By Yilma Bekele

 

Did you see what was coming out of North Korea this week? Someone referred to it as the ‘world’s largest display of uncontrollable grief.’  Kim Jung un ‘the Brilliant Comrade’ succeeded his father Kim Jung il  ‘the Dear Leader’ who took over from his Grand Father the ‘Great Leader.’ The Korean people are celebrating sixty years under the stewardship of the Kim family? Do you wonder why? How is that possible in this day and age that one family can control a whole nation?

 

The Korean people are no different than the rest of humanity. There is no outward sign that sets them apart from the rest of us except the system they live under. That is the key to their dilemma. The Kim family and the system they perpetuate is the cause of all this freaky display being beamed out.

 

The Korean people are kept in ignorance by design. The Kim family motto is ‘Military first.’ It is not because North Koreans have enemies ready to conquer them. In fact North Korea have no enemies other than the Kim family and those aligned with them. The military ‘s mission is to bully, frighten and intimidate the Korean people into submission. The people are the enemy.

 

There is no independent Television broadcaster, no independent Radio station, no independent Newspaper and no independent Internet provider in the Kingdom of Korea. The Kim family and friends control all of the communications media. They figure that ignorant people are easier to control. You can’t argue with sixty years of success. I was looking and marveling at this phenomenon when I heard the news that Ato Bereket has written a book. You know me I was delirious with joy with the news. I have found my own Kim in my backyard. For some reason Kim of Korea and Meles of Ethiopia converged.

 

Mind you Ato Bereket have no compelling reason to stick his neck out and display his normal unfamiliarity with rational thought process and his utter contempt for facts and put all that down on paper for all to see. The only explanation I have is this disease of contempt for truth, self-aggrandizement, ego trip and simple garden-variety madness.

 

I have not read the book yet. To tell you the truth, I have no intention of reading it either. Judging from the inaugural ceremony when the book was made public I figured reading is not a requirement to talk or write about it. I am not going against convention here and read the damn book. My sincere hope is Ato Bereket himself has read the book.

 

The setting for the unveiling (Addis Sheraton, Lalibela Room) more than made up for the pedestrian quality of the content. It is reported that ‘who is who’ of the Ruling Party was present. The most esteemed benefactor of our motherland, Dr. Sheik Al Amoudi was there. The report does not say if Ato Meles was present or was watching from a remote site. I know from sources that videotaping is standard procedure. The First lady was not present either. I assume they were watching from their bunker.

 

The book is titled ‘A tale of the two elections.’ The dilemma faced by librarians all over is which category to file the book under. Fact or fiction is a valid question. It purports to be based on facts but from the reviews I get the feeling there is no research and data to support the thesis presented but rather it is a matter of taking the authors assertion as facts. Simple faith is what is called for.

Dr. Sheik Al Amoudi paid for the printing that was done in Kenya for quality purpose. According to the Dr. Sheik who confessed that he has not read the book it is a work of such importance that he recommended it as a ‘must reading’ for our youth. Judging by the glossy cover, beautiful fonts and pretty soft paper its function, as a doorstop will be invaluable. I know I am hating but deservingly.

 

Next to give his lofty recommendation was none other than Ato Demeke Mekonen, Minster of Education. Unfortunately he has not read the book either but it did not stop him from offering his praise and opinion. In fact he went a step further and added stuff that was not even in the book. Ato Demeke was glad and praised the author for dedicating the book to his comrades from the liberation movement when the reality is that Ato Bereket dedicated his book to his brother. Needless to say the Minster is in favor of adapting it as a textbook for our children.

 

I knew my friends at Aiga would add their share of cheerleading to this work of historic proportion. I am grateful to Ato Reta Sisay for his blind review. No adjective was spared in his haste to pile the accolades. He boldly compares and equates the book to the work of the celebrated English author Charles Dickens. I have no idea how and why. The only reason why Charles Dickens would be mentioned can only be due to the similarity of the title because the two works have nothing in common what so ever. The Englishman’s book is a work of fiction while Ato Bereket’s book purports to be a historical analysis of what happened yesterday in front of all of us. Ato Reta got carried away.  

 

In my opinion the best un read review is done by none other than Ben of Ethiopia First. He wanted to stay true to the theme of fiction and continued to weave his own tale. When the book was unveiled in Addis, Ben said he was visiting the Great Wall of China. We are grateful he stopped his tourist activity and stayed in his room to write his Blog. How he got hold of the book in China is not clear and to top it all he was writing a testimonial before he even finished reading the book. He said so himself. Ben, Ben, Ben, how many times have you been told to not make shit up!

 

I found the review written by an individual named Daniel Berhane to be mildly interesting. He seems to be a Party functionary and goes out of his way to show Ato Bereket in a good light despite his failings as the ‘main strategist’ for the 2005 elections. Daniel seems to take advantage of his ethnic affiliation and gives us inside information regarding the Prime Minster’s plan to be called Doctor and the many fiction he has written and are awaiting publication. Ato Daniel states that there was no need for Ato Meles to review the work since Bereket is a premier ‘spin doctor’ in his own right. It is a little confusing when Bereket claims that Ato Meles is the busiest person in the service of his country and Ato Daniel asserts that the PM is busy studying for his Phd. We got a part time student and Prime Minster, and a part time spin-doctor and historian author.

 

May be I should also mention the write up by Addis Fortune newspaper ‘gossip’ columnist. We are after all in Ethiopia where a few papers are allowed to function pretending all is honky dory and normal while some are hounded out of existence. Our Columnist took a different take on the whole issue. The concern was not what was in the book but rather the perception. It boldly claims the  ‘recently released book, the launch of which, at Sheraton Addis, caused so much furor among members of the public.’ Over the top statement considering ‘members of the public’ are eighty million of which seventy nine million nine hundred thousand are not aware of the book nor do they give a damn. Furthermore the Columnist was ticked off and wrote ‘there has been a passionate disapproval by many after seeing a well-heeled businessman speak of a senior government official in a manner that was distasteful, if not repulsive.’  I am sure this disapproval was not followed by not eating the lavish dinner, not drinking the free booze and not lining up to buy an autographed copy. A room full of spineless sycophants is what it looks like. A little harsh but you know what I mean.

 

The following paragraph from the Fortune article I would like to leave it intact and you the reader be the judge of this madness:

‘Equally, he has been criticised for reaching out to a businessman while his own party, the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), could have paid for the printing of the book. He could have received the services of Mega Printing, a subsidiary of the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), a party-affiliated company, others criticised.’ I have nothing to add to this crap. The fact that in an ethnic centered arrangement by TPLF how Ato Bereket /Mebrehatu ended up as a leader of an Amhara based Party is not lost on us but we will gloss over that. No need to go there.

 

It will be considered rude to finish without saying something about our dear friend, newly minted author and Head of Government Communications Minster good old Bereket Semeon. I will start from the beginning and rely on Ato Tesfaye Gebreab’s first hand description of the times and events. I have no reason to doubt Ato Tesfaye’s meticulous research and incredible memory. We are lucky.

 

Ato Bereket was born in Gondar to Aboy Gebrehiwot and Weizero Werknesh. He was named Mebrehatu Gebrehiwot. He came of age when our country was in turmoil. Like the youth of his time he joined the struggle to topple the Military regime or Derg. Young Mebrehatu was dispatched on the Derg’s ‘Edget’ program before he even finished high school. He has an older brother named Kasahune and the book is dedicated to him. Kasahune was born in the province of Eritrea and grew up in Gondar.  He joined the EPRP to liberate his country. In my opinion history will show EPRP to be the first modern multi national movement that understood the richness, diversity and strength of the new Ethiopia to be built. Ato Kasahune died in a battle between EPRP (EPRF) militia and TPLF army. 

 

History will also show TPLF was established, formed and founded to liberate the province of Tigrai. George Orwell wrote ‘to see what is in front of one’s nose needs a constant struggle.’ The folks of TPLF have the whole of Ethiopia under their nose but they choose to liberate a small sliver of land. This myopic vision never left our fearless leaders.

 

Back to our tale, upon joining TPLF Mebrehatu changed his name to Bereket. This was a common practice at the time but Mebrehatu went a step further and changed his fathers name too. He wanted a complete transformation I guess. He choose the name of an EPRP combatant from Eritrea that has mysteriously disappeared. It was normal to assume that he might have been killed in battle. It is good to know that the real Ato Bereket Semeone is still alive and was even the Ambassador to France representing the State of Eritrea. Not even Hollywood can dream of such a tale.

 

Ato Bereket/Mebrehatu did not bother to go into these matters. His book is about the 2005 election and the 2010 Coronation. It is very strange that TPLF folks are trying hard to revise history right under our nose. They have this guilt feeling if at all possible mixed with real fear and are constantly working hard to make us believe they were the victims. I have this strange notion this fiction is authored by none other than Ato Meles/Legesse Zenawi. I consider myself a skilled observer of The TPLF in general and the Politburo in particular. In fact I specialize on three and half individuals as my object of interest.

 

Based on extensive review of the reviews I have concluded Ato Meles to be the author. The tone and language is vintage Meles. The length (over 300 pages) is standard Meles diatribe and the evil ways he attacks perceived opponents is familiar to us. The book was written to whitewash the crimes of 2005 settle scores with ‘enemies’ and gauge the reception from the one percent. The 99 percent are not part of the equation. I believe Ato Bereket is not wired to come up with such absurd tale and commit it to paper. It requires someone with a lot of time in his hands and the expertise to think smart and act damn. It is a worthy digression from the current malaise. But it is temporary. The economy is stuck, the remittances are still anemic, the constant jabbering of “Spring” is unnerving and the Gadaffi picture is difficult to shake. Most of all I truly enjoy their paranoia regarding Dr. Berhanu. They imprisoned him again and again, they exiled him and they still obsess about him. The more you hate him the more I love him. Bring it baby let us have some more fiction. 

 

I have a few suggestions to our authors. It is easy to talk trash when you are the only one allowed to speak. I will fight for your right to write any book you want but please let others tell their side of the story too. You see your denial of the same rights to others cheapens your work. No one will believe it. What is the point of writing it if it doesn’t shed some light? You might think forcing schools, work places and associations to buy it might give you boasting rights but what is the point if everyone knew it is fake. It will be like your Tehadso project. You call a meeting of the faithful you give them money to donate and you shout how successful it was. This Mamo Kilo moment is not a wining strategy. I will read Ato Bereket’s fiction when he allows others to write their version of reality.

 

Let Eskinder out of prison, he will show you how to write. Let Reiyot Alemu and Zerihune Gegziabeher out of your dungeon and they will show you how to publish using their blood, toil, tears and sweat. Let Andualem Arage out of his confinement and he will teach you how to organize without using force and bribery. This trash publishing business using welfare is not the way of the Ethiopia we envision. I suggest Ato Bereket read his book if nothing else to know what is being said in his name. He will need it during his trial. Please refer to Mubarak and Ben Ali for further information.   

Obo Arada Shawl

 

January 1, 2012

 

What is in a name?

What is Ethiopianism? Who is an Ethiopian? Should he be a native, a national or a citizen? Notice that I did not say her for Lucy is a native citizen from the Afar Land, if we believe in Evolution.

 

What about if one is a believer in Creation? According to Evolution Adam is an Eritrean dubbed as Innocent.

 

So why is the current regime of Ethiopia cry day in and day out that “we Ethiopians” as if the Eritreans are not Ethiopians. By many accounts, they are the true Ethiopians. They just have a land called Eritrea just like the Tigrians have their local name, Tigrai.

 

Last year, Elias Kifle, Editor of the Ethiopian Review, has published his knowledge about the top current Ethiopian brass of Leadership. According to him they are mostly Eritreans. By their own definition, they have colonized Ethiopia. It is an anomaly when we know that the government of EPRDF is based on ethnicity and that Eritreans do play a role in the current structure of “Ethiopian polity”. Shouldn’t the Eritreans belong in the fatherland of Hamasien and not in the motherland of “Ethiopia?”

 

The Eathiopians (both Eritreans and Ethiopians) are in bad shape in terms of social and psychological norms. It is a result of religious affiliations and beliefs. The religions of Catholicism, Judaism, Muslim, Orthodox and Protestantism with ancient remnants in Eritrea are being transformed to the current Ethiopian Ethnic Empire (EEE).

 

The Menghistu regime due to its credit has carefully avoided the religious aspect of Eathiopians. He had accepted class warfare though in the end badly abused it.

 

The TPLF has always believed in “nationalism”, avoiding the existence and the concept of Nativity and Citizenship. Leaders of TPLF, contrary to the advice of EPRP top leadership, who were mostly Eathiopian citizens from Tigrai national, had instead pursued the politics of EPLF and now pursuing the ideologies of the Derg. In both instances, they followed the wrong advice or path.

 

In the near future, it seems that the TPLF leadership is attempting to emulate the path of EPRP leadership. The distortion of the theory of Wallelign Makonnen (WM), the burial of Debteraw’s DEMOCRACY and the dishonoring of Assimba’s Army as non-Ethiopian have put their credibility in question. Under TPLF leadership, Eathiopia will not be stabilized despite its rhetoric. Copycat will not work. Learning from mistakes will.

 

Celebrating ብሔር – ብሔረሰብ – ሕዝቦች  B’Her, B’Hereseb and People is not appropriate for a country whose ancient history was based on the Axumite civilization, on the Ankoberite politics and on whose future will depend on the Zgbawians (bites) economics.

 

The people of Eathiopia were known as Hametic, Semitic, Cushitic, Abyssinians, Omotic, Hamasien, Srilankans, Amharas, Ethiopians, and Eritreans and so on and so forth. Now, thanks to TPLF and EPLF, they are known by their ethnicity and Zonal basis.

 

How low can they go? The half Ethiopian or Eritrean division is not working. It may only work when it involves race as a card as in the American case as with President B. Obama but not when it is involved with same race. The current president of Ethiopia, Melese Zenawi is not an Eritrean and the current president of Eritrea, Essayas Afeworki, is not an Ethiopian. Let us not kid ourselves. Our problem is far deeper than that. Some two thousand years ago, it is said that JC has spent three decades in retreat (asylum) in Ethiopia. Where in Ethiopia? It can only be in the present day Eritrea.

 

Our Eway Revolution was/is not about ID (investigate and discover) but reassert our freedom and Independence. If the leaders of TPLF and EPLF didn’t know the difference between the fine lines of Liberty and Freedom, they should have consulted their own comrades and countrymen. They joined forces on the advice of GHWB (George Herbert Walker Bush) just to get rid of Menghistu and by extension to live together in peace and harmony. I don’t blame President Bush to think that both leaders were real cousins. And we still believe in such rubbish reasoning. Eritrea is a Father’s Land while Ethiopia is a Mother’s country. Think of Adam and Eve.

 

Can the two leaders give us peace and harmony? Let us see E_Z or I_M.  How do they write their true names alphabetically. With GE’ EZ script, there is no problem but I doubt whether they sign in GE’ez Fidel, for in GEEZ E=E and G = government and it has ending in Z. This is what needs investigation and discovery (ID).

 

Leadership, Leadership and Leadership

For leadership to exist there should be followers and a space what we normally label as people and country.

 

Are we led by names or ideologies? What is our history? Is it common with the rest of the world or is it unique to us? Migration changes demography and demographic changes to land grab.

 

The Eathiopians were resistant to migration. For the most part, they were happy with their surroundings and neighborhood. If they migrated it has to do with family reunion or temporary visitation.

 

The major migration in the form of emigration happened during the war for liberation and revolution. And it is still continuing unabated. Why? Some say it is because of leadership, the leadership of Haile Sellasie I, Menghistu H. Mariam, Melese Zenawi and Essayas Afeworki. Others claim it is because of the foreigners, such as the British, the Arabs, the Europeans, the Western nations in particular the United States of America. How much is this true? Let us see it from a different perspective.

 

EPLF and TPLF leadership

VIP is an acronym for Very Important People and is frequently used by the British for their leaders. According to the American heritage it is somewhat referred to mean the American foreign policy of Value-Interest-Principle (VIP). Where do the EPLF and TPLF leaders belong? The answer should come from the readers of this article.

 

In my own limited research, Eathiopians have been lead mostly by value laden systems of belief as opposed to interests or principles. To illustrate my points, I would like to ask my readers to decipher the following questions.

 

ሐወወይ? HWWY signify?

H=Hamasien=Eritrea

W=Wollo = Aba Wollo

W = Wollega =

Y = Yirga = Badme

YA = Alem = Sidamo

Or alternatively from the outside world

H = Herbert

W = Walker

GB = George Bush

 

The main reason why I am raising the above acronyms is simply because there are many intellectuals who think that the Ethiopian Revolution was led from outside by either countries or agents of foreign governments. I am of the opinion that assertion is not totally true. The Ethiopian Revolution is an indigenous Revolution. As such, it will continue in the same direction and valuation.

 

The American Influence on Leadership

The American baby boomer generation (1946-64) has embarked on investing on infrastructure on roads, health, and agriculture. After the 1960’s American Peace Corps took over to influence Eathiopians in terms of ideology but did not succeed.

 

In 1989, The Americans having failed in leading Eathiopians ideologically turned to the Israel’s for leadership advice. GHWB – the father came to the conclusion that the inheritors of the Axumite Empire in the names of Melese and Essayas will do the trick to provide leadership for all Ethiopia. And so 1991-2011, i.e. Two decades have passed without peace and stability in the region. We don’t know how the George Bush – the son who has gone to Ethiopia to continue advice on leadership style by the end of 2011. We have to wait and see what kind of leadership to Eathiopia will evolve.

 

The Eathiopian Leadership

From the beginning, EPRP leadership seek to understand the difference between leadership and management. The functions of leadership and management might be the same, but they are not. The roles are different though both might be filled by the same person or different people.

 

Leadership is about inspiration, while management is mostly about supervision.

 

Myths of leadership which EPRP did not endorse are enumerated below:-

·         The leader speaks and the followers listen

·         The leader controls information and the followers can only guess

·         The leader knows and the followers only have opinions

·         The leader decides and the followers just do what they’re told

·         The leader commands and the followers obey

 

Instead the leadership of EPRP considered the following five points

• Neighborhood monitoring
• Teaching and coaching subordinates
• Organizing subordinate activities
• Motivating others and
• Intervening actively in the groups work

 

 

Styles of EPRP’s Leadership vis-à-vis EPLF and TPLF

 

EPRP leadership follows the style of Democratic rule of an organization.

 

TPLF leaders are autocratic

Organization by definition is a dichotomy, two groups, to one we assign duties, and to the other we assign privileges. Unique and powerful privileges have to be conferred upon the leaders and specify numerous duties to be obeyed by the many followers. The vast majority, i.e., the followers due consigned to an inferior status, even to be sacrificed, if needs be, in order to preserve and protect the power and privilege of those designated as leaders.

 

EPLF is an authoritarian leadership. They are very specific on how they lead to their expectation and what needs to be done, when to be done, and how to be done. EPLF leaders make decisions without consultations.

 

 Conclusion

Eathiopia needs leaders who can differentiate and negotiate among alternatives of strategic planning, the concept of legacy and provocative thinking.

 

As far as I know Eathiopian philosophy is to differentiate between a personal name and public nomenclature. በአማርኛ አነጋገር “ስም መልአክ ያወጠዋል” Ethiopia!!!

ብትግርኛ ብሂል “ሽም ይመርሕ ጥዋፍ የብርህ” Eathiopia!!!

.HAPPY HOLIDAYS FOR ALL OF YOU.

 

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

 

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD) – December 29, 2011

I deliberately kept my comment this late so that it will not be swallowed up by the discussion that was in progress at the time regarding the name of the flag, that is, whether it should be called BANDIRA or SENDEQ ALAMA? I wanted it to be independently felt, viewed, and recognized.  The main reason for sharing this remark is to point out what was overlooked in the discussion. In my opinion, generally, our community has  a very serious problem of looking into issues very critically and following it up to its source no matter of its consequences. Here is what was overlooked.

In my opinion, first, the relationship between Berhanu Nega and G-7 has to be established clearly. Ginbot 7 is equal to Berhanu Nega. As I have repeatedly stated before, I will say it again. He is the brain and the mouth of Ginbot 7. As it is the case with TPLF, Meles Zenawi is the brain and the mouth of TPLF. Ginbot 7 does not exist without Berhanu Nega.

Having established this relationship, the track record of Berhanu Nega should have shown the red flag for the issue of “G-7 and the flag issue” to have been discussed very seriously. Berhanu Nega has an inherent potential to turn into a full fledged traitor. His activities while he was inside Qinijit attests to this  potential of his behavior. That was what he exactly did to the struggle of Ethiopian people while he was inside Qinjit. He was a mole inside Qinijit. He was an instrument of Meles Zenawi through Bereket Semon. Bereket Semon had put a leash in his neck to keep him under his full control. Berhanu Nega himself cannot deny the working relationship he had with Bereket Semon. So, to begin with this is the track record of Berhanu Nega.

How do you entertain this. If Meles Zenaw called Berhanu Nega and told him his terrorism and any other charges would be dropped but come back and be the Minister of X department, Berhanu Nega will pack up and go back to Ethiopia in a heartbeat. Because, that is the corrupt fabric that he is made up of. He is living in lies and fabrications.

Hypocrisy. Naturally if one joined a fabricator and a liar organization OLF he must be a liar and a fabricator himself. Ginbor 7 is a fake organization. It is fake because it was formed by fake individuals namely Berhanu Nega and Andargachew Tisige. This two individuals are fake because of their track records. There you have it. Agree or disagree I am sticking with it. In addition please read my article “WUHIDET Incubated Kestedamena’s Coup De-tat” of October 13, 2007. You will find a sub-topic, “BERHANU NEGA’S ROLE INSIDE QINIJIT” there.

The flag of Ethiopia; the unity of Ethiopian people; and the territorial integrity of Ethiopia are absolutely nonnegotiable. To which ones of these three do you correspond Berhanu Nega’s track record, hence to that of Ginbot 7?

I have also listened to his most recent ESAT interview. Here too one can clearly see his inherently opportunistic behavior. For example in the first segment of the interview when he was responding to the question of road and other infrastructure constructions in relations to economic development, Berhanu Nega, never specifically connected these money making motivated activities to the business empire that TPLF is still running. And how the constructions of roads, the constructions of buildings of any type are being used by this Mafia group as a conduit to fill its treasury and finally funnel it to banks abroad.  For example, the construction related companies, cement factories, import export department, and the banks owned by TPLF were and still are systematically being used to supply needed materials and provide services for the above mentioned infrastructure constructions and construction related activities thereby almost completely cutting out private competitions. It is an elaborately structured blood sucking network. An authentic opposition political leader would have itemized this blood sucking mechanism emphatically thereby expose the regime. Berhanu Nega did not do it. Amazingly it is consistent with the Hearing he had in congress in front of Rep. Donald Payne and Rep. Christopher Smith, Ethiopia’s human rights and democratic rights champions,  which I specifically pointed out particularly how he did not mention about the economic misery of Ethiopian people, in the article of mine I indicated above.  Meles Zenawi and Berket Semon will of course thank him for the services he is providing them.  He is a living-breathing fake individual.

The second factor that shows his fakeness is how he responded to the question of the unity of Ethiopian people and the OLF related issues. In fact he presented himself as the champion of the unity of Ethiopian people. Andargachew Tsige in the same TV station when debating Ayalsew Dessey, could not say or could not even swallow the statement “the unity of Ethiopian people.” He had a very hard time. There is no doubt, in that Interview, Andargachew Tsige was projecting the philosophy of Ginbot 7, hence Berhanu Nega‘s. This journalist should have brought up what Andargachew Tsige said and asked Berhanu Nega to comment on it. Not to bring up such contradictory and a very critical statement to be clarified to the public shows the weakness of the journalist in charge of the program or it is simply an opportunism, which I have noticed repeatedly in previous cases. I  have pointed out this position of Andargachew Tsige in my article “OLF’s inconsistencies, lies, and Fabrications of History“ of August 2011, without mentioning his name.

The other issue that should be exposed is how he tried to validate what he is doing with OLF. He was deliberately evading the issue, he was more or less boasting, by confusing between “talking to influence to bring to ones desired positive position, and providing a forum.” Berhanu Nega was doing the later one. He was providing OLF a forum  to regurgitate its fabricated grievances and lies. For example, here is one of the blatant lies. In Seattle, the representative of an OLF group, with full confidence of not being challenged, said that OLF never set out for secession. Berhanu Nega and Aregawi Berhe were there sitting like robots and  listening. No one of them did have the gut and dare challenge the truth of this blatant lie based on OLF’s historical facts. Aregawi Berhe wrote an article after the fact asking OLF to clarify what it stated in Seattle. It is too late and will not have any impact or consequence on anything. The responsible way would have been to do it while the iron was hot.

To bring the OLF groups to a round table and discuss the differences very seriously so that it will change its position of independence and join the opposition forces is the right thing to do. I can boldly say that Berhanu Nega never tried to take this kind of constructive initiative. An initiative that would have taken place inside a closed door and around a table. I have been promoting such communications and repeated interactions between OLF and the opposition forces, long, long before Ginbot 7 was formed. In fact I was challenging some political leaders to do so. After positions are clearly established then it makes sense to bring it to the public. But now what Berhanu Nega is doing is deliberately and arrogantly confusing the public with lies and inconsistencies that have been repeatedly demonstrated by OLF groups. Whether the fake Ginbot 7, hence Berhanu Nega agrees or not, consciously or unconsciously,  it is supporting the lies and fabrications of OLF. It is really amazing to see when one is cheating oneself.

Mankelklot Haile Selassie (PhD)

December 29, 2011

(By Elias Mengesha – Heppenheim, Germany)

 

Ethiopia was known to be an old independent free nation with rich history, culture, tradition, religion and is the cradle of humanity. Despite its magnificent record, Ethiopia today is known for its famine, economic poverty, social crisis and political chaos. Now Ethiopia stands the rank of 171st out of 174 nations according to the UNDP’s Human Development Index (HDI) listings, which arranges countries according to their overall level of human development.

 

We had suffered from three great famines in the last 33 years and we still are hungry due to mismanagement and maladministration run by our incompetent and autocratic regimes. We endure social crisis that include unemployment, health problems, cultural erosion and asylum seeking. We have become refugees all across the planet because home is not home any more. Think about the hundreds of thousands of orphans, street beggars and the unemployed youth (young pensioners) that have saturated the urban population all across the nation. Think about our daughters, sisters and mothers who have to sell their bodies in exchange for cash. When you think about Ethiopia, can you really imagine anything positive at this point in time? I doubt it. Ethiopia whose people have been mourning a national depression since the May 2005 elections is decelerating and degenerating at a faster rate which makes change inevitable.

 

It was just in May of 2005 when the Sun shone its rays of freedom and democracy on Ethiopia until darkness overshadowed it because the Woyanes couldn’t take the heat. How can we forget those killed by the Agazis in broad day light, those eaten by wild beasts, those perished in malaria infested concentration camps, those tortured and incapacitated, those who lost their jobs unfairly, and those who fled their country? How can we forget those who still languish in Woyane jails with nonsensical crimes of genocide, treason, terror, conspiracy and other fabricated charges.  And we have Martyr Yenesew Gebre who set himself ablaze after making a political statement. He told us that he didn’t want to live in a nation where freedom and human rights are non existent. He stressed the point that by sacrificing himself he wanted to leave a symbol under which we should struggle until freedom and justice are realized. All of these are recent time memories and Gobez, I want you to use your conscience to do the reasonable; otherwise, tomorrow will hold you responsible for the consequence of your wrong doing today. At least history and humanity will curse you. Therefore, taking the following points into account do the right thing. Think about it, discuss and decide. Stand as one force. This is an open memo to you to ponder but not an imposition by any means.

 

Ø  In a nation where millions of children starve day in and day out

Ø  In a nation where millions of Ethiopians succumb to HIV/AIDS

Ø  In a nation where millions of Ethiopians are unemployed

Ø  In a nation where hungry city dwellers dine from garbage sites

Ø  In a nation where millions of Ethiopians beg for a piece of bread to stay alive

Ø  In a nation where the dream of freedom of millions of Ethiopians has been shattered

Ø  In a nation where the votes of the people have been stolen

Ø  In a nation where citizens who stood for democracy and peace have been executed in cold blood ruthlessly

Ø  In a nation where those who demand a positive change languish in a Nazi style Kaliti Prison

Ø  In a nation where thousands of Ethiopians have been brutally tortured and disappeared

Ø  In a nation where people are subjected to insecurity, trauma, fear, anxiety, despair and helplessness

Ø  In a nation where the leaders are narrow nationalists and promote ethnocentric ideology and are even anti Ethiopia themselves

Ø  In a nation of heroes where the real traitors and renegades who have discredited Ethiopian history and Ethiopian flag have clung to power and reign uncontested

Ø  In a nation where our identity as Ethiopians is becoming questionable . . .

Ø  In a nation where land is sold to foreigners while farmers lack land to cultivate

Ø  In a nation where the cost of living is unbearable

Ø  In a nation where absolute dictatorship is being experimented and implemented

Ø  In a nation where media is controlled and media people silenced and brutalized

Ø  In a nation where nepotism and inequality are flourishing

Ø  In a nation where corruption has devoid the nation of some 11 billion dollars

Ø  In a nation where the majority of Ethiopians are ruled against their will

Change has to come for all of the above reasons!

 

The count down has started and the downfall of the ethnocentric regime of Meles Zenawi is hanging over the horizon like a thundering cloud following the recent popular movement of North Africa.  We Ethiopians in the Diaspora today have to participate in this process of change and we should invest our time, knowledge, experience and money to realize the change by supporting the struggle for democracy. Know this! No force can stop an idea whose time has come and that time is now.  This change has the capacity to transform Ethiopia from famine to feast, from backwardness to modernity, from partiality to partnership, from suppression to freedom, from feud to peace, from dictatorship to democracy and from misery to joy. Remember, in this chaotic, unjust and unfair world of ours, and in our lives that are too short, to do our part for a social good is a human wisdom.

 

Get up stand up; don’t give up the fight. Struggle and support the struggle.

 

Peace, Freedom, Justice and Democracy for Ethiopia!

The Tigray People Liberation Front, TPLF had published their organization’s manifesto in February 1976, the booklet was printed in Sudan. The TPLF manifesto, clearly defined who a Tigryan is, the land that the TPLF considers as Tigray, and the final destination of the TPLF. The following comprises some important contents of the manifesto.

a) A Tigryan is defined as anybody that speaks the language of Tigrigna including those who live outside Tigray, the Kunamas, the Sahos, the Afar and the Taltal, the Agew, and the Welkait.

b) The geographic boundaries of Tigray extend to the borders of the Sudan including the lands of Humera and Welkait from the region of Begemidir in Ethiopia, the land defined by Alewuha which extends down to the regions of Wollo and including Alamata, Ashengie, and Kobo, and Eritrean Kunama, the Saho and Afar lands including Assab.

C) The final goal of the TPLF is to secede from Ethiopia as an independent “Republic of Greater Tigray” by liberating the lands and peoples of Tigray.

This being the manifesto of TPLF in 1976, the question is how much of this program is implemented so far?

The implementation of the manifesto had two important stages classified as a first stage of re-demarcating Ethiopian internal boundaries and a second stage of acquiring Tigryan lands from Eritrea and secede as an independent nation. Accordingly, the following important events took place;

• After TPLF succeeded in holding power in Ethiopia, they have been working hard to change the internal regional administrations of Ethiopia at large and of Tigray in particular. As a result, they have imposed dictation on the Ethiopian parliament and succeeded in redefining the borders of different nationalities within Ethiopia. The boundaries of Tigray were defined exactly according to what was registered in their manifesto. They did this by annexing the lands of Welkait Humera up to the borders of Sudan from Begemidir province and Wollo’s Raya including Ashengie Alamata and Kobo. In order to justify the demarcation, they had to give up something in return and the lands closer to the Taltal and Afar regions of Ethiopia in eastern Tigray were temporarily sacrificed until the second stage of the project takes place. This important re-demarcation of Ethiopian internal boundaries resulted in the successful completion of the first stage of forming “Greater Tigray” later to be converged into the “Republic of Tigray” after the second stage is completed.

• After completing the annexation of “Tigryan” lands from the provinces of Begemidir and Wollo, they moved ahead to compIete the annexation of portions of Eritrea to finalize the objectives of the manifesto in practice as the second stage of their project. Zalambessa is the closest one can get to the Eritrean Saho region and Adimurug in Bada. Obviously the temporarily sacrificed eastern Tigray region would now be simultaneously acquired in this second stage of the project since there would be no organized force that could stop the Weyanes inside Ethiopia. By claiming these lands and forcibly annexing them, the manifested “Democratic Republic of Tigray” would be practically reaIized and then of course cessation from Ethiopia would follow.

• AccompIishing the dream inside Ethiopia was easily performed by simply dictating terms in the parliament since TPLF administrates Ethiopia, while means to finish returning the port of Assab would be accomplished by the Ethiopian army, financed and supported by the Ethiopian economic and human resources. Patriotic Ethiopians are expected to side with TPLF in hope of probable return of Assab to Ethiopia, while the truth is that the port city, if recaptured, would not be Ethiopian but of the would be new nation of “Greater Tigray”. This is so because the second stage of the project would have been completed at this point, making it the right time for the TPLF to secede. If there is anything that might delay the declaration of the republic after this, it would have been the time required to consolidate their control of Eritrean portions by sheer force, further using and exploiting innocent and patriotic Ethiopian peoples expectations and support. This support would again be betrayed in the final stages of the creation of the republic.

• While the imaginary manifested program is completed this way, the economic ploy had another direction. This direction was focused at transporting capital and material as much as possible from the rest of Ethiopia to Tigray for future use when the “Republic” is established. This would require for TPLF staying in power in Ethiopia until the plan is well implemented. The implementation of this economic program is crystal clear for any body who has recently traveled to Tigray. The TPLF/Weyane regime has been heavily investing Ethiopian capital in Tigray such that the region and the city of Mekele are the fastest growing in the country. Mekele is infested with so many new buildings which have no immediate contribution to the Tigryan economy. These are empty high rises ready to be used in the future when the republic which would include Assab is fully established. Besides the fact that numerous buildings have been built in Tigray at the expense of the Ethiopian economy, the following are few indicatives to that effect as to how much has so far been done in last 15 years of their power.

Economically

A• An international airport in Mekele with no immediate importance in terms of accommodating international guests and travelers since the city has yet to grow both financially and infrastructurally. Being this the fact, however, the erection of this new and expensive airport was based on two objectives. The short term objective is to help the TPLF’s war efforts against Eritrea by bombarding the same into submission without having to worry about air distance using the Ethiopian air force from Tigray. The long term objective was to move the entire Ethiopian air force to Mekele and convert it to the air force of the republic, and at the same time to use the international airport for civil aviation of the Republic of Greater Tigray after declaring independence from Ethiopia. Two more international airports have been completed in Tigray, again with no immediate importance in terms of accommodating international travelers.

B• Three colleges in Mekele namely Engineering, Medical, and Business. These colleges are complete in terms of infrastructure for future use when the republic is established.

C• The Cement, Textile, Electricity Dam, Marble, and Pharmaceutical factories in Tigray which costed hundreds of millions/billions of clean Ethiopian money. The port of Massawa was used to sneak materials inside Tigray in the name of “Ethiopian imported goods”, and used exclusively for Tigray without the knowledge of government offices in Addis Ababa.

D• The multiple high rising office buildings empty for now but to be soon filled by the Weyane bureaucrats in independent Tigray.

E• The luxury residential homes and spacious buildings such as those known by “Debri Hills” in the out skirts of Mekele for possible embassy offices and residence of diplomats.

D• Refer to the extensive list of companies owned by TPLF with the majority having their head office in Tigray.

Politically and Strategically

The above being few of the massive investment of Ethiopian economy in Tigray, their political and strategic plans were made to be effective when the group of top TPLF leaders moved their offices from Addis Abeba to Mekele. The movement coincided with the completion of the first stage of implementing the manifesto so they can closely monitor and design the implementation of the second stage of the project. In the process, they have been effectively preparing a “strong army” from within Tigray. The same TPLF group (the TPLF Coalition Committee) dictates terms on the entire Ethiopian issues. The central government of Ethiopia listens to the central committee of the TPLF residing in Tigray which has been working under the confusing philosophical banner of the “Marxist Leninist League of Tigray”. This group is instrumental in the process of completing the second stage and the frame work for the future government of the “Republic of Greater Tigray”.

After controlling Assab and other planned lands at the expense of Ethiopian human and material resources, the TPLF group would only then complete the goals of their impractical manifesto fully. As easy as it seemed to them, they will finally move towards seceding from Ethiopia as an independent nation, leaving Ethiopia in confusion, uncertainty, and extreme danger of ethnic conflict, and Eritrea under a government that can be easily controlled by their authority. Some experts say they had planned to leave Ethiopia without a central government for Ethiopian major ethnic groups such as the Amharas and the Oromos to figure it out, and for them, gaining time to consolidate their “Republic”. At this point, the dream “the Republic of Greater Tigray” would have been put in practice and Tigray would secede from Ethiopia with Assab. In their plan Assab would be Tigryan and never Ethiopian.

Finally

We encourage all Ethiopians to prove the validity of the contents in this article by requesting the manifesto from other political organizations. This dangerous manifesto has been revealed by the TPLF leaders in February 1976 during the initial stages of the organization. It is important for every Ethiopian to be informed about this issue and also raise the level of awareness and know what exactly is going on in our beloved country. Insecure and completely disorganized Ethiopia would be the result of this crazy manifesto if implemented. Materially, the north eastern Ethiopia including the entire Afar and Taltal regions and the already taken portions of Wollo and Begemidir, and politically, a chaotic and uncertain future that can lead to any thing one can possibly imagine are the results of the TPLF/Weyane’s manifesto for Ethiopia. It is important to point the fact that the Tigryan people are as victims of this plot as any other Ethiopian. The responsibility of this mess is directed towards few fascist TPLF leaders who recklessly and selfishly betrayed their own people’s struggle of 17 years. They forgot the bitter struggle in the past and became the same type of chauvinists and oppressors they fought against in the past.

Article by Dereje Tariku.

By Obo Arada Shawl

 

November 11, 20011

 

Introduction

Makonnen Araya wrote a book. It is not fiction, it is not novel and it is not either an autobiography of the author. The book is titled “Negotiating A Lion’s Share of Freedom: Adventures of an Idealist Caught up in Ethiopian Civil War – A Memoir” In my opinion, it is far more than a memoir of an individual but of communities and societies of Revolutionary Eathiopia. This article is not about review of the book, it is rather a reminder for all Eathiopians in the Diasporas.

 

Since there are no authentic books authored by the founders or the inheritors of these Liberation Fronts, parties or organizations, I am deeply worried that most of the works the struggles and the achievements we all have made will soon be irrelevant if not fictional. Besides, many new book writers are emerging with no qualm of finding the true stories and histories of generations of Revolutionary Eathiopians. The unsung heroes and heroines have become irrelevant whether by design or by chance. Currently Eathiopian heroes and heroines are those who can sing and dance to the tune of political and financial power holders as opposed to those involved in politics or civic struggle for Eathiopian people. Is this a tragedy or comedy for people who have seen it all?

 

Is there a common factor for Eathiopian Fronts, Governments, Parties and Organizations? The answer to this question is far deeper than my capacity to understand for all AREDV[1] Eathiopians seem to aspire either to lead or to follow instead of meeting and negotiating among themselves.

 

My own experience on Eathiopian leaders and followers forces me to reveal the image of EPLF, TPLF and EPRP in terms of the following plays and books:-

• EPLF matches with Shakespeare’s famous play of Hamlet – a struggle of a hero to defeat two opposing forces namely, moral integrity and the need to avenge his father’s murder.
• TPLF matches with 1984 of George Orwell’s book depicting on the dark vision of the future. George Orwell, on his deathbed has written a chilling depiction of how the power of the state could come to dominate the lives of individual through cultural conditioning.
• EPRP matches with the life of Pi. The life of Pi aka Piscine Militor Patel is a story of survival for 227 days on a lifeboat in the Pacific Ocean. P. M. Patel was sixteen years old when he was confronted with science, religion of Hinduism, Islam and Catholicism.

 

Reading Hamlet, GO 1984 and the life story of Pi along with Ato Makonnen’s memoir may hold an answer to the question of “is there a common factor for Eathiopian Fronts, governments, political parties and civic organizations?” These four books should be prologue to our future Eathiopia.

 

Makonnen Araya: Master of Arts

The book is about an attorney (unlike Dr. Bereket H. Sellassie”s book: a lawyer turned into rebel) who joined a Revolutionary army of youths that went to the countryside of Ethiopia to be educated from the peasants’ life style, to teach their children about civics and above all to explain the antiquity of Feudalism, the character of Ethiopian reactionary Bureaucracy and the danger of the rising of local fascism also known as the DERG..

 

The title of Negotiating a lion’s share of freedom; adventures of an idealist caught up in Ethiopian Civil War has been written There are 81 letters and 16 words. But that is too much for a title but the writer’s intent is perhaps to teach the readers about each day of the week. He presented his memoir for discussion and therapeutic purposes.

1. Monday – NEGOTIATION versus Arbitration or Mediation
2. Tuesday – PERSONAL versus Public or Professional
3.  Wednesday – FREEDOM versus Liberation
4. Thursday – ADVENTURE versus Revolution
5. Friday – IDEALISM versus Realism or Materialism
6. Saturday – CIVIL versus Military
7. Sunday – WAR versus Peace

 

The book, apart from tantalizing, down to earth; is full of truth without much fanfare and eulogy for the dead and the living of EPRP/A members or associates.

 

Ato Makonnen wrote it in a way that relates to him for nobody knows his own life and activities better than in his mind and heart. Ato Makonnen was both a private and a public person at the same time. Privately, he negotiated his way from being fugitive, refugee and asylum, onto America.  Public for he was an educator, revolutionary and a mediator. He was in fact the Barac Obama of Eathiopia. On page 174, he told us he became a teacher, social organizer, a mediator and an administrator all at the same time. Incidentally he flew straight to Illinois Chicago. A design or coincidence!

 

Concluding Remarks

 

The book has no dedication and no reference. It is unusual for a book. Personally, it is everyone’s story and must be read and reread.

 

Moreover, the attorney for National Bank of Ethiopia, turned into anthropology, specializing in cultural anthropology. I want to tell a story about the social science such as psychology, anthropology and sociology. Back in the 1960’s, there was no interest or encouragement to study Ethiopian by Ethiopians, Levine, Shack, Sumner and Punk rust were all foreigners. Eathiopians were not meant to be studied at least scientifically for they have melted in a melting pot via experience without emigration.

 

This book is the beginning of writing about Ethiopians by Eathiopians based on primary source and I hope many will come out of EPRP/A members, associates or supporters to write their own story. Writing books without references or research will help neither our people nor country. Many books are being written mostly based on hearsay, innuendoes and assumptions.

 

It will be easy for MA’s book to be praised and become a bestseller book. MA tells a social history of both unique and strikingly honest, the life of many Eathiopians. MA did not include in his memoir his growing up and his education but started straight from being a fugitive into a revolutionary fighter, a refugee in the Sudan and a political asylum in the USA. I presume he wanted to teach us first things first – I come before We without denying that we comes before I when the time and the space warrants.

 

The fascinating and illuminating true memoir of Makonnen Araya focuses on the life of peasants in Tigrai, Wollo, and Begemdir provinces and the daunting task of his comrades in arms to survive and make sense of the dehumanizing situation in which he finds himself. Everything Makonnen has encountered was vividly detailed making his narrative story easy to read but supremely uneasy to imagine for young Eathiopian readers.

 

I wish the TPLF and EPLF began to write their personal stories as Ato Makonnen’s has done. It will save the nation of Eathiopia from degradation and humiliation.

 

Bravo Ato Makonnen Araya MA –Master of Arts. I hope you will raise your MA into PhD – Doctor of philosophy.

 

As always TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

 

For comments and questions

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

---

[1]  A for Asylum

   R for Refugee

   E for Education

   DV for lottery

In part three of this series, I indicated that there are major social and economic hurdles ordinary Ethiopians face each day that should compel Ethiopian opposition groups within and outside the country and the rest of us to make is their singular business to advance the cause of unity and stop bickering among themselves ad infinitum. More than any single factor, it is their quarrelsome behaviors and actions and their divisions that prolong the agony of the Ethiopian people. The lives and wellbeing of ordinary Ethiopians are not improving at all. In some critical areas such as incomes, inequality, graft and corruption, concentration of wealth, education, health, shelter, sanitation and employment things are getting worse.  Hyperinflation continues unabated; and the governing party is in no position to contain this havoc. It is its own creation and some folks actually benefit from substantial rises in the cost of living and from shortages. There is a growing perception among ordinary Ethiopians that the Diaspora aggravates the problem.

My argument for unity is straight forward. It is the moral obligation of anyone and everyone who believes in Ethiopia and in the Ethiopian people to do the opposite of what the TPLF/EPRDF regime does so effectively to the Ethiopian people: divide and rule.  All indicators show that there a huge disconnect between what top officials of the governing party say and what they do to alleviate the problems ordinary Ethiopians face. So, those who believe that Ethiopians are not being served by their government have no excuse not to close ranks and work for the same goals. For example, high ethnic officials show greater dedication for and commitment to their ethnic bases than they do to the entire country and its diverse population. When and if it suits them, they show affinity to Ethiopia and tend to appeal to the Ethiopian people as a whole, for example with regard to the financing of the Renaissance Dam.  This duality is calculated to serve a strategic and not a national purpose. It is part of divide and rule and part of keeping the society in permanent suspense.

 The strategy of divide and rule and keeping the society in permanent suspense operate together because political and social actors who oppose the system have yet to wake up from their slumber and work relentlessly and consistently in support of the vast majority of the Ethiopian people who seek justice, fair play, equality and opportunity now and not decades from now.  Division within the opposition camp is a major source of strength for the governing party. Those who want political pluralism must recognize that Ethiopia is theirs to save and the Ethiopian people are their responsibilities to defend. They must accept the notion that Ethiopia belongs to all of them; and that its shame is equally their shame. I refer to continued poverty, hunger, illiteracy and disease that afflict millions. Ethiopia is still identified as “one of the hungriest and unhealthiest nations on this planet.” It is still poor and technologically backward despite US billions of dollars of aid that continues to pour into the pockets of a few. Aid is now contributing not only to the acquisition of higher incomes and wealth for the few; but is also to regional disparities and repression.  More billions of foreign aid will not transform the Ethiopian economy. Only empowered Ethiopians can improve their lives and the status of the country.

Why is Ethiopia still poor?

Ethiopia has been and continues to be the world’s experimental laboratory in development in general and poverty alleviation in particular. For the aid business, this experimentation will continue because donors serve their own national interests first, and would not care if Ethiopia’s poverty persists for decades to come. A weak, dependent and hungry Ethiopia generates business for many in the aid community. There is no altruism. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that assumed political power in 1991 has benefitted substantially from increase aid that now exceeds more than US$3 billion a year, US$ 1 billion coming from the United States, the largest bilateral donor. Today, Ethiopia is the largest aid recipient in Sub-Saharan Africa and the fourth largest in the world, after Afghanistan, Iraq and Indonesia. If aid would move a country from abject poverty to sustainable and equitable development, Ethiopia would have achieved it by now. Donors pump in billions without measuring impact on the ground; and without a sense of who ultimately benefits from Western taxpayer dollars. There is no accountability to the Ethiopian people. The case of agricultural production tells the disastrous and ineffective nature of aid in the country. Donors ignore prerequisites such land tenure reform, a pro-poor and private sector regulatory framework, voice and participation, the rule of law and so on that will make aid at least more effective.

There is no reason for Ethiopians to go hungry. The country possesses ample natural and human resources including “arable land for crop and animal farming,” and water resources that are the envy of many countries such as Egypt and the Sudan. Ethiopia is the ‘water tower of Africa.’ Yet, irrigated agriculture is among the least developed and accounts for only 1 percent of farming.  Massive aid, substantial remittances estimated by an internal World Bank study at US$3.5 billion per annum, millions of hectares of fertile and irrigable lands and huge human capital have not made a dent on the country’s intractable poverty. Opponents of the regime have immense data in their hands to shame the regime now and not a decade from now. But, they need to speak with one voice and pull in the same direction.

The UNDP estimates that illicit outflow of funds under the current regime is in excess of US$8.345 billion. Last year, Global Financial Integrity estimated that illicit outflow from Ethiopia amount to US$11 billion. The Prime Minister conceded that a few privileged Ethiopians have US$2 billion in foreign banks. Aid contributes these forms of plunder and scandalous activities. Most of Ethiopia’s pervasive aid comes from Western sources. Those in the Diaspora can and should challenge whether or not these donors live up to their own values of freedom, empowerment, free enterprise and the evolution of a robust domestic private sector in granting generous monies to a repressive, discriminatory and corrupt governing elite. Massive corruption and illicit outflow from one of the poorest and aid dependent countries in the world can be challenged using available and credible data.

Although estimates vary from country to country, experts say that more than 30 percent of foreign aid is ‘stolen’ through a variety of contractual and other schemes. Where does the money go is a legitimate question to pose. More than 87 percent of Ethiopians rely heavily on agriculture and related activities to sustain life. Yet, only an estimated 17 percent of agricultural produce is marketed properly. Only 17 percent of the country is urbanized. There are more than 7 million orphans.  Unemployment among youth is among the highest in the world. Ethiopia’s largest export is labor, with hundreds of thousands immigrating to all corners of the world, especially to the Middle East.

In countries that are nationalistic and all inclusive, education serves as a ticket out of poverty. In Ethiopia today, education does not necessarily lead to jobs. In development, the lead and primary responsibility of any government is to feed and shelter its population. In Ethiopia, this is not the case. The East Asian and Pacific region miracle countries such as Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Thailand, and increasingly emerging economies such as Bangladesh, China, India, and successful economies in Africa such as Botswana, Mauritius, Cape Verde, Ghana and others invested and still invest heavily in agriculture. Most recently, the government of Ghana secured US$100 million in soft loans from the World Bank to invest into agriculture in the North. This investment will offer job and income generating opportunities to thousands of Ghanaian youth.

A hungry and unhealthy population cannot produce. It is for the same reason that these and other successful economies invest heavily into quality primary, secondary and tertiary education and into comprehensive and quality health care. The Ethiopian government tells donors that it has trained thousands of health extension personnel. It says the same thing about agricultural services. Indicators show that health services are among the least developed in the world. The small island nation of Seychelles avails quality health services to the remotest village. India overcame recurring famine by investing heavily in agriculture (the Green Revolution) to which aid contributed. The government made substantial investments in the fertilizer industry so that farmers would have adequate access to nationally produced fertilizers.

China’s agriculture and rural sectors were transformed by the Chinese themselves without much aid from outside. This structural transformation eliminated recurring famine and hunger and improved wellbeing substantially. It is for this reason that I continue to suggest that a ‘Green’ type of smallholder based revolution is the single most important transformer of economic and social life in Ethiopia. It will have the greatest impact on the greatest number of people and would remove one of the sources of shame for all of us. Would the TPLF/EPRDF regime invest heavily into a smallholder revolution and release the productive potential of Ethiopian farmers and others in the rural sector? Would the aid community insist that the Ethiopian government changes policies to advance the cause of sustainable and equitable development? I doubt it. The poor are easier to control and to manipulate that the well to do. There is no evidence that it is either willing or capable of introducing radical reforms that will make poor people owners of assets such as lands. Believe it  or not, high officials of the government argue that Ethiopia will achieve food self-sufficiency and security by farming out millions of hectares of its most fertile lands and water basins to foreign governments,  firms and individuals from 36 countries, and to a few domestic allies all affiliated to the TPLF. As the Prime Minister noted a few months ago, gradually foreign firms are “taking hold of the pillars of the national economy” and Ethiopians face the risk of losing these pillars and losing their country. The systemic causes and linkages emanate from single party and endowment dominance of the pillars of the economy. The TPLF created and sponsored conglomerate EFFORT that controls at least 30 diverse enterprises, and the Saudi and Gulf States sponsored and financed conglomerate MEDROC group managed by Sheikh Al Amoudi controls 30 other large and diverse enterprises. Combine these monopolies and deduct the implications. They literally crowd-out the rest of Ethiopians. This is among the reasons why the national domestic private sector is among the weakest in Africa. There is nothing on the horizon to change the roles of these monopolies.

In a recent Al-Jazeera sponsored debate on land grab, a prominent Indian economist said that “foreigners have more power and influence than Ethiopians in their own home country.” Granting Ethiopian waters and fertile farmlands to foreign interests instead of raising the capabilities of Ethiopian smallholders and encouraging nationals to invest in commercial agriculture takes away the key sources of comparative advantage the country and its population possess. Foreign owned large scale commercial farms will not transform Ethiopian society for the better. As designed, they will make Ethiopian society more dependent and more vulnerable than ever before. For details, I urge the reader to read my latest book, The Great Land Giveaway: yemeret neteka ena kirimit in Ethiopia.

Contradicting Ethiopian government officials, including the Ethiopian Deputy Prime Minister–who pronounced, on a visit to India, that smallholder farming is inefficient, and ineffective–most foreign experts and multilateral agencies such as the World Bank argue that:

i)                 Smallholder farms are more productive than large-scale commercial farms;

ii)                400 million farms around the globe, with less than one ha of land, are in a position to double or triple their harvest.  In Punjab, India, smallholders raised their output from one ton per ha to 4-5 tons per ha after the introduction and wide-spread use of Green revolution that transformed Indian agriculture forever.  Indian firms are among the “new farmland colonizers” in Ethiopia at the invitation of the government. They want to secure foods for Indian consumers and are planning ahead to secure food security. Who is thinking of future generations of Ethiopians and their food security?

iii)               Next door in Kenya where smallholder based farming is developed, 27 tractors are deployed per 100 SQ km of arable land; in Ethiopia, only 2 tractors per 100 SQ km.  The governing party is only interested in securing wealth for its core and allies and in maintaining power. Just reflect on what top officials, including the Prime Minister tell the world. ‘Inflation is common in growth economies. There is no famine; only hunger’ and so on. They justify that which cannot be defended statistically. Inflation will be minimal if productivity increases. Hunger will be history if agricultural productivity was the norm and not the exception. The Ethiopian government’s priority is to meet the basic needs of the population and not to enrich itself and its supporters.

“Smallholder-based productivity growth is the most leveraged pathway by which we can address poverty reduction,” says Prabhu Pingali, a leading agricultural expert who also criticizes land grab. In its seminal report on food aid and dependency in Ethiopia, Oxfam noted that “Food aid is not the best way to alleviate poverty.” Rather, the best way is to boost the capabilities of Ethiopian smallholders. Heavy investment in a smallholder revolution in Ethiopia is therefore a smart policy for any government that is dedicated to the country and its diverse population. The benefits are two-fold: it reduces poverty and increases incomes; and eliminates under-nutrition or malnutrition from which millions suffer. Consumers will have access to cheaper food. Farmers with more incomes will afford to send their children to school. Mothers will afford to seek medical treatment.  Instability and insecurity will ease.

The government will generate more revenues. Eliminating or at least mitigating the sources of drought–that India and others have done successfully—is smart public policy for another reason.  According to Oxfam, drought costs Ethiopia US$1.1 billion per year, an amount that exceeds government investments in agriculture, and USAID to Ethiopia. Investments in smallholder farming by removing the policy, structural and input hurdles that keep the poor in their place and the country on a low level agricultural productivity track is responsible governance. The cause to the tragedy is not nature but poor and repressive governance that alienates the population from ‘their government’ and its institutions.

Take a look at global surveys and conclusions.  In recent surveys by the Gallop Poll, the Legatum Prosperity Index, Freedom House and the Wall Street Journal as well as assessments by the World Bank and the IMF, it is clear that the governing party is totally detached from the population: it does not serve them at all. The vast majority do not trust their government, its leaders and institutions. Only 30 percent of those surveyed approve what the government is doing. Only 21 percent are convinced or are satisfied that the government is doing anything and everything meaningful to address their problems. Only 19 percent believe that the governing party respects free and fair elections. This is why the country is ranked 101^st in the administration of the rule of law without which sustainable and equitable development is unthinkable. Application of the rule is fundamental in advancing opportunity.

In the 21^st century, no country can achieve sustainable and equitable development without quality education that leads to jobs and business creating opportunities. In the 2011 UN Human Development Index, Ethiopia ranks 107^th, an absolute failure for a poor country that the regime claims is growing by leaps and bounds each year for several years. No single country can aspire to join middle income status without allowing the power of information technology such as mobile phones, the Internet, television and other media that unleash the productive potential of its population, especially girls and other youth. There are 5 mobile phones for 100 people.  Only 29 percent of the population has access to sanitation and only 7.5 percent to safe drinking water. At only 0.4 percent, access to electricity is a luxury in Ethiopia as is access to good shelter. Access to financial and banking institutions is only a dream for most. Thirty-three percent have to walk 20 km to access the closet bank. Chronic unemployment is taken as a way of life. Twenty-one percent of the population is unemployed. Some people will never dream to hold a job in their lifetime. They may be born poor and may die poor.

More than 5 million people depend on remittances to survive and to perhaps to enjoy luxuries such as mobile phones that they would obtain otherwise. What about the rest who have no relatives abroad or are not connected to the ruling party for sheer survival?

The structure of the economy is stuck. Small enterprises are the largest employers in the so-called modern private sector, with an estimated 29,083 enterprises according to government statistics. Of these, 93 percent are grain-mills. Can you imagine transforming the structure of the economy with grain-mills? Indigenous production of traditional clothes, metal based supplies, medicines and others are shunned instead of coveted, protected, further developed and modernized as national resources, Most are forced to give way to imported substitutes. It is as if products and services of Ethiopian origin have little or no value at all. Nationally oriented governments give attention to and protect indigenous products and give them prominence. The government of Namibia is a prime example in protecting indigenous culture, products, natural resources and peoples. It has gone further than any by incorporating environmental laws in its national constitution. Namibia consists of different nationality or ethnic groups who have decided to live with one another as Namibians. They interact with one another as Namibians and accept Namibia as their common country.  They protect their environment for future generations. There is no evidence whatsoever that the Ethiopian government does this. Remember, Namibia is one the newest African countries; and Ethiopia the oldest. Can the governing party explain why it allows foreign governments and businesses to destroy the remaining forests and misuse scarce and precious water resources, for example, to produce flowers for export while Ethiopians go hungry each day?  Deforestation continues at alarming rate of 88,000 ha per year. One of the “hungriest and unhealthiest countries in the world” is at the same time one of the few countries in the world whose government is not protecting the environment.

In the 2011 Legatum Prosperity Index, Ethiopia is in the bottom 3 of 110 countries surveyed in terms of per capita income and wellbeing along with the Central African Republic (CAR) and Zimbabwe. Citizens with low incomes cannot buy what they need to survive. They cannot afford to buy medicine or to build homes. Despite its huge population, Ethiopia ranks 76^th in market size because there is no broad economic participation in the economy. Wealth and incomes are highly skewed and concentrated. In a country that heavily ethnicized through the kilil system, the domestic market and economy are fractured. Lack of market integration associated with lack of national cohesion is costly to the economy and to entrepreneurs. The cost of doing business is among the highest in the world because of ethnic division, market fragmentation, collusion, administrative and state capture corruption. This is why someone in Addis Ababa characterizes Ethiopia as a country that resembles a “person who travels in the darkness of night not knowing where he is going.”

All foreign visitors to Ethiopia are alarmed by the gaping differences in incomes, wealth and wellbeing between the small political, economic and social elite that wield political power and the vast majority of the population that is poor. Ethiopia ranks 20^th out of 110 countries surveyed. Similar to this Legatum finding, Mo Ibrahim places the country 35^th out of 53 African countries. The 2011 UN Human Development Index that ranks Ethiopia 174^th out of 187 countries is consistent with other surveys. This survey is more significant in that it covers wealth and incomes, education, life expectancy, health and sanitation, shelter and other basic needs. A key element in this multidimensional survey is gross inequality between those who have and those who do not; between who can eat and those who cannot; between those who are employed and those who have no access to opportunities; between those who benefit from growth and those who are left out. “Ethiopia’s HDI is 0.363 which gives the country a rank of 174 out of 187 countries with comparable data.” Human development index for Sub-Saharan African countries increased from 0.365 in 1980 to 0.463 in 2011 while it declined in Ethiopia, placing it below the regional average. In other words, Ethiopians are worse off than the rest of Africans.

This begs the question: where is the evidence that growth has benefitted most Ethiopians? There is no evidence and the UN Human Development Index is the best evidence one can offer to prove the point.

Part four is divided into two sections for ease of reading a technical piece. Part four (b) of five will discuss the relationships and distinctions between growth and development, the perceptions of the Diaspora who travel back and forth to Ethiopia; and seven critical hurdles Ethiopian society faces today.

By Aklog Birara, PhD

“In addition to its complete dominance of local and national government institutions, a number of large businesses are linked to the ruling party, either directly or through family members.”

Human Rights Watch and Center for Strategic and International Studies

In connection with the global concern about the rise of the world’s population to 7 billion on October 31, 2011 and the projection of 9 billion by 2050, James Eng, Chief Editor of MSNBC, one of America’s leading news organizations, asked me along with other global experts to share my views on whether this growth is “a cause for celebration or concern.” I should like the reader to understand that it can be one or the other depending on how a society with high population growth is governed. China is the most populous country in the world today. Its population is not a curse but a blessing for one simple economic and social reason. It has overcome the structural and policy sources of famine, hunger and destitution. It is the most dynamic economy in the world today, transforming the rural economy and integrating it with the rest. Close to 674 million Chinese or 50.3 percent of the population live and work in rural areas; but they do not starve. Close to 83 percent of Ethiopians live in rural areas; most of them go hungry. Millions starve. Whether one supports or opposes the regime, one cannot deny the fact that, today; farmers are unable to feed their families three meals a day. In Eastern and Southern parts of the country, those able to feed their children at least two meals a day find it harder and harder to offer one meal per day.

Contrast rural and urban lives

In China, millions move out of rural areas to urban areas. They have job opportunities, and incomes are three times higher. In Ethiopia the poor who move to urban areas remain poor. There are no jobs that offer higher incomes. The poor remain poor regardless of location. In contrast, in China, fewer and fewer farmers produce more and earn more from less land because of improvements in technology and other inputs. As rural incomes rise, the income gap between the rural and urban population narrows. In Ethiopia, the average rural farm size is less than half ha, and technology and other inputs have remained “biblical.” The policy and structure remain the same.

Whether rural or urban the poor are least likely to challenge a repressive regime than those with jobs, and higher and better incomes. Jobs and better incomes embolden and empower citizens. There are clear indications that, even in China, rising incomes and job security embolden Chinese citizens to demand more and more accountability from their government. This is a virtuous cycle that does not exist in Ethiopia. In almost all countries, virtuous economic and social cycles tend to contribute to greater freedom in the long run. Economic and social stagnation and repression go hand in hand.

Believe or not, it was not long ago that China suffered from recurring famine and hunger. One can say the same about India and others. China is by no means democratic. However, the political leadership is nationalist and has overcome one of the sources of national shame, namely famine and hunger. India is democratic. Although there is widespread poverty, there is no famine and debilitating hunger that characterized India before the “Green Revolution.” Population size is no longer a curse in any of the two or in Bangladesh and others that are developing faster and that have given special attention to the agricultural sector and smallholder revolutions in one form or another.

It is the health and wellbeing of individuals, families and the entire society that determines the extent to which population growth is a source of concern or a source of celebration. This is the reason for my thesis in the MSNBC piece that the single most important contribution that the global aid business that has poured in billions of dollars into the Ethiopian economy over the past two decades could have and could still make is to channel most of these resources into an Ethiopian smallholder farming or green revolution.

I argued in my latest book, “The Great Land Giveaway: yemeret neteka ena kirimit” in Ethiopia, that the TPLF/EPRDF regime failed miserably by not removing the policy and structural hurdles that keep the country among the “hungriest and unhealthiest in the world,” and the urban and rural population as among the poorest. Poor and repressive political and socioeconomic governance censures or restricts freedom and empowerment regardless of geographical location, ethnicity, religion or demography. For the regime, rise in population is just a number and not a potential source of growth and development. It does not see the potential that comes from empowering the poor to become both consumers and producers. Repression and control keep the poor and the rest in their place. As the Guardian Co. UK put it, “In Ethiopia, the threat of imprisonment for political journalists (and political dissenters whether rural or urban) is constant.” Here is the problem in simple terms.

Silencing those who demand economic justice will not remove famine, hunger and destitution whether the population is 90 million (today) and reaches 278 million by 2050. What will solve the problem is political and socioeconomic freedom that allows ordinary citizens to demand justice and to hold their government leaders accountable for their actions. Let me give you one example to illustrate why it is so critical for all opposition groups–whether political or civic–to work toward a common goal and action; and to speak with a single voice. Yemeret neteka ena kirimit abrogates many principles, among them citizenship and ownership of natural resource assets by Ethiopians. In a recent debate on Al-Jazeera, a leading Indian Economist noted that transfer of land resources to foreigners would have led to public outrage in India. Indian companies are among the lead land grabbers in Ethiopia, with Gambella, Beni-Shangul Gumuz and Oromia at the center. These companies are literally free to do as they wish: produce and export even to third parties while Ethiopians go hungry. They can destroy the environment as they wish. They can divert and use water as they wish.

Do not forget land giveaway is water giveaway

 Huge land giveaways to business interests from 36 countries and to a selected few domestic allies are done at a huger cost to future generations of Ethiopians. Remember that these giveaways do not occur in an economic, social, political and financial vacuum. Someone benefits and someone else loses. Foreign investors make billions. They take hold of Ethiopia’s water sources for up to 100 years renewable.

I show the multidimensional and severe nature of the problem in my 478 page book with close to 150 references. It is the book that prompted MSNBC to ask me for views on population growth. Fortunately, there are many experts who see the danger of land grab in Ethiopia. The Indian economist mentioned earlier made several points that Ethiopians should note and do something about. Among these is the empty rhetoric on the part of the Ethiopian governing party that large-scale commercial farms owned by foreigners for periods ranging from “50 to 99 years” would “transfer technology, generate employment, lead to food self-sufficiency and security and raise incomes of the poor.” The expert suggested that none of these is true. What would lead to sustainable and equitable growth in agriculture is to empower smallholders and to remove the policy and structural hurdles that keep their productivity low and that perpetuate insecurity.

The fact that the new economic actors in land grab are non-traditional colonialists does not make them any different. They serve only their business, financial and national interests and not the interests of the Ethiopian poor or the country. The Arab world that includes Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States and Egypt has always been interested in controlling the sources of the Nile. The Saudis are doing it through Sheikh Al-Amoudi who controls 30 different conglomerates in the country.

This travesty that emanates from almost permanent transfer of Ethiopian water basins and fertile farmlands from Ethiopian to foreigners alone should embolden Ethiopians within and outside the country to reject the governing party’s economic and social model. It is essentially disempowering and dis-enabling. The Indian economist said something that each of us should keep in mind. If these kinds of transfers took place in India, people would revolt against their government leaders and throw them out of office.

A closer look at land grab will amplify the story. When one looks at it from the perspective of millions of Ethiopians who are land poor and landless, famine-prone and hungry, these massive transfers of water basins and farmlands and other pillars of the economy to foreign governments and businesses compel each of us to reflect more closely as to ‘Why unity of purpose and action is critical and urgent.’

The country should have achieved food security and food self-sufficiency close to 21 years of massive foreign aid. Instead of empowering smallholders and other Ethiopians, the governing party invited 36 foreign governments and more than 8,000 applicants from investors to take over millions of hectares of the most fertile farmlands and water basins. This is effective transfer of ownership from Ethiopians to the likes of Karuturi of India and Saudi Star of Saudi Arabia and undermines both sovereignty and citizenship.

Water and land transfers affect sovereignty and citizenship

The primary responsibility of any government in the world is to feed its population. For this to occur, a government must adopt sound, pro-poor and sustainable and equitable development policies and programs. Investments and foreign aid that do not correspond to these fundamental requirements will not work and have not worked in Ethiopia. Growth and the use of foreign aid are highly politicized and favor the merged party, ethnic elites and the state. This is why nepotism, discrimination, exclusion, corruption and illicit outflow of foreign exchange and money-making assets flow out of the country. In 2009, 22 percent of Ethiopians depended on international emergency food aid to survive. Today, the governing party admits that there is drought but not famine or hunger. The top leadership of the governing party differentiates who is to live and who is to die on the basis of political, ideological and ethnic criteria. This is what makes it heartless and soulless. Do not take my word for it. Just take a look at the Ogaden and other parts of the country where children and women are dying and judge. The contradictions that exist in terms of fairness, justice and equity are legendary. The simplest measurement is the condition of life for individuals and families on the ground.

In countries that used to be called “banana republics (Central America and the Caribbean) and natural resource curse nations (many Sub-Saharan African countries),” elites in power squandered natural resources at the expense of their populations. Yemeret neteka ena kirimit in Ethiopia does practically the same. Waters and farmlands are equivalent to or better than petroleum and gas, diamond and gold, bananas and fruits and so on. Ethiopia’s waters and farmlands are potential sources of riches and must be protected from the plunder that emanates from unguided and unregulated globalization and foreign direct investments; as well as political and economic elite capture. Just remember the millions of Ethiopian youth who need opportunities: jobs, new and income enhancing opportunities including commercial farms. Why should they allow transfer of these resources to the Saudis, Indians, Egyptians, Pakistanis, Turks and others? Would these nations and nationals allow the reverse? Not in your dreams.

Massive transfers of water basins and fertile farmlands from Ethiopians to foreigners and domestic loyalists–all done in the name of development–do threaten sovereignty, citizenship, and the future of millions of Ethiopian youth as well as the environment. They make inhabitants aliens in their own country; they make them more vulnerable. They disempower the poor and drive them to urban areas where there are no alternatives for employment. In this sense too, the Ethiopian developmental state is not at all an empowering but controlling state. In contrast, the Chinese and Vietnamese or Brazilian developmental state creates the conditions to release the productive potential of all citizens. Here is my overall conclusion. Mismanagement and misallocation of natural resources subverts the future. It is distortions in national economic and social policy that makes the so-called developmental state in Ethiopia self-serving and opportunistic. Gaining immediate cash in the form of foreign exchange and riches for the few will, inevitably, lead to uneven development and will aggravate income disparities, corruption and diversion of resources.

The Ethiopian people and especially its youthful population that constitutes more than 50 percent–40 million of whom were born after the TPLF/EPRDF took political power in 1991–deserve better and empowering and freedom enhancing governance.

Knowledge is critical in the pursuit of change

Much, perhaps much too much, has been said about how bad things are for the vast majority under the TPLF/EPRDF. No day passes that someone, somewhere and somehow does not reveal the horrific untold stories of the authoritarian core that leads the country. I like to make a cautionary note though. One, let us pin down the reasons why change is necessary and for whom? Two, let us conduct serious soul searching on why opponents are incapable of setting aside minor differences to create strong and sustainable coalitions and partnerships. Here, I admit that all of us have failed to identify the reasons why the opposition camp–civil or political–outside the country is still in disarray. It seems to me that the primary reason is that we are not guided by the needs of the country and the population consistently.

I do not write these articles for the sake of writing. There are many other things that I can do. My intent is to provide analytical tools for those within the opposition camp within and outside the country who believe in one common cause, one country and for a unified and diverse population whose hopes and aspirations for justice, freedom and opportunity are similar regardless of ethnic or religious affiliation.

The moral imperative that should give us all sleepless nights is not simply to know and appreciate indescribable poverty, disempowerment and hopelessness, repression and persecution done one by one relentlessly, but to respond to this crisis in meaningful and substantive ways. We cannot do that unless we equip ourselves with knowledge and information that is credible and incontestable. Equally, no amount of knowledge or information can lead or contribute to change unless it leads to action. We saw and still see in North Africa and the Middle East–even here among youth who protest against Wall Street—that action requires collaboration and teamwork. The first step seems simple to non-Ethiopians but complex for Ethiopian elites. This is to set aside differences and make the needs of the Ethiopian people central and foremost in our thinking and actions.

Some skeptics may continue to believe the story line of the top the top leadership of the governing party and its allies that the regime is on the verge of creating the next ‘Singapore’ or another Tiger in Africa. I wish this was the case. It is not and cannot be. A Tiger like economy cannot be created without wide-spread participation of citizens and without a dynamic domestic private sector owned and managed by Ethiopians from diverse backgrounds. If it has not managed to achieve food self-sufficiency and security in 20 years, how would it transform the national economy into middle-income (MIC) status in the next five?

Before I close Party three of this series, I will pose a simple question for all of us to ponder. ‘Why does Ethiopia remain poor after an estimated US$40 to US$50 billion in all forms of foreign aid (official and unofficial) since 1991?’  I will give you my take. Ethiopia remains poor because of un-caring, cruel, repressive, discriminatory, non-participatory, unaccountable and exclusionary governance.

In part four, I shall provide a few global measurements used by reputable research, multilateral and other firms to firm-up the above thesis. These measurements will present one simple pattern: a graphic picture of poverty in a country that should not be poor. You can read and rationalize the reasons and express cynicism about the persistence of poverty and dependency. You can make this piece or anyone’s piece on the subject a one evening conversation with family and friends. You can cry in your homes, as do numerous foreigners-who visit Ethiopia, and express outrage as they witness the grossest inequality and ‘indescribable’ poverty they had ever seen-in the privacy of their hotels (Bill Easterly’s The White-man’s burden). You can also choose to let your voice and indignation known in partnership with others. This is the meaning of collaboration for a bigger cause.

In part five, I intend to propose a set of recommendations or a framework to stimulate conversation that will, hopefully, lead to concerted action in support of individuals and groups within Ethiopia who sacrifice their lives and their families in defense of justice, freedom, equality, peace and national reconciliation. I genuinely believe that the Diaspora’s contribution will depend entirely on whether or not its active support is sustainable and is anchored in the Ethiopian people, especially its youth, and in the country’s future.

By Yelfiwos Wondaya

Knowing the fact that the so-called Ethiopian constitution is framed by an ethnocentric dictatorial regime to serve its narrow purpose, one would not expect to see it working for all parties on board, much less to preserve Ethiopia’s unity and territorial integrity intact. Although mentioned in the constitution still the TPLF is not willing to comply with its own rule of law. At will, though the TPLF undermines the basic substances mentioned in its own fake constitution one of which is a common platform in which both parties [the regime and the oppositions] could be able to build an agreement to settle a difference of opinion in a way that is acceptable to all. Worst of all, its constitution does not promote unity, equality, fraternity and social justice for all to take root in Ethiopia. So in this case, one would conclude that not merely a regime change or reform per se but a revolution that must be played out by the genuine parties and the public at large. Thus in order to turn the popular revolution into a success, one would also conclude that the objective condition at hand needs to acquire the following important continuities, a society that defies all orders from Mele’s tyrant regime, unity, organization, leadership, and outside factors that would influence Ethiopians in a positive and uplifted ways.

Firstly, though Ethiopians openly resisted the regime in the past but the resistances were not conducted in a cohesive manner as a result have been crashed and suppressed by the regime one at a time. After all, “a house divided against itself cannot stand” often times than not, however, students in Addis, Mekele, Jimma and other higher learning institutions were striking but not collectively in a cohesive manner, which is why also they did not get anywhere, and also Christian worshipers in Gondar, Muslims in Addis and then, the youths together with the general public came out in thousands to oppose the election result of 2005, during which time over 35 thousands people locked up in prison and were subjected to pain, and suffering from torture and continue to languishing in woyanes’ top-security prisons allover. At the same time, some 200 people were gun down by the regime’s police and secret agents and the rest had been chased, harassed and intimidated by non other than the agents themselves. In unison, though there were about three million people came out in Addis to oppose the regime but were dispersed non other than by the so-called opposition leaders in 2005. Potentially though such pattern of events are positive indications for one to confirm that we have indeed a defying society in Ethiopia. With that in mind, Ethiopians have a reason to believe that there is a meeting place both for the public and the genuine political groupings to join forces and carry out a collective form of protest against the regime. And in due time, the said form of actions will set off a chain of events and shall bring about a full fledged revolution in Ethiopia. Collectively though the revolution requires an effective leadership that can promote a pragmatic course of action in a bid to liberate the country from the yoke of tyranny.

Secondly, the question of leadership is vital. In order to mobilize the public and prepare forces for actions the movement requires a leadership, a leadership to frame and formulate slogans, tactics, catchphrases, and strategies that have an immediate impact on the movement. And also leadership is vital to coordinate the movements ahead and produce more leaders that would organize the ordinary people of cities, towns, and villages across the nation. Leaders of all ranks are also required to distribute flyers, leaflets and other promotional materials to their own respective regions and locals on a timely fashion. In such a way leaders of all ranks can control and coordinate various activates through out the nation. Once the question of leadership is resolved, the rest is possible to change the no-win situation around and move on to the next level where waging a pragmatic form of action is possible. And then again, move on to the next level where our superior moral truth dominates enemy’s position and brings about the downfall of our last few rivals in power. In short, the task of leadership is to coordinate, guide, and direct the revolution and further influence the youths and the elderly to join the protest against their common enemy the TPLF that is. So, at this critical time, an action oriented political entity capable of providing the public with an effective leadership is highly required to appear into the political arena in order to topple Mele’s regime and rescue the victory on the horizon. Indeed, a leadership envisaging and contemplating a future ahead, a leadership that has a firm hold on the public’s imagination has to come forward to assume a new role of leadership to lead the revolution.

Thirdly, the question of unity is vital too. Although the task of leadership falls upon the entire organizations, coalitions and alliances it takes an initiative of individuals to determine whether or not the organizations function effectively, and upon their functioning depends on the determination and the commitment of members of different ranks and beyond. The society on the other hand is the sea in which individuals, organizations and associations are brought to shore. Together, all of whom are parts and parcels of the shore and of the wave of the sea in which more leaders will emerge from within to coordinate further the different functions and resources into a one pathway forward. In such a way, leaders could let numerous citizens involve at will and bring their contributions to the coherent form of action in place. Isn’t that a challenge for us all, and a test of time to preserve the genesis and the progression of our revolution and its success story ahead? After all, “United we stand divided we fall” unity is power! Unity together with firepower is even more vital to blow the enemy at hand. If not right, Might is absolutely essential for us to survive my fellow Ethiopians. In all fairness, might is the answer for an upper hand: as lip service is for an empty technique of rhetoric. “Actions speak louder than words” Taken as a whole, the popular insurrection of Ethiopian people is prone to generate more of pragmatic actions ahead. And then, the unity together with the said leadership would share a great deal of experiences with foreign movements that are already successful and what not, would carefully apply it in a ways it would help the movements go forward

Fourthly, the wind of change blowing from the North and the shock wave it sends toward the south may well have positive impact on Ethiopians’ situation as a whole. If not decisive, it is an encouraging factor for Ethiopians’ situation to get ahead of time and use it before hand to weaken our enemy. It also helps them feel emotionally and intellectually attached to the movement and their comrades in arm in a positive and uplifted ways, it helps leaders utilize their natural talents and to convey optimism and send that down the line with a message that conveys strength and security for all on the ground. It indeed gives them morale boost especially, when they see that the opinions of the world powers are changed in favor of the winning situations in Tunisia, Egypt etc. Be that as it may, the groundbreaking revolution in Ethiopia is imminent although Meles will try his best to appease it by massacring the people indiscriminately or what have you. Despite the pain and injuries his excessive force might have inflicted, he will not make it this time. Much like those dictators in Tunisia, Egypt, etc, Mele’s will lose grip of power and leave on the backdoor without any traces. The Tunisians and Egyptians have done it so will Ethiopians so long as they are determined in terms of moving forward in a full force to defend their human and constitutional rights in the open. And then, much like Egyptians and others, Ethiopians’ uprising will enjoy the support of democratic countries and international communities across the world. And then, the WOYANES’ deceptive and distorted information that had been systematically spreading to confuse the international community will be silenced at the end. For that to happen, the Mass Medias of all oppositions are expected to convey a coordinated message against Mele’s press and get in the way to frustrate his military and other forces on the ground as well. And then, the friendly press together with general public would make it clear even clearer to that of our defectors and collaborators not to taking side with the dying regime and more. Those false prophets aside, however, the foremost duty of all genuine Ethiopian political and civic organizations is to depose the TPLF/EPRDF and replace its ethnocentric regime with a democratic system of government. Clearly, this is the central theme as is a dividing wall separated us from the enemy. The TPLF/ EPRDF together with those fortified collaborators that are relentlessly reinforcing its political muscle must be condemned permanently to the fire of hell.

Lastly, we are at a time when we need to make our choices not only to condemn the regime but also to have the courage to defy and let the blast blew the dictator off! And of course, winning the war against all odds is the choice and the goal of moral forces as opposed to losers that are in battle for evil deeds. Victors Vs. losers. If there is anything in between of these two forces it should be nothing but belongs to those who are neglected and left in oblivion during the course of this watershed time in our history. History is in the making and the positive aspect of all this is that victory is inevitable so long as we are determined to keep on struggling in spite of obstacles and so long as the movement is led by an experienced and well competent leadership. In the aftermath, however, the said leadership will find itself in a position where the vast majority of the people are awaiting in the wings to cast their vote to it given that friendship is the product of privileged circumstances and authentic victories and hardly ever any enemy thereafter.

In conclusion, a competent leadership together with a defying society, unity, and organization is ultimately needed to make our national struggle a success in terms of changing Meles’ ethnocentric philosophy together with his an ethnic oriented federal system. So much so, such continuities as competent leadership, a defying society, united forces and organizations will also be the resources to found some broadly based transitional government in Addis, which in turn, will frame a constitution that paves a way to broadly representative government, and allows parties of all persuasions to freely participate in the upcoming political system and equally permits different professional and civic associations, to join or choose political organizations of their own choices.

Enachenifalen!!

 Aklog Birara, PhD
In part one, I provided basic socioeconomic arguments of why unity of purpose and action among opponents of the TPLF/EPRDF is no longer an option for those who wish to see a unified, diverse and prosperous Ethiopia whose institutional foundation is grounded in fundamental principles of human dignity and freedom for the individual to choose, speak, associate and move; in the rule of law and a level playing field for each and all; in genuine equality, justice, fairness, inclusion and participation; and in political pluralism that allows and encourages peaceful competition.

For the above to take roots, the struggle for justice and freedom must be anchored in Ethiopian society, and especially youth, taxi-drivers, shop owners and the rest of the middle class of professionals, bureaucrats and the poor in rural and urban areas. It is these social forces that brought dictatorial regimes to their knees. Those on the outside can provide material, financial, technical and diplomatic support.
These and other lofty principles assume that ultimate power and the authority to determine legitimacy to govern reside with Ethiopian citizens and not with political elites. It is only when the institutional and leadership architecture that empowers ordinary citizens takes solid roots that there would be a respectful relationship between ordinary people, the state and government and the leadership that administer it on their behalf. In this sense, future change must be dramatically different from the past. Ordinary citizens will exercise this potential power through free, fair, transparent, open and competitive elections. This is why it is important to remember that opposition to the governing party is only one and necessary component of change; but not the only component.

Equally important is the ability to envision an appropriate transition toward meaningful and people centered change and to frame the alternative system that will replace the old order. Both the transition and the alternative must reflect the interests of the Ethiopian people as a whole and neither can be an afterthought.
Why people revolt

The ongoing Arab Spring in North Africa and the Middle East exploded because dictatorial and or authoritarian regimes refused to give-up their privileged political and economic positions peacefully. It is the pursuit of economic power and better social status that motivated them to assume political power by any means necessary in the first place. Once they assumed political power that offered them wealth beyond their imagination, they cling to it regardless of costs to any person or to any group. The tolerate greed, nepotism, corruption and exclusion because they created them. It is this that leads experts to conclude that dictatorial regimes encourage and rationalize income inequality and wealth concentration directly or indirectly. It is part of the architecture of running the state as a business enterprise. At most, those with political and economy power are likely to persecute and jail only small fish to appease the public and donors. The big fish at the top are always protected from the regulatory and legal system. It is they created the very system that benefits them and their core allies whether foreign or domestic. It is they that must protect ‘the goose that lays the golden egg,’ so to speak.

Reflect on what social and political forces drove Ethiopia’s Emperor and the dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam out of power in disgrace? What forces compelled Ben Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his family to flee with an estimated 1.5 tons of gold that belongs to the people of Tunisia? What compelled Mubarak and his cohorts to cause massive carnage and to face the humiliation of court proceedings in the country he ruled for crimes against humanity and for stealing billions of money that belongs to the Egyptian people? Why did Gadhafi and his die-hards refuse to submit to the will of the Libyan people peacefully and get caught, hauled from a sewage pipe, humiliated and killed by liberation fighters as young as 19 years old that he had called “rats”? The manner and brutality and ‘savagery’ of his death will be a subject that will haunt millions of people for decades to come. For Libyans and other people who seek and deserve freedom and justice, saving Gadhafi’s life and subjecting him to the meaning of the rule of law would have sent a better omen. Instead, it sent chills accusations of the opposition itself is “lawless.” This may or may not be unfair. Only the future evolution of governance will tell.

Would other dictators in the rest of Africa including Ethiopia draw lessons from these shameful experiences and allow peaceful change through genuine free, fair, open and competitive elections? Listening to the Ethiopian Prime Minister in the aftermath of what happened in Libya; one concludes that dictators have no ear for human dignity, justice, freedom, equality, the rule of law and accountability. They feel invincible. In light of this, simple indignation will not be adequate.

I highlighted the major similarities and differences that characterize these diverse regimes in previous articles on the Arab Spring. In each case, and in today’s Ethiopia, those who govern failed and still fail to open up opportunities for the vast majority of the population, especially youth. For example, the TPLF/EPRDF regime runs an economic empire that has made a few individuals super rich, and is leading the vast majority to greater depths of poverty. The governing party failed to level the playing field in the economy. Party owned and endowed enterprises such as EFFORT, GUNA and others dominate the national economy. Believe it or not EFFORT owns at least 30 diverse and dominant companies. It started with little or no capital and now serves the economic and social interests of the top leadership of the TPLF and their extended families.
The top leadership of the TPLF/EPRDF is one of the most rigid and dismissal of any in the world. It really believes that its assault on human rights is to protect the public from all forms of “terrorism.” It continues to get away with violations in part because it has powerful Western backers; and in part the opposition is divided and weak. In light of this, the regime failed to hold anyone accountable for atrocities following the 2005 elections; for massacres in Gambella, and in the Ogaden; and jailing and killing an untold number of Ethiopians under the pretext of defending the state and the Constitution. The regime is the judge, jury and executioner. Do not expect it to change any time soon.

Economic and social injustice is widespread and there is nothing the public or dissenters can do about it. Donors and others are stunned of corruption and illicit outflow in excess of US$11 billion from one of the poorest and emergency food aid dependent countries in the world. They will not do anything unless opponents in the Diaspora close ranks and work collaboratively against corruption and illicit outflow in donor capitals everywhere. Corruption is an economic crime against the poor and the future of Ethiopian youth. In North Africa and the Middle East, we note corruption, cronyism, illicit outflow, and other economic and social ills constituted the material reasons of why people continue to die for justice, human dignity and freedom.

Here is the bottom line. People do not revolt out of hate for their fellow man or woman. They revolt out of desperation that the system in which they live is totally broken and that those who govern are not or will not be accountable to them. Escalating food prices, income inequality, corruption, nepotism and massive unemployment were among the material reasons why hundreds of thousands of youth and others revolted against repression, economic and social injustice and inequality. When a system is impervious to change, they have no option. Tunisian youth, professionals and the middle class arrived at the conclusion that the system under which they lived was intolerant of reform. This is similar to Ethiopia but took a more peaceful route. Citizens, especially youth, took matters into their own hands and gave real meaning to citizen voice, participation and popular revolt. The rest is history. Today, 110 political parties are in the process of competing in what is projected to be the freest and fairest election in Tunisia.

For Tunisian, Egyptian, Libyan, Syrian and Yemeni youth, the battle cry could be termed as ‘inequality and corruption stupid.’ Gross inequality in incomes and wealth arise when a system allows economic and social preponderance for one group over the rest, and discriminates deliberately and systematically. Tunisia was and still is more market friendly than Ethiopia. Yet, inequality was pronounced as was corruption. Egypt was worse. Gadhafi and his large family run the country as a family business. He lost his life and perhaps all his wealth and the wealth of his family. Freedom leads to the inevitable demand for accountability. But who in the top echelons of the Ethiopian government party is listening?

In Ethiopia, the economic and social system tends to emulate the worst features of crony capitalism and dictatorial ‘socialism.’ I say the worst features of capitalism because cronyism is rampant. Greed and corruption are widespread and punishing for the society. Humanitarian and other forms of aid are politicized and skew the allocation of resources along ethnic and party lines. If aid that saves lives is distorted, one will have little confidence that the rest of the economy and financial system is not distorted either. Ethiopia is neither farmland nor water resource poor. Yet, it is one of the ‘hungriest and unhealthiest” countries in the world. Take food self-sufficiency and security and investments in agriculture under the so-called Agriculture Development-led Industrialization (ADLI) approach–a strategy intended to boost the capabilities of smallholders and other rural folk–and assess outcomes.

Why did the regime fail to boost the capabilities of smallholders by providing them tenure security? As I document in my latest book, “The Great Land Giveaway: yemeret neteka ena kirmit in Ethiopia,” the country is not able to achieve a level of agricultural productivity per hectare that it had attained in 1973 or 38 years ago? Believe it or not, the governing party no longer believes that Ethiopian smallholders and other domestic entrepreneurs can modernize and commercialize agriculture or anything else for that matter. In 2009, 22 percent of Ethiopia’s rural poor depended on some form of international emergency foreign aid to survive. I conclude from these facts and from skyrocketing food prices that the governing party’s strategy was not to release the productive potential of Ethiopian smallholders and to make the country food self-sufficient. Rather, it was to control the ‘peasantry’ and to make the rural population dependent and an appendage. A pro poor economic and social policy would have resulted in a smallholder Green Revolution in Ethiopia. Generous donors such as USAID, the World Bank and others share the blame in that they did not invest in smallholder commercial farming. Some donors perpetuate dependency by focusing on relief rather than on sustainable and participatory development.

It is a fact that twenty years ago, people could afford to buy food. Today, millions survive on one meal a day. Forty years ago, the educated and others aspired to join the middle class and expected to build and own their own home. Today US$50,000 cannot buy you a decent home in Addis Ababa or other major urban areas. The façade of villas, apartment and office buildings and other construction in Ethiopia’s capital and other urban centers is glitz at its worst. Rent seeking and corrupt culture produced the glitz. Who owns major buildings anyway? Who rents them to foreigners? It certainly is not the Ethiopian middle class. They worry about their next meal. These investments are owned by few powerful individuals, families and monopolies. The direct link between business monopolies and political power is a firm indicator of the merger of party, state and ethnicity. It is this merger that enables the governing party to misallocate national resources; and to transfer waters and farmlands and other pillars of the economy from the Ethiopian people to a selected few domestic allies and to foreign governments and businesses.

These economic and social distortions and adverse impacts on ordinary Ethiopians are essential to grasp in promoting a culture of collaboration and unity among opposition groups whether civic or political; and whether within the country or abroad.

Part three of this series will highlight the dangers that emanate from massive transfers of water basins and farmlands and other pillars of the economy to foreign governments and businesses. The piece will continue to reinforce why unity of purpose and action is critical, urgent and everyone’s business.

*Please note that this series has five and not three parts.