abroad and the remaining few formed the EPDM with the help of the TPLF. To their credit, they had already struggled as members of the EPRP and they decided to continue the struggle, instead of giving up. The EPDM was created as a puppet of Meles who dissected it into ethnic components with some transplantation in its leadership. In all fairness, the difference between the members of the TPLF on the one hand and the other members of the EPRDF like the ANDM, OPDO and SEPDM is that the TPLF was formed by its own members while the others were formed by the TPLF even from prisoners of war. In other words, the TPLF was unlike the others, not a puppet in the beginning.

 

The homogenization of the members of the EPRDF as Puppets

 

The similarity of all EPRDF members (except Meles) is their homogenization as puppets. None of them has the right to express his/her own opinion, if the opinion differs from that of the tyrant. Some of the members are, owing to the fact that they are puppets, very powerful and rich puppets.

 

Gura Ferda and shame to the members of the EPRDF

 

Why are there no members of the EPRDF with a bit of courage to rescue their compatriots in Gura Ferda? Many Ethiopians would have gone to the streets to demonstrate against the inhuman treatment of Ethiopians in Gura Ferda if they had no fear of the members of the EPRDF who maintain tyranny. If there are some EPRDF members who care for their people they must first free themselves.

 

The perpetrators of Gura Ferda should be accused of committing crimes against humanity, because “these offences constitute a serious attack on human dignity, grave humiliation and degradation of more human beings” according to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The victims should be compensated and helped to return to their farms.

 

By Yilam Bekele

Most locations are just bland places. There is not much variation in the topography. Look at Google satellite map of Africa and you will see what I mean. Endless flat land, a stretch of desert, an occasional river or a few hills is the norm. Our Ethiopia is different. In the North we have the Semen Mountains rearing high as if trying to reach heaven. With their rugged nature and sharp escarpments they kept us safe for centuries. They were our natural defense. The North is keeper of our old history. With its exotic monasteries, ancient obelisks it is here Jesus walked and Mohamed (may Allah’s blessings and peace be upon him) sent his family for safety.

 

In the East our low lands are as fierce as the warriors they give birth to. There is no place lower than Afar depression on mother Earth. Loo and behold today it is considered the birthplace of the Human race. It is here mankind is thought to have become bipedal. 

 

The West is where the mighty Nile flows with our water and soil to nurture that other civilization in the land of the Pharos and the great pyramids. It is also home to the famous tropical forests of Gambella and every animal life one can think of. With its lush landscape and colorful people this is where man feels one with nature. 

 

The South is where God took his sweet time to create paradise. Who would deny that after visiting the Rift Valley? The lakes of Langano, Shala and Hawasa, the caves of Wolayeta, the natural splendor of Arba Minch, the hot springs of Wondo Genet make a grownup cry with joy. Our creator blessed us with beauty and wealth when he made our home.

 

The South is also where God’s curse has befallen us for all our sins. He sent us Meles Zenawi to teach us the price of vanity.  I am really sorry to write in such a way in this week of Easter. But truth has to be told. Meles Zenawi is a curse on the land of the Habeshas. Such venomous hate one might say. I believe I am entitled to that. For twenty years the regime has rained death and destruction on our land and people. I am not imaging it. All what I say is verifiable fact and recorded history. Spare me your tolerance and indignation please. You wouldn’t think that if you stand in the shoes of the discarded and displaced.

 

You see my friend our TPLF leaders grew up isolated and alone in their little hamlets up north. There was no diversity. To Adwa and vicinity as Gertrude Stein will say ‘there is no there, there.’ That is why when they conquered our country they did not know what to do with the South. The diversity confounded our warriors. They know that they hated the Amhara, they loathed the Oromo, they were not really concerned about the Afar, the Gambellan, or the Somali but the South was a foreign land to our northern warriors. That is why when they created the Bantustans they lumped all the Southerners into one big bowl and named it ‘Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Region.’ What a defangled name is what comes to mind when you hear this twisted designation.

 

The South is where TPLF asserted total control unlike in the other Bantustans. The South is where Meles Zenawi exercises his renowned divide and rule principles as an art. TPLF arrived with ready-made political Parties for every Bantustan they created. Local faces were chosen from the prisoners of war they have acquired during their struggle. The puppets were already versed in accepting their TPLF masters as the final word on any and all issues. Thus all the local boys were assigned a baby sitter or a minder from Adwa. The South has Abate Kisho a Sidama with Bitew Belay as the real power. Corporal Kuma Demeksa of Oromia was taken under the wing of Solomon Tsimo and Hilawi Yesuf lorded it over Addisu Legesse in the Amhara Bantustan. 

 

Abate Kisho was a simple sports teacher from the town of Leku near Yirgalem. He was not at all ready for prime time and it showed. He even has the audacity to side with one faction over the other during the TPLF drama. It was pathetic to see Meles haul his ass to jail with some trumped up charge. The current Foreign Minster replaced him as the new toy. By 2001 the Sidama people were becoming hip to this patronizing practice and demanded a certain amount of autonomy or self-administration as granted by the Constitution. Meles replied with tough love and sent his Agazi forces to teach them a lesson. Even the US State Department noted this wanton murder of unarmed protesters in Hawasa. Melese Marimo the vice president and perpetrator of this crime was rewarded for his ordering of the massacre by being sent to South Africa as an Ambassador, of course with the First Secretary a TPLF cadre in charge. That is the normal operating procedure in all the Embassies.

 

The issue percolated and during the election of 2005 the Southerners answered by siding with CUD (Kinijit) and were able to trounce the regime’s candidates. In 2006 Meles convened a meeting in Hawasa and was able to mollify the locals with some bizarre actions. The renaming of ‘Southern University’ to ‘Hawasa University’ was seen as a triumph of Sidama assertiveness. The current puppet Shiferaw Shigute was crowned as the new face of Southern independence. Abate Kisho was released from Federal prison and sent back home poor but alive and a good symbol of what could happen when natives fill their head with funny notion of being equal.

 

Of course the raping and pillage of the south continued unabated. There was no stone left unturned to cultivate animosity between the different tribes and keep them at each others throat. The Sidamas were made to compete with the Wolaitas, the Siltes were divorced from the Gurages, and the Konsos were made to envy the Derasas etc. etc. The cadres encouraged turmoil and civil war. As in the rest of our country Southern Ethiopia was full of drama with the TPLF active in every village fanning the hate flame.

 

Ethiopianess was discouraged while allegiance to tribe was glorified. Meles and company have done their homework in how to create havoc on our country while in their caves. They did not dream of building hospitals, schools or factories but were busy drawing maps, creating language barriers and perfecting the Kilil concept. The South was their dream come true. Our common language was their first casualty. It was deemed inappropriate. Trained teachers were sent away to their respective Bantustans and the English alphabet became the language of the schools in Sidama. Without adequate preparation, without trained teachers, without books available the Southern children were left to fend for themselves. It was sad to witness a simple application that has to be written in one language to be translated to another when it reaches Hawasa the capital city. The South was made unable to communicate within its own Bantustan. It was a crime. The TPLF party was the orchestrator of such tragedy.

 

Shiferaw Shigute is the Frankenstein monster Meles created. He is the son of Meles Zenawi. Like his parent he is devoid of empathy and proud of his betrayal of his people. Look at him closely and you will see Meles – indifferent, arrogant and know it all. From his expensive Savile raw suit with matching ties to his air of superiority he is the kind that makes his maker proud. When his own Party found him guilty of abuse of power and voted to oust him, our fearless step child thumbed his nose at the assembly and said “I did not do this alone, we shared the money with the wife of the Prime Minister, Mrs. Azeb Mesfin. If we are going to be accountable, we should both judged by the law. If we have to return the Birr, we both have to return it” and stormed out of the meeting. His stepfather reversed the decision of the assembly. Like father like son! It is Shiferaw Shigute practicing ethnic cleansing today or rather it is Meles Zenawi using his toy boy that is displacing our people. It is the concept of Kilil coming home to roost.

 

Why am I going thru all this recounting our ugly history is a valid question? It is because the past is important to avoid making the same mistakes again. We learn so we don’t repeat that which has not worked. I am not obsessing about the things that we cannot control but rather I am hoping we learn from it so we can focus on tomorrow where we have the power to build a better Ethiopia. The do’s and don’ts of today are based on the lesson from the success and failures of yesterday.

 

Thus we learn from human history to see what works and what to avoid. The quest for liberation and a building a better Ethiopia for all will be accomplished if based on that principle. Each and every one of us is the building stone for it to succeed. Some folks were upset because I criticized a few physicians for their enabling activity regarding building a ‘referral hospital’ in our country. People feel upset when asked to boycott Ethiopian Airlines or avoid drinking Woyane beer. We advocate such action not out of hate but precisely because such form of ‘peaceful resistance’ have proven to work. There was a time when the West led by Britain and the US tried to justify their investment in South Africa by claiming they were creating jobs for the poor African masses. It was not true. They were realizing huge profit from slave labor.

What did Black South African say about that? Steven Biko, the charismatic young leader wrote ‘those who professed to worry over Blacks suffering if the economy deteriorated had missed the point. We’re already suffering’ He often reminded us ‘those who live in constant fear of being shot, beaten, or detained without charge, for those whose children already live in abject poverty and near starvation, an economic downturn is not the major area of concern.’ Nobel Laureate Albert Lutuli, president of the African National Congress in one of his speeches said

“The economic boycott of South Africa will entail undoubted hardship for African. We do not doubt that. But if it is a method which shortens the day of bloodshed, the suffering to us will be a price we are willing to pay.”

We are not saying anything different. Your investment in Meles’s land scheme, your patronizing Meles’s Airlines, your partying in Alamudi’s hotels, your support of the so-called hospital is hurting our people. No need to qualify it with good and bad investment, it all goes to the same pot.

As some of us are preparing to celebrate Easter let us not forget what it really means. Easter is Jesus Christ’s victory over death. It is a time of renewal and rebirth. Let us work for the rebirth of our glorious history. Let us resurrect the spirit of our forefathers that stood united and were able to hand us a proud history. Our love for each other our tolerance of the little imperfections in each of us is what our country needs in this time of hopelessness and apathy. Happy Easter.

 

Resources used:

http://www.ethiomedia.com/courier/awassa_tplf_drama.html

http://www.ethioinfo.org/2012/02/shiferaw-shigute-implicates-pms-wife-in.html

http://www.sidamanational-liberation.org/documents/06meles.pdf

http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41603.htm

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD)

April 9, 2012

      

3.2 Uprising (revolution)

To directly empower the people of Ethiopia uprising is the most efficient and effective method of struggle. But, the crux of the matter is, once the uprising is started it has to be on persistent level which inevitably would be directly proportional to the sacrifices that will follow. The most current concrete example of persistency is the uprising going on in Syria. What is going on in Syria is beyond human imagination to see what a bitter and an extremely oppressed people can do when determined. In my opinion the people of Ethiopia are ready to persistently challenge the regime. What is needed is leadership. Since I have said enough in my previous articles I will not bore you by repeating them here. For example, one of my articles is “Revolution in Addis Ababa” of March 20, 2011.

There are two choices, namely coup d’etat and uprising , for the political organizations who have the gut and the intelligence to choose from and start implementing one of them immediately. Given ones position on the field inside Ethiopia even to choose the method and start planning is a good beginning of implementation. On the other hand to repeatedly say our method of struggle is multi-faceted is simply a cop out and a deliberately calculated intention to buy time for survival. It is time, in fact it is long over due, on the part of the opposition political organizations to openly declare one method of struggle they are going to apply, commit themselves to it and be counted.

 

4. Is there any difference between Faction-A and Faction-B?

I strongly argue that there is no difference between the two. The ultimate goal of the two factions is independence. Faction-A is systematically clearing the road to independence in a very subtle manner while Faction-B is going about it openly and directly. However it is appropriate to mention here that there are sincere individuals perhaps unconscious of the cunning and conspiratorial move by Faction-A, such as Gen. Hailu Gonfa. I think I will add Dr. Dimma Negeo to this list because I have watched and listen to his interview very carefully. When Gen. Hailu Gonfa was being interviewed on ESAT his integrity and sincerity was clearly being reflected through his responses and explanations. The logic of Gen. Hailu’s correlations of the Oromo people to that of a country called Ethiopia was admirable. His rationalization of the relationship between nationalities and the land of Ethiopia, and inversely, the relationship between the land of Ethiopia to that of the nationalities was also very amazing.

When he was passing his specific message, in addition to what he was explaining the particulars of the messages during the process of the interview, to the Oromo people in Ethiopia he said the followings:

 

–As you are the central pole (miseso) for the country you have to be the central pole (miseso) for the struggle. Imagine a thatched grass roof with one pole in the middle.

–We have to build our house.

–We have to build Ethiopia that belongs to all.

–You (the Oromo people) have to build Ethiopia that you say mine .

Gen. Hailu Gonfa did not invent what he said above. I think it was and still is in his genes as it was in the genes of his for fathers who literally built Ethiopia. The reverse of what Faction-A and Faction-B were doing and still are doing now. These extremists, Faction-A and Faction-B, would not pass such constructively uniting and impact-full message to the people of Oromo in Ethiopia. One important point to note is that Gen. Hailu Gonfa did not mention, even once, the divisive phrases that were being used liberally, particularly by Faction-A, which I would itemize them below.

What we did not notice is that Faction-A completed, under our nose, the process required to establish an independent nation. Did you critically look into the political program constructed by Faction-A after the Minnesota conference? Please connect these dots. There is the map of Oromia carved out by OLF. There is the flag of Oromia invented by OLF. Both of them being maintained by Faction-A today. And now they have a political program. Can you see the progression of the process for independence? Wake up folks!!

Please observe some of what are specifically itemized under foreign affairs (foreign policy) in their political program:

 

–….Our foreign affairs policy will be….

–….We will be abided by United Nations charter, African Union charter….

–….We will promote peaceful conflict….

There you have it. When do you think they are going to practice or put into effect these activities? Of course, after independence. This is a blatant insult to the intelligence particularly to the Ethiopian intellectuals in Diaspora. There is no question bout it.

Dr. Nuro Dedeffo’s interview by “The Ethiopia” news paper was very revealing. It elaborates the issues I raised above to which we were blinded and still are blind to see. When Dr. Nuro Dedeffo, OLF’s executive committee member was interviewed he clearly and unambiguously set the steps Faction-A is going to follow:

 

Step one: is to form alliance. What it is doing now. Or have already done.

 

Step two: after the removal of the regime by the alliance it formed, a transitional government will be created. Alliance here refers the alliance between Berhanu Nega’ s Alliance and Faction-A. It does not include other political organizations which shows it is already dead before arrival. It is questionable for the other political organizations in the Diaspora to join them.

 

Step three: the political organizations, of course including Faction-A will go to the people and explain their goals. Faction-A will go to the Oromo people and explain their right, that is, whether to go for confederation or independence. This statement was the response of Dr. Nuro to the question of “The Ethiopian” newspaper. Confederation is simply a cover for Faction-A to agitate for independence. At this stage there is no state nor condition to confederate with.

Here is another one for you to chew. The resolution of the Oromo Liberation Front Council clearly stated as early as Oct. 11, 2011 by saying: The council reaffirms its unfolding commitment to the achievement of the Oromo people’s right to self-determination up to and including independence.

Now, the question is what is the difference between what is unambiguously projected by Faction-A and what Ibssa Gutema of Faction-B, one can assume to be their representative, stated below:

 

…Oromiya had to determine her destiny with a referendum conducted under condition where there is not fear or threat. Those who stand for independence will encourage people to vote independence. Please compare it with step three above.

Another very important point to note is that Faction-A is very subtly using: a) self-determination, b) ….free will and consent of all peoples in Ethiopia, and, c) ….the Ethiopian peoples will make using their right of self-determination, to camouflage their hidden divisive activities that ultimately would lead to independence, hence the breaking apart of Ethiopia. They repeatedly, in a very subtle way, to disarm the Ethiopian community, invoked the people of Ethiopian by saying, ….free will and consent of all peoples in Ethiopia, and, ….the Ethiopian peoples will make using their right of self-determination. Wake up folks!!

Here are other deceptive phrases being used by Faction-A. Given what became apparent by Faction-A leadership, is it really true when Dr. Nuro Dedffo said the followings:

 

–…we have rejected secession (independence)

–…one country

–…that accepts the unity of Ethiopia.

–…hence forth Article “39” will have no place.

To conclude this aspect of the analysis in the form of a question, “if this is not the mother of all deception what is?”

 

5. What Faction-A must do to be accepted by the Ethiopian people in general and the Oromo people in particular.

 

By the way, whether you like it or not, whether you believe it or not, I have an equal right if not more to speak about and for Oromo people, to defend and protect its interests and aspirations.

Faction-A, as repeatedly stated “one Ethiopia,” and “united Ethiopia,” to show its clean reformation must stop the deception and do the followings without any precondition. Walking the talk.

5.1 Abandon the flag you invented. It implies independence. To keep it is to still contemplate for independence, if not, to go fully for independence. Either way it is a full-fledged deception. The flag issue can be brought up when agreeing to form federal democratic republic of Ethiopia. Given you would have the chance to reach to that level.

5.2 Totally abandon the so called map of Oromia that you carved out. How would one know whether you have discarded it or not? When you show the map of Ethiopia without your carved out map. Whether to map out the nation, either a) by maintaining the current map, or b) by reviving the former map of Ethiopia, or c) by coming up with a totally different map of Ethiopia will be decided during the process of forming a federal democratic republic of Ethiopia. However there are key factors such as economic, political and social conditions to be duly considered during the process of dividing the country into regions. Ultimately, the deciding factor is the economic development which inevitably would lead to the eradication poverty , the improvement of education and the improvement of the health situation of the Ethiopian society. In my opinion, these three trumps up any other political arguments.

5.3 Change the Use of “Qube” roman alphabet to geeze alphabet. If the saying of one Ethiopia, united Ethiopia by the Faction-A leadership is true and sincere then this change is a must. That is without affecting the use of free local languages. The bottom line is, as common language is to promote national unity so does using the same alphabet as it used to do. You changed the already developing alphabet to Qube therefore you reverse it. And it can be changed. The Oromo society, I am quite sure, will accept it. Of course not the extremists. Extremists are always extremists without an iota of rationalization. Their motto is my way or the highway.

 

5.4 Change your name to any democratic political organization and join the struggle with different vision than what you claim you have. Your currently claimed vision is a blurred one. I have shown above how extremely blurred it is.

Finally, it is incumbent upon the progressive democratic Ethiopians not to be fooled by the deception of Faction-A group that is being lead by Kemal Gemechu. It must be confronted and be challenged with the stark truth, the truth that exists openly in the field inside the people of Ethiopia in general and the people of Oromo in particular, and be forced to completely reform. If not, it aught to be denied any forum to propagandize its deception. When and if Faction-A is denied any forum, ultimately it will become a politically irrelevant entity. Faction-A clearly knows that. Without the type of forums it is being provided and enjoying so far, it will become politically irrelevant and finally die.

Right now, there are a number of Oromo organizations that take care of the aspirations and interests of the Oromo people inside Ethiopia, including by those multinational political organizations. Accept it or not the history of Ethiopia attests to this fact in different forms and methods. The formation of Ethiopia is no different from the formation of any state anywhere in the world. Oromo themselves had undeniable fundamental input in the formation of Ethiopia. The current Ethiopia is the cumulative outcome that started many hundreds if not thousands of years. Even though Ethiopia passed through many wars, internal wars among the Ethiopian people themselves and wars against foreign intruders, and of course including that of 400 years of Oromo war, one can boldly argue that war in Ethiopia instead of breaking it apart it built it. It appears the different wars that the country passed through, wars acted as one of the most effective ingredients in the fermentation process to come up with the Ethiopia that we are witnessing today.

Eritrea cannot be a sign and an example of breaking apart. Eritrea is a good sign and a good example for not breaking apart. The people of Eritrea was separated not by their desire to be free. Here is what I found out when I was researching for my article, YES, ETHIOPIA IS A COLONY OF ERITREA, Moresh. Vol. 4, No. 4/5, September, 1996:

 

–Eritreans were better represented in the central government compared with the rest of the provinces.

–They were producing about 20% of all secondary school graduates and about 25% in higher institutions.

–They were actively participating in the economic field both inside Eritrea and in the other parts of Ethiopia.

–About one-third of Ethiopia’s industrial plants were located in Eritrea.

Eritreans never felt they were unfairly treated different from the rest of the nationalities. They never, even once, did the Eritrean people came out to the streets in mass in support of EPLF and in demand of freedom. Eritrea was separated, single handedly, by Meles Zenawi Ethiopia’s enemy number one and whose grand father was a BANDA in the service of Italy. Had the Ethiopian army was not stopped to enter Asmara during the last war by Meles Zenawi the surrogate, Eritrean people would have been returned to its mother country Ethiopia. I argue that, had that happened, the Eritrean people would have accepted it without any complaint. Because they were not for independence in the first place.

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD)

April 9, 2012

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD)April 6, 2012

2. Which one of the Oromo organizations are the true representatives of the Oromo people?

Responding to this very important question boldly will help one look into the current event critically and take well articulated and measured steps. There are the prominent Oromo organizations who are recognized by the people of Ethiopia in general and by the Oromo people in particular, namely Oromo National Congress-ONC, Oromo Federalist Party (OFP), and Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization (OPDO) and others. I argue that whether one accepts it or not OPDO is a factor now and will be a factor even after the removal of the regime. The removal of the regime is the removal of TPLF. It does not necessarily mean the removal of OPDO. OPDO can immediately declare its independence and form its own independent party. Let us not forget that they have an already established base to launch from. Whether their presence will be strong or weak is totally a different question.

The ones inside Ethiopia, whether we accept it or not including OPDO, have deeply entrenched political structure inside the Oromo masses down to the local level. They have a well established influence on Oromo people in their own way and in their own sphere of influence. They are there daily, weekly, monthly and yearly. Most likely they know them physically and they interact with them. This is undeniable political and social situation taking place inside Ethiopia today.

Now, the follow up question is where do one see OLF, both factions, in this picture? No where. That is why particularly Faction-A latching up on to Ginbot-7, Berhanu Nega at its helm. These are, from their past activities, politically bankrupt, extremely weak, and floating factions. Where were they and what were they doing for the last 32 years? This flirtation Ginbot 7 is temporary because it has no root nor backbone. As Alliance for Freedom and Democracy failed, the end result of this fake alliance will be the same. It will enter into self-perpetuation mode. Ginbot 7, the fake organization itself, and Faction-A, separately, would be potentially irrelevant. Therefore Faction-A and Ginbot 7 had to feed and nourish each other for survival by creating forums all over the places to fool unsuspecting Ethiopian society.

 

3. Methods of struggle to be applied to remove Meles Zenawi

 

I raised this issue because none of the prominent political organizations, both inside and out side of Ethiopia, including the Alliance of Ginbot 7 and Faction-A, so far, have raised and stated the specific method they apply to remove Meles Zenawi, which would have been the sign of relevancy and determination.

Every time this issue is raised the response on the part of these political organizations is to use multi-faceted struggle. Given the current political, economic and social situations in Ethiopia the response aught to be specific. The problem have been and still is, particularly when it is an alliance or HIBRET or a body made up of a number of political organizations the specificity issue will not be raised. Because to be specific is to have a target, which is an extremely important step to organize a successful struggle to remove the regime. To have a specific target demands one mindedness. To have a target means to work towards that target with no hesitation or looking back. Unfortunately the moment a body of this nature is formed it has already become dysfunctional. In the Ethiopian HIBRET experience the nature of the composition of the body did not allow one mindedness therefore the lack of targeted struggle.

Further more, they dare not specify because they would be accountable to what they stated. They dare not specify because their commitment is superficial and whatever they plan in relation to the struggle is simply a cover for the survival of their political organizations. Above all they do not have the gut and the determination to commit themselves to a specific target of struggle. Isn’t this what we have been witnessing for the last thirty years or more?

To be specific means which one of the following is to be applied. Is it by: a) election, b) armed struggle, c) coup d‘etat, or, d) uprising (revolution).

Given the experiences we have had to think of election or armed struggle cannot be the effective and immediate result oriented methods of struggle to remove Meles Zenawi and his regime. Therefore, in my opinion they are out of the equation. It waste of time to deal with these two methods. The immediate result could mean to be about five years. Sure, why not. As I have repeatedly reminded us, let us not forget that time is the function of political struggle in Ethiopia. The longer the regime is left to rule the greater the damage to the political, economic and social situations of the Ethiopian people. Perhaps for some factors the damage could be irreversible. Have we ever thought about the direct relationship between the rule by the regime and the duration of the time and its impact on Ethiopian society?

The immediate result oriented methods to remove Meles and his regime are coup d’etat and uprising. I have dealt with these two methods extensively in a number of my previous articles that included armed struggle. In the case of armed struggle I have argued to combine armed struggle and uprising. Unfortunately these armed struggle groups don’t have the gut nor the intelligence to handle this combination. To that effect I have personally talked in detail with some of their affiliates about it. To begin with they are inside Ethiopia. I have seen videos when they were in training and holding public type of meeting that followed with questions and answers. Therefore it is a fact that they are inside Ethiopia. It is not like a new opposition force looking for bases from where to launch its armed struggle. Then, my suggestion to them was since they are already inside Ethiopia, wouldn’t it be easier for them to engage themselves in both fronts, that is, armed struggle and uprising combined specifically initiated and organized in and around Addis Ababa. Of course it requires meticulous planning and determination to do it and relieve the Ethiopian people from its miseries. By the way I had even suggested to harass the Sudanese army that entered the Ethiopian border with the collaboration of the local peasants to drive them out. Peasants around the area are not simple farmers. They know how to fight and have the gut to fight. It is their second nature to fight. What they needed was leaders. It was not provided by the armed fighters. Had the armed fighters tried it, it would have given them moral and material boost. In addition they would have been well recognized particularly by the Diaspora.

In the case of uprising I have shared about five articles most of them during the uprisings in North Africa, for uprising was the timely instrument to remove Meles Zenawi. There are some who argue that the Arab Spring, particularly of Egypt, cannot be applied in Ethiopia. Why not? Any social uprisings done or going on at any place can be modified and be applied. It is transference of experience(s). What it requires is commitment and of course a little brain work. I still believe and strongly suggest to use uprising for the political, economic and social situations are ripe and the people are ready, in fact, they were ready long before this Arab Spring phenomenon have spread all over the world.

3.1 Coup D’etat

If coup took place at all, most likely, it would be by the military. According to Gen. Hailu Gonfa the military, at different levels of the hierarchy, except the TPLF guys, have become very sensitive to the social and economic issues of the society. They are well aware of the political, economic and social situations therefore they have a good feeling of what is going on in the society. He even went further and indicated that there were positive communications between the Oromo and Amara military leaders down the line. My only question for him would be why didn’t he coordinate them and take the steps necessary to remove Meles Zenawi by force? By the way I was on my toes to hear this ESAT guy to ask him abut it. He did not. It was a lousy and a disappointing job. Does Gen. Hailu regret now for not doing it then when he had the influence to do it? What he did not do while he was in the middle of everything, with the positions he had and with the relationships he had with the other nationalities in the military and above all with the inevitable support that he would have gotten from the Ethiopian people what gives him the confidence that he would succeed from extremely remote place. He had to come clean and clear about the opportunity he disgracefully misappropriated. I wish he had done it. I will say a little more about him latter.

There is a legitimate concern being raised from the Diaspora that replacing dictators with another dictator is the wrong way to go. I strongly argue on the contrary. In Ethiopia, today, where the regime is literally destroying the fabric and the unity of the society; where literally sucking the blood of the society by amassing billions, if not trillions, of dollars abroad; where the country is invaded by a ruthless regime, ruthless than the Italians; where the country is divisively divided along ethnic and language line; any dictator except the liberation fronts, that comes to power by coup aught to be welcomed. The possibility for any group that takes the power by force is very high to reverse Meles’s destructive plans and projects. As I have repeatedly argued in most of my previous articles, in Ethiopia, now, the question of democracy, the question of human rights and democratic rights, protection of the rule of law, to be considered as secondary objective. The primary objective aught to be to remove Meles Zenawi and his regime by any means necessary. I have an article, MELES MUST BE REMOVED BY ANY MEANS NECESSRY, that I shared a while ago. Coming back to the main topic at hand, I have specifically argued regarding these primary and secondary issues in my article “WHY THE STRUGGLE FAILED, of 5/7/2009.” I hope the following part of the article will clarify the difference between the two branches of political struggle. Here is what I said then. It is a bit long please bare with me.

 

This question, why the struggle failed, has to be answered. Unless we respond to this question truthfully and objectively, there is no guaranty that the future struggle will succeed. Within a short period following the election of May 15, 2005 result, the struggle, instead of vehemently being upheld and defended, it was literally abandoned. The opposition leadership unaware of the reality that the unity of Ethiopia is at stake abandoned the struggle.

In Ethiopia, I argue that, there are two major branches of political struggle. One of them is the struggle for existence (hiliwina) of Ethiopia and the unity of its people combined. One of the major benefit particularly in protecting the unity of Ethiopian people is, as I have indicated in my earlier articles, to protect and stabilize the interests and the aspirations of the Ethiopian minority ethnic groups. This aspect of the struggle is extremely important to move forward together and to develop together, a logical process for long lasting cohesion and stability. I have shared a separate article on this issue namely, GROW TOGETHER, of April 12, 2007. We shouldn’t loose sight of this political and social situation in Ethiopia. The second branch of the struggle is, democratic rights, human rights and the rule of law combined. It is very important not to mix these two branches of struggle. I argue that, what lead to this miserable failure of the struggle is because the focus was not on the first branch of the political struggle.

 

….Given the political and the social conditions being witnessed today, the conditions created by Meles and his mafia group, there is no alternative except selecting the first one as the primary objective to deal with first. The mistake made by the opposition forces from the outset was not taking the struggle for “existence (hiliwina) and the unity of Ethiopian” as their primary branch of political struggle. Given the unity of Ethiopia is at stake, and once this situation is imbedded inside ones mode of thinking, no one in good conscious will sleep comfortably. As to the secondary branch of the political struggle, the immediate removal of Meles and his mafia group would usher in the protection of democratic rights, human rights and the establishment of the rule of law. In my humble opinion, this secondary branch of the political struggle cannot be as strong as the driving force as the primary one. Because one is dealing with and identified enemy bent to destroy Ethiopia. Therefore, one would not sleep until the enemy is removed….

…..Therefore, the reason for primarily focusing on the struggle for existence (hiliwina) and the unity of Ethiopian people, is that, the longer Meles and his mafia group are left to rule, the stronger the impact of the on the unity of Ethiopia and its people. Therefore, to shorten and stop the erosion Meles and his mafia group must be removed immediately. Had the focus of the opposition forces been on this branch of struggle, they would have not allowed Meles to steal the election and get away with it. The urgent solution to the impact of the erosion on the unity of Ethiopia would have forced, unconditionally, to challenge Meles to the end, and to the extent of sacrifices of any nature.
The bottom line of the above argument is to apply coup as one of the two methods to remove Meles and his regime .

TO BE CONTINUED

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD)

April 6, 2012

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD)
April 5, 2012

This article is a wakeup call. A wakeup call particularly to those who are utterly deficient of deep and critical thinking. For example have we looked into questions such as the followings before jumping into misleading conclusions and interpretations of the deceptions deliberately disseminated by Gen. Kemal Gemechu lead OLF here after called Faction-A . The faction being lead by Dawoud Ibssa here after will be called Faction-B. Here are the questions supposedly to be asked and responded to.

a Which faction of OLF truly represents the Oromo people, if one believes they are representing the Oromo people? Have we ever said, hold it, which one is the true representative of Oromo people to deal with, in the first place?

b. There are a number of prominent Oromo political organizations inside Ethiopia. Even OPDO should be considered in the scheme of the bigger picture. These political organizations who are inside Ethiopia have spread and embedded their organizational structure inside the Oromo people down to the village level. Here, the question is have we done the comparison between those Oromo political organizations with such social connections, with that of the Faction-A, which is, absolutely with no such social connections, before blindly taking side and mislead the struggle and above all the Ethiopian society.

c. The other critical question that should have been asked was, is there a real difference between Faction-A and Faction-B, before siding with Faction-A? Have we even contemplated to compare the two and find out whether there is real identifiable difference or not? What is the guarantee that they will not finally join and form one body? This organization called OLF is born and cultivated with lies and fabrications. How would one trust any faction of this organization with such characteristics, may I ask?
The other critical question that should have been asked was, is there a real difference between Faction-A and Faction-B, before siding with Faction-A? Have we even contemplated to compare the two and find out whether there is real identifiable difference or not? What is the guarantee that they will not finally join and form one body? This organization called OLF is born and cultivated with lies and fabrications. How would one trust any faction of this organization with such characteristics, may I ask?

d. The rhetoric coinage of words by Faction-A are, repeatedly used ones at that, “united Ethiopia,” and “one Ethiopia.” Have you looked into it and tried to identify its implications? Unity when referring to a country and its society automatically assumes one flag, one physical and political map and one national language. For common language will facilitate the promotion of national unity. If Faction-A sincerely meant what it said, then, these factors are very important to be considered and be implemented. Walking the talk.
The rhetoric coinage of words by Faction-A are, repeatedly used ones at that, “united Ethiopia,” and “one Ethiopia.” Have you looked into it and tried to identify its implications? Unity when referring to a country and its society automatically assumes one flag, one physical and political map and one national language. For common language will facilitate the promotion of national unity. If Faction-A sincerely meant what it said, then, these factors are very important to be considered and be implemented. Walking the talk.
These and other potentially determining questions should have been asked and answered unambiguously before emotionally jumping and become elated without, in my opinion, having a clue where Faction-A is calculatingly maneuvering to take the so called Alliance and the Ethiopian society, particularly those in Diaspora.

This analysis is based on a number of articles and released free presses of Faction-A. I have also watched and listened to the videos or you tubes of speeches made in public meetings and interviews given particularly by the leadership of Faction-A, very carefully

by taking notes. I have also read very carefully the political program of Faction-A. It is really amazing to discover how this group of OLF was and still are fooling the Ethiopian community. Particularly those intellectuals in the Diaspora. In turn the Diaspora groups are the ones who are misleading those who are emotionally and organically attached themselves to the misery of Ethiopian society. With this type of sincere attachment, it appears, this society will accept anything for the sake of Ethiopian society without questioning its implications and its deceptions.

Now I will start discussing the five topics that I have lined up.

1. What factors forced Faction-A to stop and think about their current political dilemma?

1.1 Not ESAT.

In my opinion, the hosts of this social media that interviewed Faction-A leaders were not completely on the side of the unity of Ethiopian people. Their questions were not forceful, aggressive and developmental. They were not thoroughly prepared by reading articles, press releases of Faction-A with the main objective, first by coming out of the box they locked themselves in, to provide the facts about OLF to the Ethiopian people in general and to the Oromo people in particular. Sincere and organic concern with the unity of Ethiopian people, on the part of these ESAT hosts, would have brought up hidden motives and deceptions to the surface and exposed it to the Ethiopian people in general and the Oromo people in particular. Instead, they were providing them a forum to further deceive the Ethiopian society. Their nature of questioning was in fact reviving a dying liberation front. I can give a number of concrete examples beginning from the interview of Dr. Dimma Negeo as to how the interviews were not penetrating, well calculated and at the same time very instructional to those who are listening.

Here are three concrete examples to show how some of these ESAT hosts are not seriously concerned about the unity of Ethiopian people. In fact they re sabotaging it. During the telephone interview of Gen. Hailu Gonfa they improvised the interview: a) by projecting the carved out map of OLF and the invented OLF flag being stuck on the map, b) by displaying armed fighters of OLF, to show the force of OLF, and c) displayed about four individuals raising the flag of OLF on a hill top exactly duplicating the Iwo Jima war memorial erected in Arlington adjacent to Arlington Cemetery. Iwo Jima memorial represents a very hard fought victory of 1945 over Japan by the United States marine corps. Does ESAT understand the meaning of displaying of such symbol? Is ESAT prophesying a victory by OLF over the people of Ethiopia, at the expense of the unity of Ethiopian people? This farfetched and laymanish comparison. It is like a comparison made by another uninformed Ethiopian artist. This Ethiopian artist compared the treatment of Ethiopian people with that of the horrible and humanly in comprehendible treatment of African slaves during the journey by being forced to enter the United States of America, and after they entered America. He is simply a political salesman slowly exposing his true characteristics. He has the potential to say and do anything at the expense of the unity of Ethiopian people. Birds of the same feather flocked together.

These are the reasons for saying these ESAT hosts are not concerned about the unity of Ethiopian people. And these are the reasons for saying they are in fact sabotaging the unity of Ethiopian people. Unless they are tunnel versioned they should be able to comprehend the interpretations and the implications of what they are talking and doing. By the substance of their primary questions and then by the follow up questions, one can observe that they have not even thought about it. In my opinion at any time and
whenever any issue are discussed or brought up with OLF, whether it is with Faction-A or with Faction-B, it automatically assumes the ultimate objective to be the unity of Ethiopian people. Therefore, it automatically controls the drift and the development of the discussions or the question and the answer processes. There cannot be any other reason. Contacts and discussions based on this principle can be initiated and perused with the two factions until the issue is completely resolved. But there cannot be any negotiations of any form on the principle of the unity of Ethiopian people.

No one in good conscious, can talk or discuss about the economy, education, health, human rights and the rule of law with OLF factions. Because, since their struggle is, as repeatedly stated to be self-determination up to and including independence of Oromo people, it is none of its business and it doesn’t concern it. It should not, never, be allowed to use these Ethiopian people’s issue to be used as a Trojan horse to disarm meek Ethiopians. The behavior and the act vividly demonstrated during the interview process shows the political prostitution of ESAT. Therefore, since it is sabotaging the unity of Ethiopian people it should be denied any type of funding. It is a crime against the people of Ethiopia to fund it with this type of clear political prostitution.

Please read the interview of Dr. Nuro Dedeffo by “The Ethiopian” news paper. One would clearly see how this journalist slowly and with logical thought processes was developing a complete picture of what was and is going on in the minds of these Faction-A leaders. I will use this interview at the later stage of this article.

1.2 It is not Ginbot 7

I firmly argue that a multinational political organizations aught not in any way cultivate nationalities oriented political organizations particularly liberation fronts. If not openly, the concealed objective is to discourage the formation of nationalities oriented political organizations because the ultimate objective is to maintain and foster a united and undivided Ethiopia. I think, at least this kind of thought process is subliminal. For an extremely poor country such as Ethiopia, in the midst of abundant natural resources to top into, the unity of its people is a must to guaranteed stability. In a country where over eighty nationalities exist, stability is a function of economic development hence the eradication of POVERY.

Here, it does not mean to disparage or do anything negative or to campaign against the existing nationalities political organizations particularly inside Ethiopia. In my opinion these nationalities political organizations will wither out through time, that is, when the Ethiopian people become the supreme owner of the administrative process of the country. The result of May 15, 2005 as well as the result of 2010 elections illuminated this process of withering out of the nationalities political organizations. Particularly in the 2005 election, the nationalities political organizations were no where near even to be considered to form a coalition government. Because, the overwhelming majority of those who came out to vote, voted for the multinational political organizations. They refused to fall into the trap of the divisive division of the country by TPLF along ethnic and language boundaries. This is the historic phenomenon that the liberation fronts, particularly OLF could not comprehend at all. I am wondering, whether, even the intellectuals in Diaspora comprehended this historic revelation.

Ginbot 7 tried its level best to reconcile the factions of OLF. Ginbot 7, this fake political organization, did not realize that it is cultivating a liberation front determined to dismantle Ethiopia. Not only that it became an instrument to revive a dying liberation front. Ginbot 7 is a dangerously opportunistic political prostitutes political organization that aught to be dismantled.

Did you observe the drama of the Virginia public meeting of February 19, 2012 held by Ginbot 7 and Faction-A? One of the telling drama was the welcoming speech made by Oromigna which was translated into amarigna, against the reality. It was funny. Was it necessary to do such laughable thing? All those attending the meeting perfectly speak, write, and understand amarigna, including those Oromos who would be perhaps about 10% of the attendee. Commonsense, which is the major deficient factor in the OLF leadership, would dictate to use the amaric language. For one thing it would have been efficient and effective in the sense that it would have shown how sincere and practical they would be when talking about “one Ethiopia” and “united Ethiopia.” For another it would have shown their confidence in themselves and truthfulness in what they claim they are pursuing. In addition, as far as I am concerned it is hypocritical to write in Oromigna and English on the advertisement poster. Please compare it with the advertisement poster of Alliance for Freedom and Democracy, of October 8, 2006.

The other drama was the display of the logos on the advertisement posters. Faction-A has a different logo than the one displayed as a logo which was the flag of OLF. The OLF flag should not have been used as a logo. If the OLF flag were to be used as a logo then the Ethiopian flag should have been displayed at a parallel position. It is simply a rational thing to do. The logo that was displayed by Ginbot 7 cannot represent the flag of Ethiopia. The logo displayed by Ginbot 7 could be the logo of Senegal or any other African states that use the three colors of Ethiopian flag, that is, the use of the three colors with different combinations and positions. In my opinion the dramas I mentioned above is not only an insult to the intelligence who were attending the meeting and reading the posters through the internet, it also shows the weakness and the corrupt political characteristics of Ginbot 7 that traces back to Ethiopia. These dramas should not be viewed as something trivial. It clearly shows how the most fundamental matters such as the protection of the unity of Ethiopian people, at any cost, were not taken to heart. Anything and everything that is done with Faction-A, it aught to be noted , ultimately revolves around the unity of Ethiopian people.

1.3 It is the persistent, strong and harsh criticism of OLF by seriously concerned individuals.

There were and still are individuals who have been anti OLF position. To name one of them is Getachew Reda. These individuals persistently exposed the destructive and divisiveness of OLF to the unity of Ethiopian people. Why? Because they were and still are, which I am going to prove below, for independence of Oromiya. It is critically important to note that the independence of Oromia cannot be seen separately without the destruction of Ethiopia. I sincerely hope that this will sink in well.

In my opinion, the last straw was my article, “OLF’s Inconsistencies, Lies and Fabrications of History.” This article did expose the true nature of OLF in a very concrete manner. Particularly the coming out of Faction-A and publicly “softening up” its position, even though it was deceptive, in different media outlets was after this article.

1.4 It is the recognition on the part of Faction-A, the none existence of organic political linkage with the Oromo people inside Ethiopia therefore doomed to fail irreversibly therefore they must do something about it.

Now it is trying its level best to hook up with Ginbot 7 to resuscitate its political life and meticulously design its ultimate objective to be carried out with the help of Ginbot 7 and its political allies. It was unable strengthen itself by bringing together the Oromo political organizations therefore it has to throw its lot with Ginbot 7, perhaps a position that would backfire in the future. Particularly for Faction-A it is a question of survival. It has to have a forum to tell its existence riding on the back of the donkeys.

1.5 The most critical one is, particularly Faction-A clearly realized that the people of Orom was not and still are not behind its independence theory. How dare one tell the builders of Ethiopia you are not Ethiopian? This is what always baffling me. Here are concrete historical experiences that show that the Oromo people were not following, hence not behind OLF.

Experience number one is that had OLF been sure that the Oromo people was behind it, in 1991, when there was no government in Ethiopia, it would have declared its independence by over riding the control of TPLF. It had its flag. It had its carved out map. There are over thirty million Oromos, a power house. So what held back OLF from declaring its independence? The simple fact is that it did not have the full confidence of the Oromo people that it will follow it and back it up. The Oromo mass was not and still not behind OLF then, and now behind Faction-A.

Experience number one is that had OLF been sure that the Oromo people was behind it, in 1991, when there was no government in Ethiopia, it would have declared its independence by over riding the control of TPLF. It had its flag. It had its carved out map. There are over thirty million Oromos, a power house. So what held back OLF from declaring its independence? The simple fact is that it did not have the full confidence of the Oromo people that it will follow it and back it up. The Oromo mass was not and still not behind OLF then, and now behind Faction-A.

Experience number two is what took place when OLF was part of the transitional government. They did not have the confidence in themselves to convert the opportunity they had into a potential political threat and be taken seriously by TPLF. They were not in a position to challenge TPLF because they know that the Oromo mass would not back them up. I don’t think OLF trusted the Oromo people even to hide it. Otherwise the whole leadership would not have evacuated and migrated to foreign countries. The positions of Faction-A in relation to the Oromo people aught to be the lenses through which we should look into it very critically. In my opinion it is a floating front. It is simply in the air with no roots. Not roots mean no attachment and hence no nourishment.
is what took place when OLF was part of the transitional government. They did not have the confidence in themselves to convert the opportunity they had into a potential political threat and be taken seriously by TPLF. They were not in a position to challenge TPLF because they know that the Oromo mass would not back them up. I don’t think OLF trusted the Oromo people even to hide it. Otherwise the whole leadership would not have evacuated and migrated to foreign countries. The positions of Faction-A in relation to the Oromo people aught to be the lenses through which we should look into it very critically. In my opinion it is a floating front. It is simply in the air with no roots. Not roots mean no attachment and hence no nourishment.

TO BE CONTINUED

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD)
April 5, 2012

 

By Kahsay Berhe and Tesfay Atsbeha

 

Part two – March 2012

 

Why are we writing about Meles? Meles has absolute power as all his predecessors. He can decide the fate of more than 80 Million Ethiopians and probably the coming generations. As every major aspect of life of all Ethiopians is controlled by Meles, there is no possibility for Ethiopians to take their own destiny into their own hands without removing Meles. Since Meles, more than anybody else, has been committing so many crimes with impunity, it is Imperative to deal with the worst enemy of the people before everything else and hence expose his crimes.

 

When absolute rulers go down, they go down absolutely along with their followers as we saw these in the case of colonel Mengistu as well as Hitler, Mussolini and Pol Pot. Therefore the EPRDF will vanish as a political entity with the overthrow of Meles, while EPRDF members who have not committed crimes can be part of the solution by siding with their people.

 

It is of course a shame for millions of Ethiopians and a manifestation of the worst form of backwardness to be controlled by a single person and almost a miracle for a nation to be controlled and devastated by an anti-Ethiopian Person. Ignorance, the lack of an institutionalized democratic culture, the absence of economic independence due to poverty aggravated by the fact the citizens are deprived of the security of private ownership with the State having a monopoly on almost everything including land; and the fact that the state has become the biggest employer are the favourable conditions which are helping Meles to stay in power. Meles will maintain these favourable conditions for his tyranny as long as he is in power. Therefore there is no means of changing the status quo and ensuring the dignity of Ethiopians without getting rid of the tyrant.

 

Coming back to the birth day of the TPLF, let us see the things which are propagated and mystified continuously. It has become almost a legend that the TPLF started the armed struggle with 11 fighters on 18 February 1975 (11 Yekatit 1967 E.C.). Yes, there was also an Amhara fighter called Mikael (Abtew) Takele in the group, as mentioned in Fetehe[i]. Mikael (Abtew) did not join the TPLF in order to struggle for the secession of Tigray from Ethiopia and he, as many other members of the TPLF did not know that some elements were abusing the revolutionary fervour of the young people for their hidden agenda.

 

Mikael was a good hunter and friendly. He used to hunt and gather wild honey for the group. His Amhara origin caused no problem. Most members did not see secession as a solution to the Tigrayan question. Kahsay remembers how Mikael provoked by someone was angrily asking: “are you going to cut off the country – ageritwan litqortu new?” It is true that TPLF leaders and their cadres exclude those who reject separatism and stand for justice in Ethiopia from the list of the founders. Mikael is often excluded by some individuals from the list, but Kahsay is also excluded particularly by Seyoum.

 

Apart from the 11[ii], another group of about nine (9)[iii] men including Meles[iv]) also went to Eritrea for training by the EPLF (shaebia) in January of the same year. A third group of ten (10) [v]young peasants from the Shire region, mainly relatives and acquaintances of Sehul Ayele who were gathered and recruited at a short notice by Fitewi (Berhane) Ayele, a younger brother of Sehul Ayele were dispatched to the EPLF training centres. The young peasants were sent to Eritrea because the EPLF insisted on the inclusion of as many illiterate farmers as possible as a precautionary measure to avoid the dominance of educated critical elements. Therefore the 2^nd and the 3^rd groups completed their training at the same time and returned together to Tigray. If all groups are added up together, the number climbs up to around 30 individuals. Those who remained in the towns to accomplish organizational tasks and risked their lives more than those who went to the field should also be recognized as founders. If those who worked in the towns are added up, the number must have been more than 30. Taking the groups mentioned above into consideration, those people, who agreed to start the struggle should be considered as founders of the organisation. Mentioning the founders is for us simply stating the facts as they were, without attaching any special importance.

 

The annihilation of the TLF

 

In November 1975, while a few Central committee (CC) members of the TPLF were talking with members of the Tigrayan Liberation Front (TLF) to unite the TPLF and TLF, Meles was passionately agitating and warning other TPLF members of the danger of unity, that the TLF would be dangerous for the lives of the TPLF members. Meles was only a few months away from being appointed to be a deputy member of the CC. Both Fronts “agreed” to unite; they redistributed their weapons after mixing them up and the leadership was to be shared.

 

The inclusion of the TLF in the leadership meant the postponement of the promotion of Meles to the leadership. However, the whole theatre of unity talks was a deception by the CC of the TPLF to bring the TLF members under control when they fall asleep. Gebru Asrat mentioned in Fetehe No. 175 that some of the remaining TLF members continued their struggle with the TPLF; and we would add that they had no other realistic choices after their leadership was decimated. In a manual for political education to its members, the CC of the TPLF portrays the leadership of the TLF as a narrow nationalist, undemocratic and murderous group, but these descriptions also apply to the leadership of the TPLF as well. Meles and his group wrote the manifesto for the secession of Tigray three months after they destroyed the TLF. It is by taking his partially influential role in 1975, before he became a deputy member of the CC that we consider Meles to have been in power for more than 36 years. He formally became a deputy member of the CC of the TPLF in 1976, but he has been committing crimes since the autumn of 1975.

 

From secession to manipulation

 

According to Gebru (ibid.) the aim of the struggle for the independence of Tigray as declared in the manifesto was replaced by the concept of self-determination six months later, after the fighters discussed about it .Ghidey Zeratsion said (on 7 August 2011, in Ras Alula Pal talk Room) that the change of the manifesto took place after ten months and added that there was previously a consensus on the manifesto of secession within those who knew about it. The manifesto was written in February 1976 and changed in November of the same year only within the CC of the TPLF. We don’t know, whether Gebru who was not in the CC at that time participated in the internal discussion. The authors of the manifesto did not have absolute control on the rank-and-file-members of the TPLF and therefore no confidence to tell the latter (including some from the eleven like Asfaha, Kahsay and even Aregawi who was in the leadership etc..) about the aim of secession. As the authors of the manifesto did not want to tell other members of the organisation about their aim of secession, they did not speak about any change of the aim.

 

This change was probably sent to the EPLF, but we know it was not distributed amongst the members of the TPLF. On the one side, the change in the manifesto was a reaction to the criticism of the EPLF and EPRP. Aregawi Berhe has also written that he opposed secession. On the other side, the CC of the TPLF could have without mentioning the manifesto, indirectly come to the conclusion that there was no support for secession amongst the rank-and-file-members and the people. The aim of the TPLF was declared to be the self-determination of the people of Tigray in the first congress of the TPLF in 1979 without any mention that it was secession before. It was only in the beginning of 1985, at a time when the CC of the TPLF felt strong enough to take over power in the whole of Ethiopia that the existence of the manifesto of secession was disclosed openly. The disclosure was made in the first issue of the TPLF magazine “Yetigil Tiri (a call for struggle) as a half-hearted self-criticism of, as the CC put it: “the narrow nationalist tendency” of the TPLF in the beginning.

 

The formulation: “the right to self-determination, including and up to secession” is generally, and as we know it particularly in the TPLF ambivalent and very dangerous. This has been the worst phrase in Ethiopia since the mid 70s up to now. Such an aim shows the insincerity of its Authors on two counts. In the first place, the authors insincerely try to look like a neutral body which would see to it that the right of the people to reach a decision is respected. Theoretically, the self-determination of the people in a referendum is a compromise solution when one force struggles for secession while another tries to maintain unity. It is historically a phrase for independence from colonialism and secession is inherent in self-determination. The dominant elements of the CC of the TPLF did not want to take a clear position. This position as we see it practically means that they wanted unity if they get power all over Ethiopia and the secession of Tigray if they don’t monopolize power in Ethiopia. Secondly, the CC of the TPLF has never been democratic when it comes to elections as well as democratic and human rights. The assertion that they would accept the decision of the people while they are oppressing and terrorizing the people is simply a white lie. The right to self-determination including and up to secession as used by the TPLF is a system of manipulation and nothing else, because the aim is intentionally unclear so that it can be interpreted one way or the other depending on the wishes of Meles. Any decision can be imposed on the people with the help of repression and declared to have the support of 99.6% of people by the dishonest tyrant.

 

Irrespective of whatever the nature of the TLF was, there is pattern of behaviour of the leadership of the TPLF and particularly that of Meles which we find in connection with the annihilation of the TLF 37 years ago. According to this pattern of behaviour the perpetrator deceives, takes cruel measures and accuses the victim of crimes which the perpetrator himself commits. This history has similarities with measures taken by Meles against the CUD in 2005. The manipulation in connection with self-determination is also part of the culture of deceit which is being used to erode unity as well as maintain the repressive regime with the help of the system of divide and rule.

 

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[i] : The issue was raised under the title of “Amara Che Guevara..”  by Temesgen Desalegn in Fetehe number 175

 

[ii]: Sehul (Gessesse) Ayele (fallen in combat), Agazi (Zeru) Gessesse (fallen in combat), Seyoum (Ambaye) Mesfin (in power), Asfaha (Mulugeta) Hagos (exiled and dead), Ghidey (Fantahun) Zeratsion (expelled and in exile), Berihu (Aregawi) Berhe (expelled and in exile), Qelebet (Neguse) Taye (fallen in combat), Tsehaye (Arafayne) Kahsay (fallen in combat), Abitew (Michael) Takele (left the Front and dead), Misgina (Kahsay) Berhe (expelled and in exile) and Meley (no info available);Asgede Gebreselassie who had already contact with Sehul Ayele joined the group (expelled).

 

[iii]: Seye (Sahle) Abraha (expelled), Shewit (Atsbeha) Dagnew (murdered by those in power), Meles (Legesse) Zenawi (exercising absolute power), Awlaalom (Tikue) Woldu (expelled), Walta (Yohannes) Gebre Medhin (fallen in combat), Hailu (Alemseged) Mengesha (expelled), Oqubazghi (Rezene), Beyene (murdered by those in power), Teklemariam (Awote) Tesfay (murdered by those in power) and Abay (Amha) Tsehaye (in power)

 

[iv] : Meles fled from Asmera, but his flight was kept secret by his friends who held power simply because they are amongst the first to start the struggle.

 

[v] Fitewi (Berhane) Ayele (fallen in combat), Alemayoh (Dirar) Ayele, Mekete (Ayele), Yoseph (Huluf), Tadele, Bahre, Yibrah, Aregay, Tewolde (Meftuh), Gebre Hiwot (Dunkul) and Aradom.