Tedla Asfaw

It is time to stand up and tell these tyrants that they  are good for
nothing. Their hatred for educated elite in the diaspora is their
inferiority they are suffering from. The solution for that is to do what
they believe right for their career. I can tell them that they would not
survive in a free society where ideas are debated because they have no
culture of debate, it is a foreign propaganda culture they grew up which
indeed has been known as anti Ethiopia.

Aklog Birara, Ph.D.

It will be an understatement to state that, regardless of ethnic, religious, gender, age or ideological affinity, Ethiopians and people of Ethiopian origin discuss their country of origin with passion and genuine interest. Broadly, they share a common set of principles. This is the good news. However, there is another side to the story that generates animated conversation within and outside the country. This short article reflects my own assessment and conclusions with regard to the two schools of thought that have more or less raged for more than forty years.

What is the area of consensus?

All of us wish to see good governance based on the rule of law, equality and justice, commitment to human rights and human dignity, freedom and political pluralism otherwise known as democracy. Clearly and by any socioeconomic and political measurement, the world in which ordinary Ethiopians live is as inhospitable as anyone could imagine. It is this in- hospitability that drives those of us who hope for a better tomorrow for all Ethiopians that dictate these generally shared values. They are fundamental and critical enough to force each activist to soul search so that we can contribute to the realization of the hopes, dreams and aspirations of the Ethiopian people as individuals and as communities.

What then is the hurdle or problem?

For more than forty years, political parties, groups and their supporters focused less on the commonalities that bind them as people and drove their thinking and their actions through the prism of ‘irreconcilable differences.’ This is a trap implanted by the current governing party. The experiences of people across the globe in general and the recent people-anchored revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East inform that there is no contradiction between the essence and meaning of one or unified Ethiopia that embraces all of its citizens, and freedom and democracy. Divisions along ethnic, religious or rigid ideological lines and the contention that Ethiopia is an artificial creation of the ‘colonial type’ continue to act as barriers in pursuing and achieving the hopes and aspirations of all of the Ethiopian people. What best describes Ethiopia and Ethiopians is that they are the sole creators of a mosaic of nations and nationalities that defended the national independence and territorial integrity of the country for thousands of years. This Ethiopian made multi-nation building was not imposed by colonial powers. At various times in history, all Ethiopians contributed to the formation of this mosaic. I suggest that no single nationality group has preponderance over this, recognizably, tumultuous history through which other countries had to pass. Ethiopia deserves the same treatment as other countries that have gone through rough waters in which an untold millions were killed in what most experts believe is the natural evolution of both homogenous and heterogeneous or multi-ethnic nations. Belaboring the agony of the past that comes from each successive system of governance detracts from singular focus on the future.

I should like to illustrate the enormous economic, social, political and security costs for all members of Ethiopian society of past and current preoccupation with ‘irreconcilable types of differences’ by citing five examples:

• The so-called developmental state led by the TPLF/EPRDF has induced one of the worst income inequalities in the world. The gap between the small super rich whose incomes, wealth and assets originate directly or indirectly from a discriminatory and exclusive system has reached a dangerous level. This pronounced inequality in wealth and assets deprives better livelihood for the vast majority of the Ethiopian people. It undermines fairness and equity and retards the development process. Inequality takes a toll on the national economy in that those with low incomes and the poor cannot afford to purchase even domestically produced goods and services. In the end, inequality that comes from discriminatory and exclusionary policies and programs will threaten the very fabric of the society and will lead it to instability and fragility. The regime is able to get away with gross inequality because there is no political competition. It is not accountable to the public but to itself. Opponents can and should mobilize and work in unison to bring gross inequality to the attention of the world community.

• In a succession of reactions to poor and repressive governance, my generation opposed and revolted against the Imperial regime, the Socialist Military Dictatorship and now the TPLF/EPRDF dictatorship without a clear vision of the future and the alternative political and socioeconomic order that will govern the country.

• Ethiopia and its diverse population lost their legitimate access to the sea. Therefore, the Ethiopian and Eritrean people that share a great deal in common lost economic and comparative advantages that would benefit both. Political elites in both regions who exploit divisions and tensions have put them at risk.

• The TPLF/EPRDF exploited the void in unified political and civic opposition and granted millions of hectares of Ethiopian fertile farmlands and waters to more than 1,000 licensees from 36 countries, and to favored supporters of the regime. Yemeret neteka ena kirimit affects sovereignty, dignity, citizenship, security and wellbeing, long-term national interest, the environment and ordinary lives of people.

• The same void in political wisdom, organization and national leadership within the opposition exposes individuals and groups within the country for constant and relentless assault by the governing party and state. The Failed States Index for 2011 and Wiki leaks reveal shocking information concerning the brutality of the one party state on Ethiopian society: group grievances not addressed, human flight in thousands, uneven development and income emanating from discrimination, economic decline and relentless inflation, increasing de-legitimization of the state and gross human rights violations almost on a daily basis. The regime has compromised the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Wiki leaks reveal that the governing party cost Ethiopia “a large chunk of territory” that the regime transferred to the Sudan in a secret deal. The single party state is “the judge, jury and executioner” with no end in sight.

All of these and more present a dire picture that cannot be resolved unless all opposition parties, groups and civil society close ranks and place the interests of all of the Ethiopian people at the center of their struggle,

What then is the alternative?

In my assessment, a firm and determined commitment for the unity of the Ethiopian people and for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country is the surest path to freedom and political pluralism. I have no doubt in my mind that unfettered unity will lead the Ethiopian people to freedom and political pluralism. The country is large and potentially rich enough to accommodate the hopes and aspirations of all of its diverse population. The ills, misinterpretations of history, ‘brutalities’ and other transgressions of the past can and should be addressed by a democratically elected government rather than used as a precondition for transformation. In Australia, South Africa and other democratic countries, legitimate representatives of the people set-up institutional mechanisms to investigate and address past grievances. Ethiopia can achieve the same goal.

I believe that we can draw a critical lesson of what not to do from our own recent political history that division along ethnic lines rather than genuine commitment for the pursuit of freedom for all Ethiopians is a losing proposition. For example, I would hate to imagine that ethnic and other divisions would subject Ethiopians to perpetual civil war in order to satisfy the narrow interests of foreign powers or the needs of political elites. The regime’s relentless attack on individuals and groups in the country is a prime indicator that it will not tolerate any form of dissent. This is the reason why I argued in several articles that the regime is more like Libya, Syria and Yemen than Egypt or Tunisia. This attribute should compel all to work in tandem and energize all Ethiopians within the country to rise against repression and oppression.

The incontestably able and dedicated Ethiopian humanist and political activist Obang Metho, Executive Director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia captures the essence of what I am saying in two themes: “Humanity before Ethnicity” and “No One Will be Free Until All are Free.” Division and fragmentation go exactly in the opposite direction from realizing freedom and political pluralism for each and all. If the ultimate objective is to dislodge the TPLF/EPRDF oppressive system of governance and replace it with a government of national reconciliation, peace, unity in diversity, freedom and equality, justice and equitable participation in social and economic life, human rights and the rule of law, then all aspirants must join forces and aim for the same goal. This is the reason why I suggest that the unity of all of the Ethiopian people is the surest path in achieving freedom and democracy in the country we love. Imagine if all Ethiopian rise against oppression. Who in the world can stop them? There is no force that can.

In my view, the hopes and aspirations of Ethiopia’s 90 million people are constrained by an enormous gap in national political organization and wise leadership. It is response to and filling this gap that will enable them to achieve genuine freedom, political pluralism and participatory and equitable economic and social opportunities. Ultimately, it is realization of this noble goal—that can only come from a unity of national purpose–that will create the foundation to conquer abject poverty, hunger and famine, dependency, unemployment, diseases, corruption and gross income inequality and illegal outflow of billions of dollars from one of the poorest and hungriest countries in the world.

Lack of unity of purpose and recognition that Ethiopians share common values and aspire for a common destiny will prolong the agony of the Ethiopian people. If we defer accepting the principles of Ethiopian sovereignty and territorial integrity and the unity of its diverse population, it will be difficult if not impossible to achieve the kinds of transformative, grassroots and youth-led popular revolutions we are witnessing in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Syria and Yemen. In none of these countries is the principle of national unity and the unity of people at risk. The tragedy of not forging ahead with a unity of purpose that comes from accepting these fundamental principles that will serve all Ethiopians in the long-run is that Ethiopia’s economy will be in shambles. Instability and gross violations of human rights will persist. We see evidence of this in hyperinflation, gross inequality and selected and indiscriminate killing, persecutions and jailing of innocent people by the governing party. The regime explains these and other anomalies as the price of growth and development; and ‘anti-terrorism.’ The terror comes from the one party state itself.

Where do we start and where do we end-up?

At the end of the day, political and social actors must believe in and trust the Ethiopian people to do the right thing. I do. The long-term interests of the country and its entire people must guide political and social action. I have no doubt in my mind that peaceful, country anchored and youth led transformation is possible; in fact, inevitable. The rest of us in the Diaspora have a moral obligation to contribute to the democratization process through collaboration rather than division or silence or skepticism or detachment.

If we remain preoccupied with our differences rather than the common bonds that we share as Ethiopians, and the aspirations and hopes we believe in for future this and future generations, we will contribute to the enormous risks that the country and its diverse population face. As some in Addis Ababa said recently, we will simply accept the tragic notion that “Ethiopia is a country that resembles a person who is traveling in a pitch-black dark night.” I know what it means to travel in a “pitch black night. “ In Waves, I depicted my own and my father’s journey in Northern Gondar at night not knowing exactly where we were headed to; but hoping that we will end-up at our destination by some miracle. A country led by an arrogant, cruel, repressive and exclusive ethnic clique is a country that moves in the dark. For those in power and with wealth, nothing can be as good and as bright as staying in power and enjoying the spoils of political capture. For the disenfranchised—the vast majority of the Ethiopian people—the Ethiopian regime is a nightmare. It turns daylight into darkness, hope into misery, aspiration into despair, and hope into hopelessness. The rest of us must reject this situation.

Our person-made and too often, self-serving divisions will postpone the democratization process indefinitely. This artificial division will allow the current repressive regime to single out and decimate persons of conscience, principle and stamina who expose inhumanity and cruelty. It will deny current youth the possibility of closing ranks and standing solidly for freedom and political pluralism in a sustainable way. It will undermine the noble tradition of the Ethiopian people to live side by side. It will give political elites a chance to divide and weaken all of us. It will prolong the life of a divisive, oppressive, inhumane and brutal regime. If the situation continues for too long, the country will continue on a path of eternal darkness, fragility and greater ethnic based fragmentation. This condition will not serve anyone. At minimum, the Diaspora can try to cleanse itself of the culture of egoism, individualism, village-like mentality, elitism, partisanship and division, attributes that sustain the TPLF/EPRDF regime. The current onslaught against civil liberties, individual rights and freedoms is as much a manifestation of a desperate regime that has gone berserk as much as it is a manifestation of weaknesses within the opposition camp whether within the country or in the Diaspora.

The march of history tells us that the brave and principled souls within the country who are sacrificing their lives, their families and their wellbeing are precisely what Ethiopia and Ethiopians need today. At minimum, we can and should stand shoulder to shoulder with them and reject repression and oppression of the one party dictatorial state today and not tomorrow.

 By Yilma Bekele

East Europe suffered under Soviet domination for over fifty years. While West Europe was marching forward East Europe was engulfed in darkness and hopelessness. The Arabs with all their vast population and abundant natural resources stumbled around for so long they were considered people of no consequences. The East Europeans emerged from their forced slavery and are now trying to rebuild a new reality. The Arabs are showing signs of life. From the shores of the Atlantic all the way to the Indian Ocean Arab awakening is the talk of the planet.

As usual Africa is acting dead. The ‘Dark Continent’ as they aptly named us is still in slumber mode. It still is the playground of the buffoon, the mentally unstable, the psychopath and the pure evil. The Mugabe’s, Museveni’s, Bashir’s, Zenawi’s, Afeweki’s are the faces of Africa. They have been around so long that it is difficult to remember what came before their rude appearance. We Ethiopians have contributed our fair share to this collective madness. We are not innocent bystanders but rather one of the stars of this tragic show. Nobody thought we would sink this low in such a short time. Here we are at the bottom of the barrel.

Do you want me to remind you of the times the name Ethiopia evoked pride and hope? Believe me it is true. Our country is so old and our people so wise that we even have a mention in the Bible. I know it is difficult to top that but I will humbly mention our earthly accomplishments too. The Axumite Kingdom is considered one of the four Great powers along with Persia, Rome and China around 4^th century BC.  We are the only country in Africa not to be colonized by the Europeans. We were equal founders in the establishment of the League of Nations the forerunner to the current United Nations. Our Emperor played a key role in establishing the Organization of Africa Unity with Addis Ababa as its Headquarters. There was a time when Emperor Haile Selassie hosted warring factions in our capital and he was listened to.

That is why I believe our ancient land will usher in the people’s uprising that is shaking our neighborhood into Black Africa. We are ripe and ready. We are overdue. I know it. Deep inside you know it too. The Ethiopian dictatorship understands the volatility of the situation. At this moment it is operating on crisis mode. The regime is experimenting with so many responses it is actually possible the right hand does not know what the left is doing. That is the problem with occupiers. They end up being strangers in their own country. They saw themselves differently. They felt they were entitled. They felt safe inside the false wall they built. Looks like the chicken are coming home to roost. How pathetic!

It is becoming obvious the situation in Ethiopia shows all the signs of readiness for upheaval. It has reached what in physics is known as ‘critical mass.’ In politics the current situation has all what is needed to force a new reality to take place. Be it positive or negative something is bound to happen and that is independent of any ones wish.

The famine/hunger/ food shortage whatever it is called is the main catalyst. The Ethiopian government does not have enough foreign currency to buy food for its people. The wrong polices of the last twenty years have not been able to solve this lingering problem. Due to the worsening situation in Somalia food donor’s attention is not focused on our country. The regime is in no position to admit famine has arrived. It will be suicidal. Unfortunately it cannot be hidden or ignored. The ferenjis are beginning to ring the alarm bells but very cautiously. They do not want to upset their ‘anti-terrorist’ partner. Like it or not hungry people soon turn to angry people. Mobs have been known to do strange things when outraged. It is critical we find a way to channel this raw anger into positive direction for the sake of all of us.

The second condition feeding our critical mass political situation is the general melt down of the economy. Officially inflationist 40.6% for what it is worth. You know the actual figure is close to double that. This New Year the price of basic goods and necessities was beyond even professional citizen’s standard. Cow/Bull was eleven thousand Bir, Sheep fifteen hundred, Chicken one hundred twenty five, Teff one thousand five hundred, red onion six Bir per kilo, garlic one hundred Bir per kilo, butter one hundred twenty five per kilo, berbere sixty per kilo and so forth. Most of our people are going to bed hungry. The children and the elderly suffer the most. Even those who have jobs cannot afford to feed their family.

The third ingredient is unemployment. There is no private sector so to speak of in Ethiopia. The government is the largest employer in the country. That is done for control. Realistically it is not a good or efficient economic model. When you consider the government is broke thus unable to meet the needs of a growing population it fair to say it is sitting on a time bomb. Idleness breeds’ anti-social behavior. The regime tried using drugs like Kat and televised sports to divert but it can only go so far.

The fourth factor is the dwindling remittances and Diaspora investment. Remittances have definitely shown dramatic decrease due to the international economic situation. The Middle East is in turmoil and the West is closing its doors to outsiders. The double digit ‘growth’ was not due to increase in economic production but due to remittances from the Diaspora and aid money from the ferenjis. It was an illusion built on sand. All those condominiums and shopping centers are colossal waste. When the artificially inflated real estate prices plummet the door is not wide enough for those that want to exit.

The fifth catalyst will be the situation in the North Africa, The Middle East, and the general mood of the Western enablers. The Arab Spring is known to all in Ethiopia. They are familiar with this type of situation. No matter how hard the regime tries to pretend there is nothing odd going on, the eyes and ears of our people are following the drama intently. Although our information system is carefully managed by the TPLF blanket they covered our country with, it is full of holes. News gets in. The Western enablers are confused. Their ‘smart’ intelligence system did not even see the Arab Spring train pulling into the station. Their banana republic puddles are falling one after another. Mubarak’s fall was spectacular. Now they are cautious showing any kind of fondness to the rest of their puppies. Swim or sink the dogs have entered uncharted waters. One or two will survive but most will be history. Meles is trying to avoid that fate. He is trying to cancel his reservation at Kaliti Presidential suite. 

I kept the beast for last. I am delighted to say the nature of the TPLF regime is the absolute best carrier of the fissionable material for our critical mass to reach its tipping point and deliver a brand new reality to our beautiful homeland. What more can you ask when you are given a virus that carries its own destruction code embedded. Our precious regime is doing that as we speak. The madness started about two months ago and it is continuing at an accelerated pace. Meles and company have completely and absolutely arrived at the conclusion that no matter what change is coming. They are swimming against the tide.

We are lucky that it does not require a lot to create panic in the TPLF politburo. They have a tendency to lash out blindly and irrationally. They are so used to bullying that violence is their first response for any new situation. They started by imprisoning media figures. Awramba Times deputy editor Wubeshet Taye and Feteh Magazine Reeyot Alemu were arrested on vague charges and kept in isolation. Their next victims were political leaders. Bekele Gerba of OFDM and Olbana Lelisa of OPC and twenty-nine individuals were arrested for being suspected of belonging to Oromo Liberation Front.

The arrest of Ato Debebe Eshetu, Ato Andualem Arage Secretary of UDJ and reporter Eskender Nega is the latest in this high stake drama. All are accused of the usual crimes of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order and belonging to terrorist organizations. As is customary they will be kept in isolation. Shimels Kemal will promise to produce evidence to prove their crime.

Why are Meles and company doing all this? I assure you it is not because it is fun. It is the only thing they know. They have been doing it for twenty years. Although both the domestic scene and the international situation are presenting a completely new reality the regime’s response seems unchanged. It is highly possible that they have decided there is no other palatable option left to them. That is the problem with criminal enterprises, they cannot cut and disappear, they carry too much baggage. I believe that is TPLF problem and we will set it aside.

If you notice closely they pick their victims carefully. TPLF goes for impact. They create big waves with big news. Ethiopia is one big TPLF prison. The ones we hear are about the big fish. For every Debebe, Andualem, Eskender, Bekele and Olbana there are hundred nameless incarcerated all over the country. This is the way they have been operating for twenty years. Remember Kinijit leaders, did you forget Teddy Afro or Judge Bertukan. They are all symbolic figures to send the message to the rest of us. It is in your face challenge. They are saying to us what are you going to do about it? The truth is it does not move their agenda one inch forward. Their empty bravado isolates them further and increases their paranoia.

We see hunger and we are sad. We see the hopelessness of our people and we grieve. We see the bravery of our neighbors in Egypt, Libya and Yemen and we see hope. When are we going to move from thinking to acting? When are we going to transform our apathy to a meaningful action? When are we going to stop crying for our mother and instead roll up our sleeves and smash the pain factory known as TPLF inc? Someone once said ‘acts of bravery don’t always take place in a battlefield.’ You don’t have to be in Ethiopia to fight TPLF injustice. We all did not go to South Africa to fight Apartheid. South Africans all did not pick up the gun to fight the unjust system. Those that wish freedom and justice fight from where ever they are.

We ask our people to take matter into their hands and smash the TPLF system wherever it rears its head in our precious land. TPLF headquarters, TPLF businesses, TPLF arms of coercion should be targeted and neutralized. All TPLF command and control centers should be made into battlefield. War has been declared on our people it is only fitting that we in turn make our country hell for those that want to impose their rotten, ethnic based rule on us. I am sure our people will turn fear into strength and show the few the power of the many. The time for tears is over. It is time to give a taste of their own medicine back to these ungrateful occupiers.

We hope to hear good news in the coming days and weeks. We hope to hear Meles squealing like a terrified pig from his hiding place under the palace. This is not idle talk or empty wish. It is going to happen because both the local and international situations are conducive to getting rid of tyrants. We each have a choice. We can sit at home or our favorite coffee houses and talk or we can rise up and complement the battle cry of our people. We can criticize those that are doing what they believe to be right or we can join the freedom train and make the battle quick and less painful.

The various Security personnel, Federal Police chiefs, Kebele leaders we want you to know that we are watching your every move. We are recording your every bad deed. We want you to know that Meles and family will try to finagle their way out of the mess they created but you will be left high and dry to fend for yourself. I was just following order has never been a good defense.  

By Yilma Bekele

It looks like we are all upset. All our independent Web sites are headlining the news. It is the main conversation among our people outside of the country. Mere language is not enough to describe our profound displeasure with the Libyan ruling class. Our anger knows no bounds.

What exactly is getting us so hot and boiling with righteous indignation? It is none other than the report by CNN regarding our daughter/sister Shweyga Mullah and her ordeal as part of the Gadhafi household. To begin with it is highly possible that Shweyga is not even her name. In the scheme of the unfolding story it is not even important but it is part of the story. How she got Libya is another breath taking tale all by itself. I assure you she just did not buy a plane ticket and flew into Tripoli. If she did she is an exception. Any way those two factors are not my focus here.

Our collective reaction is my interest in this horrific story. I am not surprised by the reaction of free people in the West. It is news to them. Stuff like this does not happen every day. I don’t mean to say there are no bad people in the US or Europe. I am sure incidents like this do occur everywhere. But I believe it will be fair to say they are isolated and very infrequent. Now when it comes to us Ethiopians why do I get this feeling that our anger is a feeble attempt to cover up our indifference to all the injustice that surrounds us?

I am not trying to belittle what happened to Shweyga. It is ugly and beyond my ability to understand the dark side of human nature. I am glad she survived her ordeal. Anti-Slavery International has set up a fundraising page on their Web site to help pay for her medical needs. The mental scar will take a long time to heal. Please go and give what you can. That is saving one human being. It is a beginning.

What I want to focus is the circumstances that made a young girl leave her village to be a maid thousands of miles away from home? She is one among the tens of thousands that roam the Middle East in search of a better life. Many stories have been told about their trials and tribulations in the hands of some that do not know the meaning of Human dignity or Human Rights.

Tezeta, Senait, Matente, Etsegenet are not just names. They are Ethiopian maids in Lebanon that committed suicide within a twelve days period in October of 2009. Tezeta jumped from a third floor, Senait from a balcony, Masente hung herself and Etsegenet jumped from the seventh floor. Those are our women. Our boys don’t fare any better. December 2008 twenty Ethiopians, January 2011 eighty, April 2011 sixteen, May 2011 forty Ethiopians drowning in the Gulf of Aden is just another boring story.

When asked about the situation in Tripoli this is how our rulers reacted. “The government of Ethiopia will make every necessary effort to bring the victim from Libya and get her due compensation for the damage,” Foreign Ministry’s spokesman Dina Mufti said on Thursday. You see what I mean. The horror is reduced to monetary compensation. No rage about how dare you do this to my citizen! No indignation and demand for justice! Pound for pound we must be the cheapest humans.

We are abandoned people. The government thinks of as cash cows to be abused at home or exported abroad for remittances. We have no place at home to turn to for justice. We have no Embassy or Consulate abroad that we call our own and turn to incase of emergency. We as a people are full of rage. The gist of the matter is in my humble opinion we are unable to direct this rage to construct a new reality that will ensure that there are no Shweyga in the future. In the end that is the only thing that matters.

Why do you think Ethiopians are the preferred maids in the Middle East? The answer is very painful. It is because we know how to suffer in silence. Our capacity for absorbing injustice and abuse is beyond comprehension. It is part of our culture. It is part of our up brining. The Gulf Arab knows that. We are afraid to challenge authority. Be it our own parents, a village chief or the Prime Minster we submit willingly. The most increadable aspect of this situation is that we think of it as a virtue. We keep quiet and justify it by saying silence is golden. We whisper but complain of not being heard.

Our government knows that too. Our leaders work very hard in stripping the little self-respect we might have every opportunity they get. They did not invent something new. They did not have to. They just used better knowledge to manage us. Every new technology is exploited to enhance our sense of paranoia and drive a wedge between us. Our ignorance is cultivated and fed back to us. I am not blaming others for our failure to stand up. I am blaming myself for going along with it. It is not what others are trying to do to me but rather it is all about what I am doing to myself.

We all have the capacity to do good or bad. For every Nelson Mandela within us there is also Adolf Hitler competing for attention. The seeds of good or evil are in us. The question becomes which of these seeds are each one of us going to water and cultivate. It is a choice we have to make. Shweyga is our face. Our girl is far away from home. She is afraid and confused. She is lost like us. Shweyga’s skin damage will be repaired by the Doctors. Even her mental scar will heal in time. But there are millions of Shweygas out there. Our indignation should be channeled to make sure there are no more. That requires a deeper look into our selves. If we want a lasting solution we have to look at the root cause of all this dark cloud hovering on our home land. As Henry Thoreau said “there are a thousand hacking at the branches of evil to one who is striking at the root.”

http://nazret.com/blog/index.php/2011/09/02/ethiopia-reacts-to-abuse-of-nanny-by-gaddafis

http://www.antislaveryfundraising.org/helpshweyga

http://www.migrant-rights.org/2010/01/16/two-ethiopian-maids-commit-suicide-in-bahrain-in-less-than-a-week/

http://thedromomaniac.com/2011/03/03/ethiopian-maids/

http://www.migrant-rights.org/2009/11/02/lebanon-four-ethiopian-maids-commit-suicide-in-12-days/

http://www.google.com/search?q=ethipian+drown+in+gulf+of+aden&ie=utf-8&oe=utf-8&aq=t&rls=org.mozilla:en-US:official&client=firefox-a

Hama Tuma

Libya has now another new Ethiopian image—the sad face of the Ethiopian born nanny burnt by boiling water by the wife of Kaddafi’s son (Hannibal), the same one who was accused in Genève of beating his servants and in London of punching his wife (alas, she being the same one who never paid her Ethiopian nanny but burnt her whole body with boiling water). Libya was previously distinguished by its racist and brutal treatment of refugees and foreign workers (Ethiopians included), the rape of foreign worker women (and men) too. An unsavory place, a grotesque regime.

And yet, we also remember the tyrant in Tripoli was a close ally of Tony Blair (the British premier who had a penchant for brutal dictators like Meles Zenawi), of Berlusconi, of Washington too. Times change and some are now alleging that the revolt by the people in Benghazi was itself concocted by the secret services of these Western countries. Be that as it may, it was time for the dictator to go (though he is still resisting proving at least he is not an isolated tyrant like some others in Africa) and the big media machine was unleashed against him, his decadent family and his brutal regime. There were even hints of Khadafy being of Jewish origin! His regime was blamed for atrocities against foreigners, especially African workers, though the so called rebels did not spare the lives of the same. In a country that is one third black the declaration that blacks are Khadafy’s mercenaries has led to violent killings in yet another expression of Arab racism against black Africans. Remember the brutal pogrom type attack by Libyans against black Africans in 2000?

The Libyan situation has highlighted many points that will continue to be of relevance for the whole of Africa. The first one is the affirmed marginalization of the so called African Union. The marginalization and irrelevance was so total as to make every African who had ever imagined a role for the AU to weep in shame. Instead of a role for the AU, Libya’s fate, as in Cote d’Ivoire, was decided by the West, by NATO specifically. NATO bombed and attacked Libya with a vengeance that brought to mind not any concern for democracy but colonial wrath. The rag tag force generally presented as “rebels” was assisted by French Foreign Legionnaires, British SAS and American SEAL special troops. The rebels complained of shortage of ammunition but spent thousands of rounds shooting into the air as they shouted Allah Akbar. The NTC was set up with urgency and disparate personalities, quite a few of them late hour turncoats, became its ministers or leaders. What exactly is this rebel force, this NATO patchwork? Coming weeks will reveal the inherent weakness of this body and the very possibility of an imploding Libya. For the moment, the whole focus is on getting the nemesis of the West ( the North African Saddam, to be hanged or shot to death), assuring as it is now declared that the NATO countries get the lion’s share of the Libyan oil and reconstruction contracts.

The whole event can also be taken as the new version of the perennial African coup except that this time it is a NATO coup. The sovereignty of an African country is trampled upon as the West arms its own rebels or puppets to overthrow a regime in the name of democracy. Sure enough, some perpetually naïve African souls living in Ethiopia, Equatorial Guinea and other countries under brutal dictatorships may hope for a NATO coup. Alas they will be waiting for Godot. The pro West dictators like Meles Zenawi do not get bombed but financed and supported by the West. Those who get accused of crimes against humanity by the poodle of the West, Ocampo by name, will not be the masters of genocide and massacres  like Meles and Nguema (or Kissinger and Dick Cheney) but the unfortunate ones who have fallen out of favor vis a vis the West. American war mongering in Iraq did not bring democracy. The situation in Afghanistan is worse and the search for a negotiation with the Taliban augurs bad days to come for the Afghan people as a whole and especially women. In Libya, it is not the democrats who head the rebellion but those who are already clamoring for a Constitution based on the Sharia. Egyptians and Tunisians, who had their own revolutions, are still struggling not to be deprived of their full victory by the military (as in 1974 in Ethiopia) or by pseudo democrats with little concern for sovereignty and dignity of their people.

It is safe to conclude that not many Libyans, who had to endure 42 years of dictatorship, or peoples of the world will cry for the misfortune of the Khadafy regime. Not now anyway. Khadafy had irked the West by advocating measures that would have affected the West’s desire for hegemony over our continent. Mineral and oil rich countries are now openly at the mercy of NATO. No one will come to the rescue of the Congolese that are being murdered for their minerals. Omar Beshir and Robert Mugabe can shake in their boots. Meles Zenawi, Nguema and others within the Western hegemonic embrace can sigh contented. Even Bashir Assad has been tolerated to no end. The message is clear. The NATO coup is not for democracy but for western hegemony. Is the scramble for Africa back?

By Yilma Bekele

How to manage and resolve conflict has always been our Achilles Heel. That is part of the reason why we stumble from one crisis to another. Last week was a perfect example of an attempt to try to find out a reasonable solution to a problem that arose in our region here in Northern California. I hope it will give us an insight into an exercise in positive behavior that will probably end up in a win-win situation. It made me realize that the scorched earth policy we seem to favor when it comes to resolving differences between us is not a winning strategy and it has not brought us any positive results.

The public transit system serving our area (BART) has been facing mounting criticism from the public due to the strong arm tactics used by the Transit Police. A few weeks ago BART police fatally shot an individual during an arrest. People were not happy about that. A public demonstration was held, a BART station was temporarily closed, and rail service disrupted. The organizers who were using social media as a tool to come together vowed to return the following Friday to continue their public demonstration.

How BART responded to the imminent gathering of angry people is what brought this important discussion into the forefront. BART management decided to meet the threat by pulling the plug on cell phone service for a portion of its stations to disrupt electronic communication. That act completely changed the nature of the problem. Folks wanted to know under whose authority those in charge are allowed to shut down a communications system. It opened a lively constitutional discussion regarding the Bill of Rights and the First Amendment.

Public discussions were held to define the problem. Experts in Constitutional Law were called to clarify the issue. BART board of Directors called a hearing to discuss the ramifications. The people demanded clarity. The core issue became how the First Amendment of the US Constitution was interpreted in action. I will present you the text of the First Amendment as well as two opinions by experts on the Constitution.

Here is the text of the First Amendment “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.”

According to Michael Risher of ACLU of Northern California “To be clear, the First Amendment doesn’t protect the right of people to disrupt train service, and the government may impose reasonable restrictions on protest. But they can’t simply shut down a park because they don’t want an unpopular group to come protest there; they shouldn’t be shutting down a communications network just because they don’t like what’s being said on it. That’s contrary to the First Amendment.”

Professor Eugene Volokh of University of California at Los Angles (UCLA) response was “As to the federal constitution, based on press accounts of what the facts are, it seems to be that BART was acting within its constitutional power. It doesn’t mean it’s a good idea… but the important thing is that BART was turning off cell phone hardware that was on its property that it either owned or had control over. That’s very different from the government shutting down private networks or interfering with communications on private property or for that matter on streets and parks, which are treated similar to private property in this respect under the First Amendment.”

Watching the discussion and trying to digest the information to make a reasonable assessment has been a teachable moment for me. I noticed the language that the participants used to make their respective points were measured and non-provocative. There were no good guys and bad guys, but people trying to resolve a common problem. There was no anger and none questioned the motives of their opponent. The task at hand was to try to find a lasting solution and avoid future problems. BART directors were not vilified while their decision making process was brought under public scrutiny. This type of environment creates a fertile ground for good ideas to blossom. It brings out the best in all of us and enhances possibility of a positive resolution of the problem. Might I add that the existence of a free and equal environment is what made it all this possible?

I believe that is what is lacking in our social discourse. A civilized way of handling conflicting ideas to be able to reach a reasonable and common ground. Why do I think we suffer from this disease of rigidness and lack of respect for other people’s ideas and opinions? I have two examples of the weakness of our system when it comes to dealing with ideas different than our own.

I wrote an opinion regarding the wisdom of our independent Web sites disseminating interviews with Shaleka Mengistu. I was not dealing with the individual’s right to grant an interview. I believe that is a different issue. Here in California the law does not allow a criminal to profit from his misdeeds. I understand the Shaleka has written a book and part of the interview was to market the product. My issue was the fact of our inability to say enough! That was what I questioned. On the other hand, the discussion that ensued was full of insults, hatred and unreasonable diatribe. I found out folks just don’t disagree and let it go but they take the extra step of questioning my lineage, my integrity and everything associated with me. Unfortunately, the original issue gets lost in this acrimonious festival.

Some said I should stop being angry, a few have forgiven him and they want all of us to do so while others championed his right to speak. I do not agree at all. I believe anger is a reasonable response. Remember, we are the victims. I think a certain amount of disgust is good for the psyche; otherwise, one is bound to be treated like a door mat. You know everybody stepping on you kind. ____I almost said that is so like us, but I won’t. I will consider the possibility of forgiveness when the criminal shows remorse for his actions and confesses for his untold crimes. I also believe it is my responsibility to speak for my dead people and it is not my place to forgive on their behalf. I truly believe the Shaleka does not have any right to speak. He lost that right when he committed crimes against humanity. Justice demands that he be put on trial, and be hanged until he is dead. His death will serve as a deterrent to future tyrants. That will leave a lasting impression on how not to treat Abeshas. I also believe that asking the Shaleka to advise us in the intricate art of Nation building is the same as asking Ato Meles’s advice on economic growth and the best policy to achieve that goal. Good luck my clueless friends.

The next example is the discussion that has been going around the question of creating a united front against the common enemy and whom to include in this tent. I am assuming we all believe that our country is being mis-governed by the TPLF mafia and that we all want to change that. Please bear in mind the current abusers have been in power for twenty years and we have tried different methods to get rid of them. No one can accuse us of not trying. Failing yes, but definitely most have been doing their best to get rid of this cancer. Reasonable people will look at this situation and try to find out why a very tiny minority of criminals have succeeded in routing the many freedom seekers.

Well some are trying to find the formula that will succeed where others have failed. As the concept implies ‘United Front’ means an amalgamation of those that have a common goal and their attempt to find a way to work together. Organizations have a life of their own. They have their own peculiarities, needs, strengths, and weaknesses, and that is why it has been difficult to achieve unity. It is difficult but not impossible. It has been done before by others and they have succeeded. Why are we having this difficulty time and time again? Is our enemy that formidable or are we that dysfunctional? Is this our first instance to try to unite together, or have we done it before? Is our goal so unappealing that we have problems attracting the many, or does our recurring inability and failure turn people off? We have to mull over all of these are reasonable questions and come up with answers so we can move forward.

Some organizations are in the process of working on such issues to come up with answers that will enhance our ability to confront our abusers. It seems like the folks of Ginbot7, Oromo Liberation Front, Afar Liberation Front and Ogaden Liberation Front are in deep discussion to find a common ground. I am sure the TPLF mafia group is not happy with such a prospect. Reasonably so too! The part I find a little puzzling is the anger by those that are supposedly working to get rid of the same Woyane cancer. One would think they will be overjoyed others are getting together to help them in their common quest. It is even rational to think that they will probe ways of becoming part of such group and try to influence decisions in a democratic and equal manner.

True to our character a few organizations are contorting into knots and showing signs of hysteria beyond reason. Some claim to love Ethiopia more than others and are willing to destroy it to save it. A few are purity police and are constantly on guard to avoid pollution by others whoever they are. The Amhara super Nationalists and the Oromo steroid enhanced separatists are the two interesting groups to watch. When you consider it is these two groups that will greatly benefit from the demise of the mafia system, it is sort of difficult to rationally understand their respective hysteria.

For some of us without any ethnic identity other than being an Ethiopian the whole exercise is a little difficult to digest. For a Nation that is as old as the universe, it is a disconcerting to think today’s arrivals who are questioning the work of their forefathers. When you consider the fact that our country was there before others and by all acceptable standards have a set of internationally recognized boundary; why its own citizens are trying to tear that apart is not clear to many. When the current rulers are in the process of holding a garage sale of our fertile land, and when millions of our people are facing the scourge of famine, is this a good time to come together and avoid catastrophe or revert back into drawing imaginary lines on imaginary Oromia, Tigrai or Amhara enclave?

The lesson I learned from the BART incident in our area is that reasonable people do disagree, but reasonable people hold a quiet and balanced discussion to come up with a solution that might not satisfy all, but that has a reasonable chance of being accepted by many. The point of the exercise was not to win at any cost but find a solution that will bring peace and harmony in the community. All the parties were willing to listen to each other’s concerns and addressed the issue in an even handed manner. There were no losers or winners in this equation. Why couldn’t we do that? Why do we allow the nay Sayers and the belligerent amongst us to hijack the issue and define it in such a way that states that either I am for or against it. Can I be left alone to find a common ground where I can work with all Ethiopians to bring peace, harmony and love to all her children? That is not too much to ask, is it?

Please note that this discussion for good or bad is held on a free Diaspora Media. Here we are free to discuss any issue in a respectful and reasonable manner. Here ideas are not feared or censored. Just because I disagree with some, the sky is not going to fall. I believe we all are intelligent enough to decide what is good for ourselves without undermining others. Our people in Ethiopia cannot do that. There is a communications department that decides what people should view or hear. The Ethiopian government spends millions to block, jam or interfere with free flow of ideas. When our children are hungry the government spends money on technology to keep them dead or alive in the dark. A few decide for eighty million people. Being silent about that is acceptance of abuse. It is wrong. Encouraging our independent Web sites, giving what we could to ESAT and keeping an open mind and a positive outlook on the discussion for unity is what our country demands. That is if you care.

Dr. Mankelklot Haile Selassie     –  August 22, 2011

The Oromo Liberation Front was created in 1973 and made official in 1974. Within the last 38 years it tried to form at least four united fronts, to the extent of forming tactical and strategic union to fight as one body, with one of them. It was not able to hold on to none of them. Since it failed to hold on to the Oromo organizations and lead them, it resorted to form fronts with multi national opposition forces, other wise it was facing a complete isolation. Mind you for a secessionist group who claimed that it is representing about a thirty million of Oromo population, came to realize clearly that it is on the brink of the inevitable delema of isolation. Hence, the formation of the ill fated Alliance for Freedom and Democracy. The latest one is with Ginbot-7. As AFD failed within a short period of time it is inevitable the one with Ginbot-7 will fail too. For one thing Ginbot-7 itself is built on a shoddy ground. See its political program. It did not have the substance (integrity) to commit itself to education, health, economic development, religion, language, self-determination, nationalities, and natural resources. For an organization whose leader was witnessing when these burning national issues were deliberately being mishandled and trampled upon by the regime, not to come out with full force and determination and show how to improve them by prescribing specific solutions is a suspect.

Ginbot-7 in its political program, in the Amaric version, it states that it is not going for power, which is a dishonest and a misleading statement, but not in the English version. It is lying. Read and compare number one under political goals of Ginbot 7. In fact to the western countries it is presenting itself differently in a very subtle way. Read and compare the first paragraph of both Amaric and English version under introduction. In the Amaric version it appears that it is preaching under the wing of OLF and for OLF.

The leadership of OLF has to decide, without wasting time, whether the major objective of its struggle is the democratization of Ethiopia for the benefit to all nationalities, or, to secede. There cannot be middle ground. For the last 38 years it was living the life of appeasement and political opportunism, jumping from one side, the democratization of Ethiopia, to the other side, the secession of Oromo. Amazingly its history of struggle is full of holes clearly showing these inconsistencies. Inconsistency breads indecisiveness. Indecisiveness shows the lack of confidence in oneself and in the people that it claims it is representing.

What are OLF’s Inconsistencies, Lies and Fabrications of History

Consistently shown inconsistencies were between the democratization of Ethiopia and the secession of Oromo. The leadership talked about these issues in various forms. But none of them boldly came out and stood for either for democratization or for secession. Even though they always talk about freedom, none of them openly declared “independence or death,” kind of stand. They cannot say it openly because they are not sure that the people of Oromo would agree with them and follow them. Hence, it appears their struggle becoming the survival of the organization. Mind you this is a 38 year old organization.

I have used three examples to show the inconsistencies, the lies and the fabrications of history by the leadership of OLF. Example one is drawn from “Oromia in Brief,” example two is from the interview given by Dawud Ibsa Ayana, and example three is from the speech made by Dr. Shigut Geleta. So, I will start with example one.

Example one is drawn from “Oromia in Brief.” It is 18 page document found in the website of OLF. I dwelt on the subtitles, “Overview” and “The Oromo People” of the document. In this document one would find lies, fabrications and denial of history. The document also exposes itself as to how OLF vehemently hates Ethiopia. I will use these three examples to show how this group really hates Ethiopia. To completely severe and cut out the Oromo people from the rest of Ethiopian people and present it as a state, nation, there is nothing OLF did not try to do to achieve this farfetched objective. If it were possible and have the magic power, it would wish to carve out the land where Oromos dwell on and carry it away to somewhere where there could not be even the smell of Ethiopia.
is drawn from “Oromia in Brief.” It is 18 page document found in the website of OLF. I dwelt on the subtitles, “Overview” and “The Oromo People” of the document. In this document one would find lies, fabrications and denial of history. The document also exposes itself as to how OLF vehemently hates Ethiopia. I will use these three examples to show how this group really hates Ethiopia. To completely severe and cut out the Oromo people from the rest of Ethiopian people and present it as a state, nation, there is nothing OLF did not try to do to achieve this farfetched objective. If it were possible and have the magic power, it would wish to carve out the land where Oromos dwell on and carry it away to somewhere where there could not be even the smell of Ethiopia.

But what it did not understand is that it is denying the Oromo people its robust activities and interactions that it was endowed with manifested throughout the centuries. The activities and the interactions were full of wars and developments that took place in Ethiopia and on the soil of Ethiopia. OLF finds it very hard to swallow the bitter truth that the interactions and the activities were done inside Ethiopia, on Ethiopian soil, amongst the rest of the inhabitants of Ethiopia. The land, the plants, the animals and the rivers are Ethiopia and of Ethiopians.

For example, note the following phrases used by OLF to avoid associating Oromo to Ethiopia. One can sense the hatred they exude when writing these phrases. They did not want to call the name Ethiopia. Please note that Ethiopia could have substituted the underlined phrases. Here are the phrases consistently used by OLF, phrases that show the lies, the denial of history and the fabrication of history:

“…who have occupied north-eastern and eastern Africa.”
“…occupying large part of the Horn of Africa.”
“…they are indigenous to this part of Africa.”

It is just unbelievable. You see how OLF vehemently hates Ethiopia? They are trying their level best to establish an argument to show that Oromo was not and therefore is not part of Ethiopia. That is why they created a map within the map of Ethiopia. That is why they completely rejected the use of Ethiopian alphabet. Instead it is using English alphabet. Did you notice how clumsy it looks when coining a word using English alphabet? It has gone as far as using Arabic language when posting a resolution of 12/07/2010. It is laughable. It appears that this group is devoid of commonsense. Commonsense would have dictated that using the Amaric alphabets that was being used and still being used by Oromos, would have been easier, shorter in words, and economical too. Economical because instead of writing “doollaar” for dollar why not use three Amaric alphabets? Unfortunately due to hatred this track of commonsensical thinking is totally blocked to these Ethiopia haters.

But when it comes to the propagation of their propaganda work they associate themselves with Ethiopians, use Ethiopian public discussion forums, use amaric language and alphabets, and talk everything about Ethiopia as Dr. Shigut did. Why not? There are fools totally ignorant of the conspiracy going on behind the curtain, and accommodate them. What these fools do not understand is that they are becoming part of the conspiracy to destroy Ethiopia. There is no question about it.

Here are more of the lies and fabricated words embedded in the genes of the OLF leaders:

Abyssinia, colonization, discrimination, subjugation, repression, exploitation, Ethiopian empire, extermination.

So, every time one of the leaders of OLF deliver speech or does interview to unconsciously blurt out these words are very common. Or in their press releases or in their resolutions the writer would put these words automatically, unconsciously. The writer does not think about it. Whether these situations exist in the field, on the ground, now and are reflected in the community or not does not matter.

Here is an important point to note. If these characterizations were not lies and not fabricated the consistent and logical follow up argument on the part of the OLF leaders would have been to extend the impact of those characterizations to education, health, and economic development specifically applicable to Oromo people, because the characterizations were specific. Since those characterizations were lies and fabrications the OLF leaders cannot extend, in fact they have never tried, it specifically in favor of the Oromo people, because they cannot separate the Oromo people from the rest of Ethiopian people. Here one can see how OLF is clearly separated from the Oromo people. OLF is performing its struggle in the air.

The following discussion is to show that, contrary to OLF’s claim, the Oromos were expansionists, invaders and conquerors too. Menilik could have learned a lot from the history of Oromo. Why are the OLF leaders blaming Menilik for following the footsteps of Oromo people who were many centuries before him as Ethiopians on the land of Ethiopia. There is nothing the leadership of OLF can do to erase this rock engraved fact, if you will. Literally nothing.

Here is the point of reference for my argument. According to OLF the origin of Oromo people is North-eastern Africa. OLF went further and expanded it by saying the Oromo people then:

“…spread south wards and then east and west occupying large part of the Horn of Africa.”

“… In spite of the fact that there are several indications and evidences that Oromo people are indigenous to this part of Africa.”

“… In spite of the fact that there are several indications and evidences that Oromo people are indigenous to this part of Africa.”

Commonsense should dictate then that the Oromo people were not and cannot be the only inhabitants of the then Ethiopia when spreading south wards and then east and west occupying large part of Ethiopia. They had to engage in fierce battle with the inhabitants. They cannot simply move in and occupy the land that did not belong to them. This is the crucial part that the leadership of OLF tried to avoid persistently at the expense of logical truth for that matter at the expense of the bravery of Oromo people. It was undeniably an expansion and undeniably an invasion that was vigorously and harshly, for that matter ruthlessly executed by the Oromo people. The actions during and in the middle of the engagement the treatment of the adversaries goes with the time. We are talking about fourteen, fifteen and sixteen hundreds. This is not to condemn the actions of the Oromo people. Absolutely not. It was the nature of the natural process that was inevitable to take place. In fact we have to admire their bravery. Why? Because they are Ethiopians. The history of Oromo is part of the history of Ethiopia. Where do one thinks the Oromo generals that served Ethiopia during Menelik and Haile Selassie got their genes from? Go figure. They are inherently equipped with this fighting instinct. I will come back to these generals latter.

Here is the crucial point. Without the invasion and conquering to occupy the land and the assertion of their power over the original inhabitants that followed with the stability: a) they could have not created the Gada system, so mystified by OLF leaders, b) create their own literature, and c) develop in political, social and economic fields as indicated in Oromia in Brief. For that matter, perhaps they calculated that they needed space and time to achieve what they achieved. Here is what is stated in Oromia in Brief:

“…Once shaped common political, religious and legal institutions.”

“…During their long history the Oromo developed their own cultural, social and political system knows as Gada system.”

Without stability one cannot imagine the above vigorously active social environment. The Oromo people must have uncompromisingly controlled the inhabitants to the extent of forcing them to a total submission and perhaps inducing them to cooperate and survive. Otherwise they will be totally eliminated. Should these actions by Oromo people be surprising? No. As I have said earlier it goes with the period. This last argument can be extended to Tewodros, Yohannes, and Menilik‘s periods. Therefore accept and deal with what Menilik did to formally unite the informally united Ethiopia. If not go ahead and waste your time. For sure you are not wasting the time of the Oromo people.

Simply put, in my opinion, as far as the Oromo people are concerned you are absolutely irrelevant. You have been irrelevant for the last 38 years and you will continue to be irrelevant even if you are given another 38 years and continue spitting out these words unconsciously: Abyssinia, colonization, discrimination, subjugation, repression, exploitation, Ethiopian empire, extermination. It appears these are the fabrics of the organization that holds it together. Peal off yourself from this imaginary connection you think you have from the Oromo people you will come to a stark reality of how irrelevant you are. For the Oromo people are moving with the rest of the Ethiopian people. In my opinion, anyone, right now, can imagine what exactly is going on in Ethiopia between the Oromos and the rest of the Ethiopian society. The interaction continues. The social, political and economic values that bound them together will remain intact.

Here is how OLF very smartly, without understanding that it is contradicting its own statements, put the situation I discussed above:

“… the so called Galla invasion of the sixteenth century was neither an invasion nor a migration. It was rather a national movement of the Oromo people….with the specific goal of liberating themselves and their territories from colonial occupation. It was nothing more or less than the war of national liberation.”

Imagine a national liberation movement of the sixteenth century. In the sixteenth century the Oromo people were in the process of building up their territories. They were vigorously competing with the rest of the inhabitants of Ethiopia. This is a full-fledged fabrication and denial of history. It is perversion. OLF does not stop there. It exposed itself by saying the followings:

‘The so called Galla invasion of Ethiopia is also a tale.’

‘In fact, the last 200 years were occupied with a gradual expansion of Abyssinians from north to south. This expansion had been checked throughout by Oromo. ‘

Given the discussion I presented based on OLF’s own document what Levine wrote was valid and OLF aught to accept it. Here is what Levine wrote:

“Warfare between Galla and Amara had gone on more or less continuously for 450 years. (Levine 1974).
(Levine 1974).

He further wrote that:

“The Oromo took possession of more new territory in hundred years than the Amara had conquered in two centuries.”

The Oromos were more efficient and effective than the Amaras. Here is the bottom line of my argument. It does not matter whether Oromo, a) was the indigenous nationality that spread to the existing geographical locations, b) entered Ethiopia from north-east spread to south, east and west, c) entered Ethiopia from south and spread to north, east and west, that is to the present geographical spread, there is no question that the Oromo people had fought fiercely and conquered the then inhabitants which could have been Amaras, or, any other inhabitants.

Therefore, the best and scientific argument for the OLF leadership to make and implement it now, particularly based on their own “spreading theory,” in stead of hanging on these fabricated illusions, that, a) Oromo is a country by itself, that is, comparing it to independent African states, and b) Oromo was not part of Ethiopia therefore is not part of Ethiopia today, should have been to say Ethiopia belongs to Oromo therefore, at least the national language should be Oromigna. The rest of the issues related to religion, culture, political and economic situations could not be separated from the concerns of the rest of over eighty nationalities. But, to say that “…if you want peace in Ethiopia, democracy in Ethiopia you are obliged to talk about the Oromo people,” by Dawud Ibsa, is absolutely to be ignorant about the composition, the political and economic situations of Ethiopian people now and for the last many hundreds of years.

At this stage, I will simply put down the question that have been bugging me for a long time. And that is, why the leaders of Oromo people who fought for many centuries, who passed through the historic activities and interactions mentioned above, could not hold on and transfer what were achieved to the next generations such as the Gada system? Perhaps we could have had a different Ethiopia but still Ethiopia.

The second example to show inconsistencies, lies and fabrications of history will be the position of the organization shown by Dawud Ibsa Ayana. The interview was on March 29, 2006. Here is Dawud’s response to the question why OLF joined the transitional government in 1991:
to show inconsistencies, lies and fabrications of history will be the position of the organization shown by Dawud Ibsa Ayana. The interview was on March 29, 2006. Here is Dawud’s response to the question why OLF joined the transitional government in 1991:

“We joined the transitional government with the vision of making Ethiopia equal for all and to participate in changing the situation in Ethiopia so that Ethiopia will be owned by all and become a common and democratic state for all the nations and nationalities and people big and small.”

Not once did Dawud mentioned Oromo in the above statement. That was about six years ago. In this statement he was emphasizing that Ethiopia is for all. The question is, is he telling the truth.
But, in the same breath he flipped and literally became incoherent. Here is what he said:

“……The question is whether others are ready to accommodate the aspiration of our people who has been subjugated and marginalized for the last 120 years.”

“……Oromo nationalism has reached an irreversible stage. The only option available is to deal with it and make peace with it.”

This flip-flopping behavior is the manifestation of the lack of confidence in oneself to lead with firm stand and particularly it shows the absence of mass support the organization claims it has. Had they had the mass support the organization claims it has it would have resisted, any action taken by TPLF to weaken its position openly, to the extent of showdown. But it did not happen. Mind you, the leadership was inside Ethiopia close to the Oromo people. Here is what TPLF did to the leaders of OLF:

1. Formed another Oromo organization while OLF was still part of the transitional government.
2. Took the offices of presidency, defense, foreign affair, and security for themselves.
3. While OLF was part of the transitional government, TPLF disarmed the armed groups of OLF in the name of rehabilitation and put them in jail.

But Lentcho Bati’s response to the same question was different. It was a deliberate excuses that would have been given by an out smarted and beaten to pulp individual.

Lentcho Bati was also asked another question by Tobia magazine. The question was, was the objective of forming OLF for liberation? Tobia Vol. 8, No. 3, 1993 EC.

He did not answer the question directly by saying yes. Instead in the process of his response he tried to explain the following three issues.

1. To bring about self-determination for Oromo people.
2. To bring about democratic system where common political relationships with the other people is established.
3. To form people’s relationship based on the free will and on common interest.

He did not want to say our objective is for independence. It seemed the organization was not, still not, fully confidence with the issue of independence because they were not sure whether the issue of non-ethiopiawinet will be accepted by the Oromo mass or not. It appears that he was also conscious of not isolating the organization particularly from the opposition groups. Therefore he had to throw out such middle ground stand to satisfy both sides, that is, the extremists on his side and the opposition forces on the other side.

The three issues that Lenthco touched upon can take place only when a democratic system is established in Ethiopia. The establishment of a democratic system means the formation of a transitional government immediately upon the removal of TPLF. What OLF seemed to fail to understand is that as long as almost all, except Berhanu Nega’s Ginbot-7, of those who will be in the transitional government would be for the unity of Ethiopian people. For example the issue of referendum for the Oromo people would not be touched with a ten foot pole. Because none of them will dare start the transition with an issue that affects the unity of the country. Besides it is not an elected government. In addition the final judgement rests on Ethiopian people. In fact, if and when raised, at that time the issue will be referendum for the Oromo people on what grounds? On the grounds of fabricated history, on vague and absurd theories? What makes the Oromo situation different from the rest of the nationalities? What OLF would want to deny is, consistently at that, the fact that the Oromo people, whether OLF accepts it or not, has undeniable input to build the unity of Ethiopia that we have to day. Therefore, it is better for OLF to drop this groundless and hunger for power driven dream and go for the whole of Ethiopia or become irrelevant the second time. The first irrelevancy was observable when it joined the transitional regime and become so submissive like a dog to its master. With the position it has now, there seemed to be a good chance for OLF to be crowned with another round of irrelevancy. Definitely, the Oromo people will struggle, without the assistance of OLF for its economic and democratic rights collectively with the other nationalities as it has been doing it for ages.

The second question for Dawud was, are the Oromo people Ethiopians?

He started by defining Abyssinia. I will touch this issue later. But there are two blatantly fabricated lies he uttered that I should comment upon. He stated that conquering government, he is referring to the rulers before TPLF, destroyed the language, culture and history of the conquered to the extent of destroying their nationalities. Can one imagine a nationality of the size of Oromo people being destroyed or wiped out? Have these situations really taken place in Ethiopia? Can he, hence OLF, provide specific examples where language, culture and history are destroyed? Of the population of Ethiopia, 95% are farmers. Therefore of the population of Oromo about 95% are farmers. If one went and visited the farmers of Oromo, who are about 95% farmers, would one find the above characterization to be true?

Let me give a concrete example. If one went out to the areas, to a distance of about a mile radius, outside the small towns along the highways that connected the provinces wouldn’t one find the language, the culture and the history of the community in question intact? Students who walk to schools, in groups of two or more, to these small or big towns converse in their languages. In schools, during recess time when those students who came from the same village or speak the same language get together they converse in their languages. After school at home they converse in their languages. Isn’t this the reality in Ethiopia today? Where did Dawud got his information from anyway? He lied and he fabricated it. It seemed he had to lie to hold on to his leadership position.

The other blatant lie of this OLF leader is that, goods and services are still benefiting the conquerors only, namely, the Amaras and the Tigrys. OLF defines Abyssinia to be equal to the sum of Amara and Tigry, the conquerors. Here is what should be noted. If one went to any towns and villages of Oromo community does one find this statement to be true? Are the Amaras and the Tigrys still, at least after 1974 Ethiopian revolution, the dominant business owners and services beneficiaries? This is another fabrication.

An interesting and educational place to see different nationalities and their cultures is to visit weekly market places of the communities in the provices. The type of outfits they are wearing and how they are wearing it; the type of goods being sold and bought; the services being exchanged could be minor but very important clues or examples as to how the culture of Ethiopian people are kept intact.

The third example of inconsistencies, lies, fabrications of history will be found in the speech made by Dr. Shigut Geleta in the workshop organized by Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE), Oct. 28-29, 2010.
of inconsistencies, lies, fabrications of history will be found in the speech made by Dr. Shigut Geleta in the workshop organized by Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE), Oct. 28-29, 2010.

A note for the Solidarity Movement. For the Solidarity Movement, I think, New Ethiopia means minus Meles Zenawi and his rule. For the secessionists such as OLF, it definitely means minus the nationalities they claim they represent, that is after break way. Therefore inviting these secessionists such as OLF is offering them the forum to do their propaganda work. So, when the Solidarity Movement invited OLF did it consider this poisonous intention of OLF? While knowing the intentions and the motives of OLF to fall into its trap under the cover of fighting the common enemy is a serious political blunder. In my opinion it is absolutely unforgivable. Because the bottom line of OLF’s struggle is what I just stated.

Here is what Dr. Shigut said in the speech:

“…the way of the Ethiopian empire state was made has become the breeding ground for the chronic fundamental political problems of the country, exclusion and exploitation of the conquered people’s by the conquering nations.

“… economic, cultural, legal and social problems are rooted in the issues nations and nationalities.”

The mother of all intellectual dishonesty as exhibited by this individual. To extend the logic of his argument, in Ethiopia even raining has to do with the issues of nations and nationalities. If it rains in one nationality but it does not rain in another nationality, or, if it rains in Arat Killo and does not rain in Sidist Killor it is caused by the issues of nations and nationalities. The cause of natural famine is also the issues of nations and nationalities. Do you see how his argument becoming this stupid?

Regarding the issue of “exclusion and exploitation of the conquered people’s by the conquered nations,” First of all it is not a conquering nations. It is a conquering Abyssinia, according to Lentcho Bati‘s definition during the interview. Lentcho Batti, hence OLF defined Abyssinia as the sum of Amara and Tigry. Unless and until OLF disclaims this definition of Abyssinia provided by Lentcho Bati will remain as it is. Therefore OLF should stop using Abyssinia and Ethiopia interchangeably. Because the sum of Amara and Tigry do not make Ethiopia. It is the sum of over eighty nationalities that make up Ethiopia.

For example in “Oromia in Brief,“ it says: “…colonization by Abyssinia (Ethiopia),” “…Abyssinian rulers,“ “…Abyssinian court.“ This is another example of inconsistencies of the leadership of the OLF. One does not know what the other one have said. Or, the leadership of OLF do not have agreed upon principles, or theories, or guidelines that every one applies when addressing public meetings, or writing articles. Lentcho Bati says one thing and “Oromia in Brief” states another thing.

The question that a fair minded individual should ask is, is the Oromo people specifically targeted for exclusion and exploitation? Of course, the answer is Absolutely not. Here are historical facts that destroy Dr. Shigut’s sinister fabricated propaganda. During Haile Selassie’s reign there were 34 documented, I am quite sure there could be more undocumented ones, distinguished Oromo individuals in the leadership position, both in civil and military services, literally running Ethiopia. I will identify the first five of them. Ras Abebe Aregay, who had seven administrative position, Bilata Deressa Amente, General Mulugeta Buli and Yilma Deressa Amente, who held five distinguished administrative positions. (Tobia Vol., 4, No 8, June 1988 EC). Not only that, there were 27 documented, I am quite sure there could be more undocumented ones, distinguished Oromo leaders participating both in civil and military services during the reign of Menilik. (Tobia vol. 4, No. 6. 1988 EC). When one goes through the list one would be very proud of Ethiopia for producing such distinguished leaders. These two sets of historical facts show the absence of exclusion, exploitation and extermination of Oromo people. And these are documented historical facts that the leadership of OLF is inabsolute denial. Because these undeniable facts will not allow them to fabricate history.

The other inconsistency that showed in his speech is instead of clearly and sharply stay with the issues of Oromo people, provided the Oromos have issues different from the rest of Ethiopian nationalities, he jumps all over the places and tries to show what is taking place in Ethiopia. He talks about the prime importance of justice, democracy and peace in Ethiopia; he talks about the poverty of Ethiopian people; Ethiopia is at a cross road; liberation from national oppression; collaboration of opposition political forces; first and for most Ethiopia must be at peace with itself. It is none of OLF’s business, the OLF that declared that it is not Ethiopian hence the Oromo people, the OLF whose dedicated intention is to destroy Ethiopia, to talk about any thing that deals with Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people. In what ever way he colored his speech, the bottom line of his argument is the independence of Oromo. He was simply softening his penetration into the minds and souls of the unsuspecting concerned Ethiopians. No one should be fooled by the smooth talk of any of the OLF leaders. They are Ethiopia haters. Therefore they are the enemy of the unity of Ethiopian people.

Dr. Shigut appeals to the opposition forces for collaboration. Why should the opposition forces collaborate with an organization that hates Ethiopia and its aim is the disintegration of Ethiopia? Here is what Ibsa Gutema, one of the OLF’s leaders openly declared, I am quite sure Dr. Shigut the smooth talker shares Ibsa’s statement too:

“Neither democratized Ethiopia nor independent republic of Oromia will be realized unless the empire is dismantled.”

Even Ibsa Gutem after the declaration of such strong statement down the line he says:

“For now the choice is clear either struggle to liberate Oromia or to democratize Ethiopia.

Right there in the same article, In Defense of Bilisuma, contradicts himself and shows the inherent characteristics of the leadership of OLF. Not in a different article with different title and rationalization. What do you make of this guy. At one point in time he was the minister of education. Can one imagine this guy providing guidance to the educational system of a country of over eighty nationalities with this kind of thinking capacity he demonstrated here?

Linking its Struggle to Issues Unrelated to the Oromo People

OLF is trying its level best to completely dissociate the Oromo people from the rest of the Ethiopian society. Here are three examples very subtly used by OLF leadership:

1. Oromo is the center of the Horn of Africa.
2. Oromo is a nation state as are independent African states.
3. Dividing Ethiopians in the North from Ethiopians in the South.

1. Oromo is the center of the Horn of Africa.

Dr. Shigut as late as Oct. 2010 linked the OLF struggle to the Horn of Africa. Here is what he stated:

“…as Ethiopia is the geographic, political and economic center of the Horn of Africa so is Oromo for Ethiopia.”

It is a full fledged fabrication of issues to give credence to ones blatant lies. Ethiopia is not the center of any thing for the Horn of Africa. Its social, political and economic problems and issues are totally unrelated. Or if it is related it is to all black Africans not only to the states of the Horn of Africa. Therefore Ethiopia is not , and cannot be the center of anything for the Horn of Africa.

The other flawed and misleading rationalization is making the Oromo people the center of Ethiopia. In a country where there are over eighty nationalities who in his right mind would argue only one nationality to be the center of Ethiopia? The same argument applies for the smallest nationality Zegula with a population of about 390 or Shita with a population of about 307. (1994 census estimates). Even one of these minority nationalities can become the center of Ethiopia. With Dr. Shigut’s type of rationalization size or geographical position cannot be the measuring yards.

The third fallacy is making the stability of Ethiopia to that of the Horn of Africa by way of accepting the Oromo centrality and self-determination. Here is what he stated:

“…to bring genuine peace and stability for the Horn of Africa the starting point is to deal with the dynamic situation in Ethiopia by resolving people’s demand for the right of self- determination.”

In the first place it is none of Ethiopia’s business to be concerned for the stability of the Horn of Africa. It has not reached that level of economic development and sophistication to be concerned of any thing but itself. Ethiopia’s concern and responsibility is to solve its own problems first. This far fetched Horn of Africa thing is to divert the focus away from its own serious problems and it is a divisive OLF‘s tactic to build its miserably low level or nonexistence credence. So, don’t waste your time on this point. The Horn of Africa will be stable only when each and every Horn of Africa nations become democratic and stable. It is directly proportional to the independent and democratic activities of each neighboring Horn of Africa countries. Isn’t it a fact that the trade relationship, if any, with its neighbors have never been the determining factor for the economic development of Ethiopia?

2. Oromo is a nation state as are independent African states.

The second blatant fabrication used by the leadership of OLF to absolutely disassociate the Oromo people from the rest of Ethiopian people is to compare it to independent African states.Now I am quoting from Oromia in Brief:

“…The Oromo were colonized during the last quarter of the nineteenth century by a black African nation–Abyssinia….During that same period , of course, the Somalis, Kenyans….colonized by European powers….”

“…Today when nearly all of the African peoples have won independence the Oromo continue to suffer under the most backward and savage Ethiopian settler colonialism.

Once the leadership of OLF started the fabrication of the history of the Oromo people, as I have shown above using its own statements, it might as well complete the level of fabrication by raising it to the level of African states. These are gutless paper tigers, who were demoralized and kicked out of the transitional government in a sense from Ethiopia without doing anything. So, what is the purpose of this comparison on the part of OLF unless it is to treat its psychological problems. Self therapy.

What the leadership of OLF is consistently in denial is that the land called Ethiopia was there for thousands of years. It has attested to this fact at least indirectly. Please visit my discussion above. Whether the leadership of OLF avoids calling it Ethiopia due to its vehement hatred for Ethiopia, the fact does not change. Ethiopia belongs to those who were there from the very beginning as well as to those who stepped into Ethiopia later. These groups the moment they stepped into Ethiopia they have become Ethiopians. Here, what is very important to note is that the land they stepped into is called Ethiopia. In my opinion who came first, the egg or the hen does not apply here. Ethiopia was there first. Therefore no one has the right to say any part of the land of Ethiopia is not Ethiopia. In my opinion, one has to prove that one was there before the land was called Ethiopia.

3. Dividing the Ethiopians in the North from the Ethiopians in the South.

3. Dividing the Ethiopians in the North from the Ethiopians in the South.

This third fabricated issue, by pretending to be the advocate of the Southern people, is very divisive and potentially dangerous. Lentcho Bati in Tobia Vol. 8, No. 5, 1993 EC stated the following:

“The Abyssinian government that controlled these people, (Oromo and
(Oromo and
Southern People), by force destroyed their language, culture, and history, and above all it destroyed their national identity and forced upon them its national language, history and religion….and created Ethiopia and Ethiopiawinet.”

He went further and said:
“….the name to be called Ethiopian was forced upon the Oromo and the Southern People.” There you have it.
There you have it.

The leadership of OLF is divisively trying to create rift between the north and the south Ethiopian people. There is no question about it. It is agitating the Southern people to reject that it is Ethiopian and join it in its farfetched and fabricated struggle. This clearly and openly declared position by the leadership of OLF is the manifestation of the depth of hatred that this organization has for Ethiopia, therefore, it will do anything that would break apart Ethiopia. This advocacy thing is a perfect example.

Here is where Dr. Berhanu Nega of Ginbot-7 comes into the picture more vividly. The fabrication and campaign of the leadership of OLF have succeeded in bringing in Berhnau Nega the Southerner, hence Ginbot-7 into its fold. He is positioning himself, which is a sign of political prostitution and political bankruptcy, for future move. Who knows, he might convert his private organization, Ginbot-7 into a liberation front.

Unfortunately for him, each and every single cell in the body of a Gurage lives and breathes Ethiopia. This is a dangerous and a pernicious individual that aught to be watched very carefully. He is making OLF his base and his spring-board. Whenever he opens his mouth to talk about Teodros and Menilik or, the era before and after them, or, anything related to them, it is from this base offered to him by OLF. The first paragraph under the introduction of Ginbot-7 political program smells OLF. Read it.

Very unfortunately the guang of four of Ginbot-7 are turning against the mother that breast fed them. When consciously one coludes with the force whose dedicated intent is to destroy Ethiopia it is a full-fledged reason against Ethiopia and the unity of Ethiopian people. In fact one of them who calls himself an Amara could not say “the unity of Ethiopia first.” He resisted and refused to say it. Once he was in bed with TPLF ganging up against the unity of Ethiopian people. And now he is in bed with OLF, as usual ganging up against the unity of Ethiopian people. What do you make of this HODAM AMARA?

Trying to organize the factions of OLF to come together, Openly advocating for the existence of OLF, whose political motives and interests are clearly known, and posting the resolution of OLF verbatim on the organizational website should be taken seriously as indicators of some thing to come. Dr. Berhanu Nega is well aware of the campaign of OLF to divide the country into north and south. Gimbot-7 aught to be targeted for destruction.

Mankelklot Haile Selassie
August 22, 2011

p.s. My next article will be about ONLF. I argue that lumping ONLF with OLF is socially, economically and politically incorrect. Think about it.

Mankelklot Haile Selassie
August 17, 2011
The question of Oromo people is neither a colony nor a
question of freedom. It is a question of democracy.

question of freedom. It is a question of democracy.

Lieutenant Gezahegn Hailu of Oromo National Congress, Tobia Vol. 5, No. 7, 1989 EC

Introduction

I sincerely hope that commonsense and logic will guide the readers of this article, including the leadership of OLF. There is a serious and a camouflaged problem in our midst. In my opinion, it is politically correct and practical to wedge war against two fronts at one time, that is against OLF and TPLF. Why? Because both are the enemies of the unity of Ethiopia. But one should be careful when one is focusing on OLF not to be blurred by the evil deeds of TPLF. For me when focusing on OLF, TPLF does not exist. Compartmentalization.

My sources of information are three lengthy interviews, a speech by an OLF leader, articles as well as few related books. I have also referred to Oromia in Brief from OLF website. Oromia in Brief is a document of about 18 pages where one would find fabrications of history, denial of history, and the lack of rationalization and fair treatments of social issues. When an organization built its foundation with these kinds of bricks it is inevitable to crumble under pressure. OLF is crumbling. The signs of crumbling are: its inconsistencies and indecisiveness; being shunned by Oromo organizations; running after the opposition forces like a mad dog to form a union. All these indicate the lack of self confidence and of course the lack of mass support.

The major subtopics discussed are Restoration Endeavor of Menilik II and OLF’s Inconsistencies, lies and Fabrications of history, in that order. Under the inconsistencies and fabrications issues, I will discuss the fallacies of linking the OLF’s struggle, a) to the Horn of Africa, b) to the independent African states and c) to the struggle of Southern Ethiopian people, to show how OLF is trying its level best to dissociate the Oromo people from the rest of the Ethiopian people. The addition of Self-determination and the Definition of Ethiopia are to augment and strengthen my reasoning. For example, the addition of self-determination is to respond to the misapplication of self-determination by OLF leaders. They repeatedly mention it as if it is the sole property of Oromo people.

Self-determination is not only for Oromo people. Self-determination in Ethiopia of over eighty nationalities is an extremely important democratic instrument when implemented in a democratic environment. Simply put, a democratic environment is where the people are in power. Outside this environment, self-determination should not be left to be used by anarchist organizations such as OLF. OLF is deliberately, in a very subtle way, using it to dismantle Ethiopia. The application of self-determination, democracy and freedom by

OLF is quite different from the application of those of opposition forces. For OLF self-determination, democracy and freedom as its ultimate objective is to separate the Oromo people from the rest of Ethiopian people, at the expense of the unity of Ethiopian people.
I included the definition of Ethiopia, particularly to emphasize that when one stresses the protection of territorial integrity of Ethiopia one has to look into it in depth and scientifically. That is protection has to be extended to the size of land and to the size of population. Ultimately land and people become the instruments of production. Less land and less number of people mean less of the instruments of production. This argument is strongly linked to the OLF issue. For that matter to any secessionists issue.

The Restoration Endeavor of Menilik II is to show to the leadership of OLF that Menilik was an historical instrument that came even to the rescue of the Oromo people as he did to the other nationalities.

Here is a simple and yet a fundamental argument that I would like to make from the outset, perhaps that would resonate throughout this article:

If the Gurages, the Sidamas, the Afars, the Somalis, the Derasas, the Amaras, the Tigrys, etc., etc. consider themselves Ethiopians, how on earth would OLF expect the Oromos whose social, cultural, and political, daily activities that went on for over centuries organically interlocked and interwoven with these ethnic groups, to severe their relationship and declare themselves non-Ethiopians? The leadership of OLF is rowing its boat, blindly at that, up the stream. To make a u-turn and row the boat down the stream would be easier and productive, if the leadership of OLF have that kind of thinking capacity. .

Now, allow me to begin with the definition of Ethiopia.

The Definition of Ethiopia

The main reason for including the definition of Ethiopia is to enable one to look into the number factor, in relation to the population of Ethiopia and the size of the land factor, more scientifically and in depth and then decide whether these factors of production with the potential to eradicate poverty should be protected at any cost, for to secede is to reduce the number of the population and the size of the land. Do we want this to happen? If we agreed on this rationalization then commonsense dictates that Ethiopia must be guarded against the secessionist fronts such as OLF at any cost.

In my article of “The Definition of Ethiopia: Ethiopia = its People + its Land + its History, I said:

In the final analysis, the people of Ethiopia are its precious instruments of production….Production, in this context, implies innovation, exploration, researching, and experimenting, the product of which is plowed back to facilitate and satisfy the needs of the people who are instruments of production themselves, completing the natural chain process. I argue then,
the more the people Ethiopia has the more the instruments of production, given the right environment, hence, the more the social and economic development. It then follows the more the instruments of production, that is, the people: a) the production of more, in mass, committed elites to choose from, to defend the Unity and territorial integrity of Ethiopia, more effectively and efficiently, b) the greater, in mass, the potential of producing innovators, explorers, entrepreneurs, researchers, etc., c) the greater, in mass, the potential of producing skilled leadership and aggressive manpower to handle the social, cultural and economic development of Ethiopia, more effectively and efficiently, and, d) the greater the depth and the breadth of intermarriage, in mass, hence the greater the potential to strengthen the foundation for UNITY and production. …I further argue, then, the breaking away of any of the eighty ethnic groups, big or small, means the less of what are itemized from “a” to “d”

Regarding “its Land” I said:

….here too, it is quite logical to argue that the less the Land the less of the instruments of production…. The interaction between the People and the Land feed into each other. That is, the more the Land is developed the more the enrichment of the social values and the more the development of self- confidence….So, it is very important to critically look into the behaviors and the motives of the liberation fronts. For these power hungry, self-proclaimed representative elites are bent to disrupt this potential interaction that Ethiopia is endowed with.

Regarding its history I said:

Its History should be considered as one of the instruments of production, in that, it instills the spirit and the strength of the moral fibers of the leaders and the Heroes past, to aspire the existing generations for the greater good of the society.

Here is what I said in conclusion:

One of the lookouts, in protecting the Unity of Ethiopia is to dismantle AFD immediately. (AFD does not exist anymore). It is very critical to note that Ethiopia is not out of the woods yet. Therefore, let alone an open threat to the Unity of Ethiopia by OLF and the rest of liberation fronts, anything that appears, or, smells suspicious aught to be attacked very viciously.
AFD does not exist anymore). It is very critical to note that Ethiopia is not out of the woods yet. Therefore, let alone an open threat to the Unity of Ethiopia by OLF and the rest of liberation fronts, anything that appears, or, smells suspicious aught to be attacked very viciously.

Now let me bring in Self-Determination to buildup my reasoning.

SELF DETERMINATION

The major thrust of this article was and still is to redefine self-determination thereby to indicate its true impact and implications to the Ethiopian society. In my opinion, self-determination is not imported from foreign countries as some would like us to believe. Particularly the Ethiopian Student Movement, who innocently in good faith brought it to the surface, is blamed for it. It is a universal phenomenon where a newly born Ethiopian baby coming out of his/her mother’s womb breaths in and owns it until his or her death, which later manifests itself in different forms of resistance and challenges to undemocratic system of government. One can find self-determination in uneducated peasant in remote rural areas when defending his right. Isn’t this last statement true?

Self determination aught to be redefined strictly within the context of Ethiopian economic, political, and social situations. I have provided the new definition of self determination in my article, “Grow Together” of 04/12/7. Here is how I defined it in the article on page 3 with more explanation:

The new definition should embody when defining the new self- determination: a) individual rights, b) group rights, c) ethnic rights and d) state or country rights, in that order. Here, I hope, one can sense, i) the developmental logic of the process, and, ii) the “up to and including secession” which is attached by Meles Zenawi outside of self-determination to encourage ethnic nationalism, is automatically embedded in the above definition provided. These four “rights” will replace the three elements that were used to define the old self- determination, namely, a) oppressed and oppressing ethnic groups of a state (country), b) the liberation of oppressed states by colonialists, c) the strengthening of the hold of the proletariat dictatorship. What is important to note here is, that, assuming one is part and parcel of the country’s developmental process, unless one is fully preoccupied with ones satisfaction of ones political interest to intentionally disrupting this logical process of development, one cannot, in good conscious, jump to ethnic rights before satisfying the individual or group rights, for the satisfaction of individual and then group rights will inevitably follow and satisfy ethnic rights . In a situation where individual rights are trampled upon, to think of promoting ethnic rights is a fake one. It is fake because it is pushed by power hungry, political entrepreneur elites, such as the liberation fronts including TPLF. “Political elites never refer to their real interests, such as quest for power and wealth when they invoke ethnicity.” (Mafeje 1999). In fact, for the promotion of ethnic rights to be successful, mass based and democratic, first, itself, should be based on the promotion of the fulfillment of the individual rights.

I further discussed this concept of self determination by using OLF as an example. Here is what I said on page 3:

Here, however, one should be careful in balancing the individual rights with that of group rights, ethnic rights, and country rights, respectively. That is, the protection and the promotion of individual rights not to be at the expense of the rights of the larger society. In fact, the promotion of any one of the three rights at the expense of the society at large is inviting anarchism. Accepting the balancing principle and, how to balance it, is a very important issue to be considered very seriously. Once a state or a country is founded on this type of full-fledged democratic process, that is, that follows the logic of the developmental process, it is inevitable, a) for the rule of law to be part and parcel of the governance, b) for the right of the nationalities to be protected, and c) for the power hungry political entrepreneur elites to be isolated and denied to use it as an instrument of self promotion, as being used by the current liberation fronts such as OLF. The theory of OLF fully depends on the old definition of self-determination, which is based on class struggle and colonialism. The new definition contradicts the theory of OLF. Given this new definition of self-determination accepted, if an issue arose in line of self-determination, for example to secede, the issue will be economic and cultural related. It will not be in denial of ones association with Ethiopia, which is what OLF is still asserting publicly. Then, the issue can be solved amicably, one way or the other, to the benefit of the whole society in general and of the concerned nationalities in particular, through democratic discourse. The redefined self-determination is to be used, ultimately, as a unifying instrument not as the instrument of fragmentation. Had these liberation fronts succeeded to maneuver their respective nationalities to accept their ideology of fragmentation, they would have gone to the extent of sacrificing unsuspecting masses for their own immediate interests, which is the struggle for political and economic power.

In addition I have discussed in the article, “Grow Together,” the two frequently used terms, namely, nations and nationalities. These two terms are being used divisively, perhaps as a vengeance particularly by the leadership of OLF. Some left oriented elites use it as a fad too. In my opinion it is a very shallow application to the society that does not fit it. Amara is not a nation it is a nationality. Oromo is not a nation it is a nationality. Therefore Ethiopia has eighty or more nationalities. Detailed discussion is provided in the article. It is discriminatory, above all, it is chauvinistic, to use nation for one group and nationality for another minority group. Therefore this discriminatory and undemocratic labeling should be rejected permanently. Unlike self-determination these discriminatory terms were imported from communist oriented foreign countries which does not fit the situation of Ethiopian people. Now, I will begin discussing one of the two major subtopics.

Restoration Endeavor of Menilik II

OLF accuses Menilik to be the root cause even to the current social problems. It uses this argument to protect its failing credence and to imbue the extremists, as there are extremists in every society, to join and support it. But what OLF is not able to swallow the bitter reality is that Menilik is the redeemer of all nationalities, big and small, by instilling the sense of looking, collectively, into a bigger picture, that is living by being a part of a strong and big body of people and land for protection and economic survival. In my opinion the era was where collectively positioning oneself was the essence of survival, particularly for those minority nationalities. It is commonsense.

Please note that I am going to deal with the restoration effort only. Not with the other incredible achievements of Menilik, a leader black Africa should be proud of.

If one read the history of Menilik II with unbiased and with a fairly set of mind one would come to a conclusion that Ethiopia had one of the geniuses, far looking, and authentic leaders of that century. He was an individual who was well informed about the measures taken by international governmental organizations in nation building. Therefore he cannot be, by any means, the exception. Blaming Menilik is out of place and it is a deliberate avoidance of the reality. A reality that one can feel and touch to this day.

Here is what individuals of international origin and perhaps governments, who are whites told and wrote about Menilik II:

“Emperor Menilik was variously depicted as a prophet, a genius, a man of ‘almost superhuman activity’ and ‘astonishing’ energy, and one ’ extraordinarily well acquired with what is going on in the world, not only from a political, but from a general and even scientific point of view.” (Levine1974)

“He was a man of military genius”. (Marcus 1975)

This was Menilik. An individual, not a nationality, who emerged from among a society, and, who systematically, through negotiations of different natures and at different times, even bending on his fours with a rock on his back, build himself to reach to the level of power where he can be able to dictate and implement his plan for Ethiopia. This is an individual who already had built a vision in his being. I argue that what Menilik did could have been done by any motivated and determined individual from any other nationalities.

It seemed Mother Nature randomly selected Menilik for Ethiopia. Natural selection. If natural selection worked for other animals and plants why not for human beings in general and for Ethiopia in particular. Meles Zenawi is an accidental natural selection, who does not fit the design of progressive development of Ethiopia, therefore he should have been culled (removed) long time ago. This is going to be a very controversial argument, any way, there you have it. If this paragraph affects continuity please delete it. Don’t waste your time on it.

A motivated and determined individual of his caliber, and one ’ extraordinarily well acquired with what is going on in the world, not only from a political, but from a general and even scientific point of view.” (Levine1974) , one can boldly assume that, Menilik new the centuries old boundaries of Ethiopia therefore he had to take upon himself the responsibility of restoring it to its traditional boundaries. If Europeans were able to build nations why not a well informed far looking Menilik?

I will refer to two authors regarding the boundaries of Ethiopia from which Menilik became fully aware of. An Italian author Conti Rossini ( Referred by Sergew Habte Sleassie in his “Ancient and Medieval Ethiopian History to 1270” book) puts the boundaries of Ethiopia: North–as far as the frontiers of Egypt, South–Northern Somalia, East–Red Sea, and West–Assossa. Levine (1974) puts Ethiopian boundaries during the period of 1400 and 1500 AD to be: in North–Beja, in South–Bale, Sidamo, and in South West–Keffa and Gomu Gofa. According to a Greek merchant of 1st century, in the West Gambella was the boundary of Ethiopia. Menilik was fully aware of these facts.

The liberal distributions of the activities of trades and trade routs of 16th and 17th century validates the above mentioned boundaries of Ethiopia. According to Lappiso (1982) there were many trade routs. Here I will mention three of them. The three trade routs were: from Maji (South) all the way to Mitsiwa (North), to Djibouti and Berbara (East). The last two were separate routs. One goes to Djibouti and the other one goes to Berbara. The starting town for all of them was Maji in the South. They branch into two at Inaria. One goes to North and two of them to East. The two that are going to East branch off at Soddo, where one goes to Djibouti and the other one to Berbara. At every town of the trade routs people came from far places to buy and sell and exchange goods and services. There was no interference or impediments from any direction to limit or hinder the activities, ultimately the interactions of the society.

According to Levine (1974), in the 19th century, Hirmata in Jima, Seqota in Wello, and Ankober in Shewa were important trade centers. He goes on to explain that Hirmata in 1905 drew 30,000 ethnically diversified people who participated in the market including
Amara from Gojam and Shoa; Oromo from all the Gibe Kingdon; and Timbaro, Qebena, Keffa, Janjero, Welamo, Konsa and several other from the Ometo cluster. Note here that Menilik died in 1913.

Therefore, given the above social, economic and geographical extensive interactions, and the history of the time, what Menilik did was to formally unite Ethiopia that was already informally united. Culture, religion, and trade played extremely important roles for Ethiopia to be united informally. Of course, ultimately, individual leadership played by Menilik was the determining factor. I argue that Menilik was imply the catalyst of the time. Levine asserts the presence of the very strong and routine interaction between the rent nationalities of Ethiopia by stating the following:

“….The image of Ethiopia as a collection of distinct peoples neglects what these people have in common, how they interact and the nature of Ethiopian society as a whole.” (Levine 1974)

In my opinion, it appears, the restoration process was simply a natural process inevitable to take place. If not Menilik some one with the type of aspiration that Menilik had would have stepped out of the society and done it as Menilik did it. It seemed the Ethiopian society of the time, with the kind of social, economic and cultural interactions, of liberal nature, for hundreds of years, from South to North and from West to East was open for Menilik types of leaders to be inspired and take charge. So, let us accept this natural reality, deal with it, and move forward to make this country endowed with productive human and natural resources to develop in science and technology and ultimately eradicate poverty. The eradication of poverty should be the ultimate target that should go hand in hand with the struggle to build a democratic system in Ethiopia. That is, the ultimate objective must be to eradicate poverty.

Menilik died on December 1913. He died about 25 years after completing the campaign of formally uniting the informally united Ethiopia. In the absence of the individual who brought them together, twenty five years was insufficient time frame for Ethiopian people to stay together and form a body of people, if you will, and continue living the manner they used to live. Had it not been for this informal unity that developed through time, trade, culture and religion being the catalysts, people would have rebelled against the central administration established by Menilik, immediately after hearing the death of Menilik. Regional insurrection would have taken place. But it did not happen. That was almost 100 years ago. Yugoslavia was broken into seven separate states after Tito’s death.
Czarist Russian Empire when Soviet Union collapses seventeen new states were created. But when Menilik died, mind you after only 25 years of the completion of the campaign, Ethiopia did not experience what these two countries experienced. One can boldly argue then, that the inherently deep-rooted sense of unity existed then and still exists and thriving now. That is why Meles and his regime miserably failed to dismantle Ethiopia. That is why the prophesy of Isayas did not hold. Isayas gave Ethiopia ten years to exist. And, that is what the secessionists, particularly the OLF leadership was unable to factor in, this historical, social and economic interactions and come to a reasonable objective for the people of Oromo, which should have been the democratization of Ethiopia for all nationalities that includes the Oromo people, but not to secede. For the question of Oromo people is neither a colony nor a question of freedom. It is a question of democracy.

“In the decades after 1896 Ethiopia had been so secure that no possibility of domestic conflict had existed” (Marcus 1975)
(Marcus 1975)

The coming of Menilik to the stage during that particular century was, in my opinion,critical to the unity of Ethiopia. It did, unquestionably, help to bring the different nationalities, groups, and sub-groups within the nationalities, together, including those who would have been incapable of surviving alone. Take the Oromo people for example. According to Levine (1974) there are 13 Oromo groups. There are sub-groups within these groups. For example, Gibe cluster has five groups, and Eastern Oromo has four sub groups. One of the Eastern Oromo sub-groups has five sub-sub-groups, namely Ala, Babille, Jarso, Nole and Oborra.

An open minded individual can clearly sea a very highly productive nation building effort of Menilik. The far looking, intelligent Menilik–I am just echoing what the internationalists had unequivocally stated about Menilik–helped to bring these nationalities, groups, sub-groups and sub-sub-groups within the nationalities into one body called Ethiopia. If it were not for Menilik the leadership of OLF itself would have not existed. Because, one body of a united Oromo nationality, mind you then and now with different cultures, would have not existed. The same argument applies for Amara, etc. Zemene Mesafint (Age of Judges) would have come back in a more formidable and destructive way.

I think it is time, in fact, it is long over due, to accept the historical reality and to give credit to this genius individual, Menilik II. The means and the strategies he applied were inevitable. One has no choice but to look into those means and strategies through these observable achievements, that is, the Ethiopia and its people we have today, built in a manner of any other nations worldwide. Ethiopia cannot be the exception. Deal with it. Live with it.

To be continued.

Mankelklot Haile Selassie
August 17, 2011

Introduction

It is now almost 30 years that the structural adjustment programs (SAPs) were introduced, and implemented as a new approach to deal with the economic crises of many Sub-Saharan African countries. Especially after the second oil crisis in 1979, many African countries were severely affected by balance payments of deficits, increasing external debts, and internal economic crises as a result of huge trade deficits. Because of decreasing raw material prices on the world market, many African governments were unable to finance existing projects, and were confronted by budget deficits. Before the introduction of SAPs, many African countries had practiced various economic policies which were not formulated internally as a result of lengthy debates by experts of the concerned countries, but all the policies were imposed by experts either from the IMF or the World Bank. All previous economic policies could not help many African countries to develop a strong home market based on manufactured activities. Since many African governments had followed the advices of foreign experts, and were not in a position to formulate their own policies which were congruent to the needs of their own societies, and which could reflect their own internal human and material resources, the heavy reliance on foreign experts had at the end disastrous consequences on their economies.

The changing political landscape in England in 1979, which brought Margret Thatcher in power, and in 1980 Ronald Regan in America had inevitably ended the Keynesian revolution of the previous 30 or more years after the second world war, which helped many Western economies to successfully reorganize their economies on “new foundations.” Governments of many Western countries had massively intervened in the economies of their countries, and did everything to develop strong, and in all spheres interconnected economic and social structures from within. The upgrading of manufactured activities, and the reorganization of science and technology, and heavy investments in education which could support basic researches to develop new technologies, were not possible without massive state intervention. The economic crisis at the beginning and end of the 70s which were interpreted by the neo-liberals as a crisis which resulted out of massive state intervention, and not a crisis which was internally produced within the system, gave way to the neo-liberal paradigm and policy formulation. Neoclassical economists believe that economic crisis in such highly developed economies could only occurred as a result of exogenous factors, which jeopardize the performance of the system. For example wage increases can be one of the factors which reduce the profitability of the capitalist class. On the other hand for Keynes and Marx, though both interpret the causes of the crisis differently; economic crisis in a capitalist economy is an inevitable process which cannot be only caused by exogenous factors. If exogenous factors play a role to cause crisis, the entire system cannot be put into question, unless the causes are drastic. The neoliberals believe that the crisis within the capitalist economy can regain its equilibrium when state intervention is massively reduced, and other exogenous factors are minimized at a lower level.

The belief in market fundamentalism and self-correcting of the system gave way to the neo-liberal ideology. The Chicago boys have won the upper hand, and could easily impose their ideology on the state. Free market ideology became the only accepted doctrine which must be implemented not only in America and England, but also in many other countries across the globe. The imposition of such ideologically motivated economic policy had and still has wide range consequences for those weaker economies which were not internally strengthened and connected like those of the capitalist economies by multiple factors and instruments. As studies show, the introduction of neo-liberal oriented economic policy in the African soil, where economic structures were not developed like those of the capitalist economies means that instead of creating a well structured and self reproductive economy, the creation of an economic system which is venerable to any kind of shock, is inevitable. In order to understand the consequences of this counterrevolutionary ideology, which has deepened the structural weakness of many Sub-Saharan African countries, and strengthened their dependence on foreign resources to survive, let’s try to examine the policy itself whether it is based on solid methodological foundation, which could reflect the socio-economic structures of the various countries that apply the program.

Interpreting the program

In order to understand SAPs, we must analyze the word structure. If we take Wikipedia as a help, the word structure means an orderly organized system, in which all the elements fit properly together so that the system as a whole functions properly. In the natural science, structure implies the logical order of the different parts of a system so as to perform certain function according to that specified logic. Again in physic, structure means the interconnection of different tiny particles and their relationships within a particular material which enable them to operate smoothly. Likewise, in sociology structure means the logical order of the different parts and their relationships within a given social system to coordinate and perform certain works. Interpreted this in any given society, any society must be organized according to a certain and scientifically validated logical order so that the system as a whole functions properly and smoothly. The organizational structure within a given social system must be a conscious act so that the system as a whole functions according to certain principles. If any society is not organized according to certain harmonious principles which could hold the society together, the society loses its compass, and the political, economic and social parameters will not have any clear direction. Let’s also analyze the concept ‘adjustment’. Two things can be adjusted together if they fit to one another. A totally different material which has a different logical structure cannot fit to another material which is structured differently. If one tries to fit two different structures by force or by any kind of manipulation the consequences are unforeseen, and in the worst case one can experience the production of very chaotic and not manageable situation which cannot be easily corrected.

When we analyze both the concepts, “structure “ and “adjustment, which are developed by the IMF and the World Bank as policy recommendations, it is not clear from the outset whether the two concepts are developed by considering the specific conditions of the different countries which apply them. For example it is not clear how they define the term structure. Since different societies have different structures, one cannot generalize such a scientific terminology as if it is valid for all societies across the globe. As a matter of fact, all societies of the earth had different experiences in the past; and they have different cultural and social constructions which shape their attitudes and handlings. To assume that all societies of this globe have the same structure, the same thinking and handlings is to make the greatest blunder one can make against humanity in general. It is just a war which is being waged against certain groups to dismantle the entire social and cultural setup which have been experienced and accumulated for generations.

If somebody applies the concept structure to any society, he must analyze the system of each individual country and how that country is organized. Since the degree of social structures vary from society to society, the position of different classes within a given socioeconomic formation also vary. In any society there are social hierarchies with various roles to play, which are reflections of the social relationship which prevail in a given society. Only under certain political systems, social systems can be consciously organized. Before any system reaches a certain mature stage the society in question undergoes ups and downs. It is therefore very important to study the nature of the social structures at various levels, and the degree of social consciousness, and the role of those political actors which control the system. And at the same time, it is paramount importance to examine and study the degree of technological development, and its role in creating general social wealth. Without studying the socioeconomic structures in-depth, and the cultural setup of the system to rush in order to formulate certain policies, and try to practicing them, is equal to social raping. This is what the IMF and the World Bank have been doing with many African countries over the last 30 or more years. Western governments are behind such kinds of crucial policies which have destructed the social and cultural structures of many African countries. As we have seen above, the name structure implies a well organized and logically ordered relationship and interconnection of the different parts within a given system so that the different parts perform their works without any damaging interruption from outside which jeopardizes the performance of the entire system. In this case, and respectively, each element within a given structure plays a unique role and performs a certain function. On the other side, certain parts or one part of a given structure could negatively affect the entire performance of a given structure, if it does not function properly. For example, within a given socio-economic structure, if the political part is suppressive and decision makers take arbitrary measures rather than well studied policies, the development of productive forces will be hampered, and thereby social and cultural transformation will be blocked. To overlook this and unnecessarily manipulate a given social structure from pure ideological motivation disturbs the entire setup of the system and the people of that system as a whole lose their orientation.

By developing `new concepts` and sell them as policies, organizations like the IMF and the World Bank, which have clothed the name international, misuse their omnipotent position and deceive the political elites in Africa and elsewhere, and apply economic policies which practically create disorder. Instead of studying the structure of the system thoroughly and scientifically, they choose some concepts and parameters which do not have scientific foundations, and try to manipulate the system via these instruments which are alien to African societies. From the outset it is not clear how the structure of a given society can be adjusted, and nobody knows to which system that given structure is being adjusted. Here again, there is confusion between structural change and structural adjustment; and structural change needs a holistic approach and touches every part of a given society and ultimately has a well defined goal. In this case a holistic model is intrinsically dynamic, whereas structural adjustment does not have a well defined aim, and therefore it is static by nature.

If we come to the general concept structural adjustment, it intuitively means the adjusting of a given economy to highly advanced economy. In other words, those countries which apply SAPs must adjust their economies to the needs of the international capitalist system. All the instruments of SAPs will inevitably compel those countries that apply the program to either neglect or suppress the needs of their societies and create favorable situations to the capitalist system of the west. In such a way the entire policy package blocks the development of a market economy on the basis of clear cut division of labor in the various countries which practice the program. Without clear definition and without a thorough scientific study of the nature of the supposed structure, one cannot formulate a policy. Otherwise it will have incalculable consequences for the society which applies SAPs. The program overlooks so many things which exist on the ground and which must be either changed or transformed by other means. In this case SAPs have worked and will work to make existing conditions more complicated and worsen them so that one loses the sight of how the problems can be solved. As experiences from different countries prove, SAPs will have devastating effects not only on one generation, but also on many successive generations to come. This is because the program is devised through and through from empiricist point of view and it is aggressive by its nature. The so-called shock therapy implies the aggressive character of the policy, and when the policy is put into practice those weak forces of a given social system will be negatively affected, and will become permanently jobless and disillusioned.

The macroeconomic policy, and its different instruments which are devised to implement SAPs will automatically compel governments to be more outward looking, and those scare resources will be allocated in sectors which generate enough hard currency to pay back the debt. That means scarce resources, and the money that is absorbed from other sectors will not be allocated in areas which could generate new wealth. Such a program which is more outward looking, will automatically suppress the systematic industrialization of the countries in question, and the development of a home market will be practically impossible. That means the program by itself has built-in mechanisms which create imbalances in all areas and instead of creating a well structured economy, the economy of a given country becomes de-structured.

Methodological problems of SAPs

Initially macroeconomic policy dealt with unemployment issues and it was a combination of fiscal and monetary policies. It was developed as a policy after the great depression at the beginning of the 1930s of the last century. Since neo-classical theory and policy has discredited itself and could not explain the causes of the economic crisis of the 1930s and could not deliver a workable solution to overcome the crisis, Keynes thought that only government’s direct intervention will alleviate the crisis. However, if one looks at the interventionist policy of the capitalist state and especially from the experience of the German state, before the First World War, and after the Second World War, the intervention was not purely a fiscal and monetary policy alone. It was an active interventionist policy through direct instruments, such as easy credits, and actively supporting to organize the entire economy on firmer foundations. Prior to the formation of national state, and after, direct state intervention was the most essential instrument in creating favorable environments for small and medium size industries. Major infrastructure activities and well designed city buildings could not have been possible without the conscious support of the state. This has been the case in all middle European countries. On the other hand the neo-classical or neo-liberal macroeconomic policy is purely a monetarist policy, and is against any kind of fiscal policy and direct state intervention. And yet fiscal and monetary policies were developed from the perspective of highly developed capitalist economies, and could not reflect the socioeconomic formations and real situations on the ground of many undeveloped countries. If we again examine macroeconomic policy in general, its theoretical foundation is empiricism, and does not have a transformative power. In other words, the policy is designed to `stabilize` existing social relationships by correcting certain imbalances which occur from time to time. On the other side the capitalist economic system is dynamic by nature, and is being manifested by destructing old technologies and creating new ones.

The entire concept SAPs was developed by assuming that all societies have the same economic features, or are governed by the same logic, and as such they are all alike. What does this imply when we properly interpret this assumption? All societies on this earth, though there are certain variations, all in all, are governed by the same economic logic. All human beings on this earth have the same rationality and the same taste, and as such all must pursue the same economic policies in order to be adjusted to one another. However, the economic and social realities in many countries contradict the view of the IMF and the World Bank. The economies of the capitalist countries are governed by different logics and laws. The sphere of the politics and the economic structures are separated entities. Competition and technological innovation are embedded within the system, and as such determine the entire economic, social and cultural dynamism of the entire system. On the other side, the economies of Third World countries are characterized by the absence of innovation, very law technological development and competition. Likewise, the degree of individualization and sprit of entrepreneurship in all societies are not the same. The process of individualization in many African countries is not as old as those of the Western European countries, and as such it is entirely different in its application in comparison to that of the capitalist west. The individualization process in Europe was backed by real material and spiritual transformation which has been going since the Renaissance. Only through protracted transformation of the material conditions and uplifting the power of thinking through proper education and intellectual activities, the people of Europe could alleviate their power of thinking. This enables them to freely think and become the master of their destiny. In Africa where material conditions and spiritual activities were hampered by slave trade, colonization, neocolonial policy and destabilization policy by the West, was not possible to induce individualization which helps to free the mind from traditional values. Though every human being is capable of becoming creative and ready for individual action to improve his/her livelihood, conditions on the ground must be improved through proper education. On the other side mere individualization brings alienation in all spheres, and this in turn will have negative social and psychological impacts. In this case one should differentiate between the empiricist view and the essentialist view of individualization. The first form focuses on a single individual alone and drives him to be self-centered, while the second one takes into account the individual and the social aspects together. Accordingly, individualization should not lead somebody to non-awareness towards a given society.

Again the concept of time in many so-called traditional societies has a different connotation. Whereas the concept of time in many capitalist countries is understood in linear forms, and time plays one of the greatest roles in organizing, planning and executing a certain program, in underdeveloped economies time is understood in circular forms. Likewise, the concept of money has a different meaning, and earning a certain amount of money, allocating the money for different purposes, and saving a part of it for different purposes in the future is not the same in all countries. Neglecting all these crucial aspects and to insist on certain macroeconomic instruments leads inevitably to gross errors. Why do the IMF and the World Bank omit all these aspects? It is because they have an empiricist world view and are not interested in going beyond the conventional wisdom. They only look at all societies through one prism. From the perspective of the IMF and the World Bank, and all neo-liberal economists, one should not try to study the complex structure of a given society; but solely look at certain parameters. What all societies need in order to correct some kinds of imbalances of the system is to apply the same kinds of economic instruments which ultimately create equilibrium situation in all sectors of the economy of all countries.

In the neo-classical/neo-liberal paradigm every society is the sum of its individuals. There are no social relationships, and it is assumed that every individual has equal access to scarce resources. Irrespective of its role within a given society, every individual lives for its own sake, and strives to get the maximum utility/ profit. Accordingly, the human being is egoistic by nature, and egoism is the driving motive which governs its thinking and handlings. This is what the neo-liberals are preaching across the globe; and Leibniz, one of the greatest scientists of the 17^th century had warned against such kind of ideological preaching, which cannot take into account the rational part of the human mind. If we look at social history, and all the scientific investigations of the 16^th, 17^th and 18^th centuries, and all literary works of those genius people, we understand that all these works were made not out of egoistic motives, but to save humanity from the vagaries of nature, and to understand the secret of nature, so that human beings become the master of their destiny.

As we observe from the experiences of many countries, societies which have applied this simplistic macroeconomic model, which does not acknowledge space and time, have lost their inner compass. The macroeconomic model of the IMF and the World bank, instead of bringing individuals together and make them a force so that they could build their societies on a firmer basis, has disbursed and weakened their energy. Many Third World countries which have applied SAPs, and are forcibly integrated into the global economy without being competent in all areas, have lost their valuable resources and the thinking capacity which would otherwise enable them to build a well organized society. After three or more decades of macroeconomic policy practices in many African countries, one should realize that such a model is against nature and humanity in general. An economic model which cannot put human beings and nature at the centre of its analysis cannot be called science.

First of all, as I said before, all societies have undergone certain kinds of transformational processes, which are unique in every society. While most societies could not develop further, due to various factors, some could build sophisticated social, economic and cultural foundations which could hold their societies together. What the capitalist west has experienced in its entire history is completely different form that of the African societies. Let alone, within one continent, even within a given country, there are variations in thinking and degree of development. To assume that all societies have the same kinds of rationality or behavior, and the same tastes is sheer nonsense. Since different societies have experienced certain kinds of social transformations, the ways they think, abstract and solve certain problems vary from country to country. Accordingly, existing social and political relationships determine how a given society would be able to solve its own problems. To be engaged in economic activities, and for the management of economic policy, the political structure and the power relationship which exist in a given society play decisive roles. In this case any economic policy cannot be practiced beyond time and space. Any economic policy cannot be practiced for its own sake, but to solve either existing problems, or it will benefit a tiny part of a given people. When the IMF and the World Bank formulate their macro-economic policies, and impose them on African governments, they firmly believe that only through the market, and only indirectly could existing problems will be solved. Not through direct observation, understanding the problems, and direct participation of the masses existing economic problems could be solved, but only through the allocation of scarce resources. This is only possible if all economic activities are left to the supposed market forces which are not developed as those of the capitalist countries.

This kind of methodological error that all economic problems can be solved via individual action leads to chaotic conditions rather than to a well structured and ordered economic activities. Instead of allocating the given scarce resources in a planned manner, resources are being shifted to the areas where economic performances are very weak. The fact that privatization is introduced as part and parcel of SAPs, as experiences prove that privatization does not lead to efficient allocation of resources. Those forces which have the chance to get access easily to wealth without hard work are not interested to widen their scope of economic activities which could create real wealth. The experience of SAPs proves that, instead of efficiently allocating scarce resources, resource plundering by the few becomes the rule of the system. That is why we witness that after the applications of SAPs in many African countries the situations become worse and more chaotic than before. Today the social conditions in many African countries are more polarized, and we witness that the political structure in many African countries is more aggressive and more militarized than before. This is because many African governments must keep the status quo, and are not ready or capable to create new wealth, so that they could raise the living standards of their citizens. School systems, kindergartens, sanitations, medical facilities and other social systems are not well financed and are not well organized in every community across many countries.

When we come to the general concept of private property, the IMF and the World Bank believe that mere privatization of certain targeted economic activities will induce the development of free market economy. The problem is that those factories which were installed in the 50s and 60s were not suitable for innovation and further investments. As many industries are dependent on outside resources and are not designed to become the basis of further investment activities, mere privatization only works to the contrary. That means those who allegedly bought the industries do not have the necessary managerial know-how to widen their industrial activities by studying the market situation at home. Secondly, most import-substitution-industries are not backed by another technology, which supplies all the necessary spare parts and other installments. Thirdly, as the industries were installed during the 50s and the 60s, the main aim of the planners was not to build a broad industrial structure on the basis of science and ever developed technology. The aim of such industrial activity was to satisfy the need of the new emerging petit-bourgeoisie which slowly adopts the European way of life. Brewery, Coca-Cola, meat fabrics, cigarettes and other industries which are not suitable for further industrialization become a model in many African countries. As such mere privatization of these kinds of industries could not create new wealth, and cannot be the basis of a genuine home market, which is again based on manufactured activities. Such a wrong and very mischievous policy of the IMF and the World Bank automatically leads to resource plundering and misallocation of the given resources. Instead of creating a new capitalist spirit, the expansion of the service sector in which one gains quick money and profit, becomes the rule of such a policy.

This is what happened in Ethiopia after the introduction of SAPs in 1993. In an atmosphere where the new political elite does not understand what market capitalism is, in a country where it has experienced one of the bloodiest revolution under a military dictatorship, in a country where clear cut social relations have not developed, due to the revolutionary process, the privatization policy has enriched the few and dispossessed the masses. Those forces which have good connections with the ruling elite, and the organization it has created during its war against the Military regime, could easily appropriate the wealth of the masses. In order to get access to the industries, the new `economic elite` could get easily credit from the banks with the backing of the regime, and this has enabled the new emerging economic elite to systematically infiltrate in all economic activities where quick profits are promising. These new elite with the backing of the regime fought at the same time against those forces which it believes could compete against the government and its affiliate economic corporations.

When one looks at the devaluation policy of the IMF, they derive their policy from a pure technical perspective, and not from the conditions that are existing on the ground in the various countries that apply the program. First of all, money in such a backward and not commodity oriented economy like that of Ethiopia has not the same inner dynamism as that of the capitalist economy. Due to the non-connected nature of many economic activities, and due to the overwhelming nature of the so-called informal sector and subsistence economy, money cannot circulate as quickly as possible to become a social power. In such an economy, money cannot easily be transformed into money capital. Secondly, devaluation has the reverse consequence, and instead of generating new demands on the world market, the outcome will be the opposite. The country that has devalued its currency must export more to get the same hard currency as before. Since many countries export the same products, the country that has devalued its currency cannot export more. For such a non competitive economy like that of Ethiopia, and for such a country which exports mainly agricultural products whose prices are not determined by the direct producers, devaluation will have negative impacts on the entire economy. At the same time importers will be compelled to pay more in order to buy one dollar, and likewise their import bills will increase. This in turn has inflationary impacts, especially in those sectors which are dependent on the importation of spare parts and machines. As a matter of fact, those who could not afford to buy more hard currencies will be compelled to lower their production activities; and in the worst case they will expel a part of the work force.

Negative impacts of SAPs

1. Economic Consequences

If we look at the industrial policies of many African countries, one observes that SAPs could not bring systematic industrialization. While existing industrial installments were privatized in areas where new investment has taken place, the new industries could not be the basis of further industrialization. It seems that it is a mere repetition of the old industrial policy of the 1950s and 1960s. Foreign companies and private investors at home are engaged in expanding and installing brewery factory, food processing industries and the like. As a matter of fact such kinds of industries are heavily dependent on foreign raw materials, and have very low linkages to the various sectors in the countries concerned. And yet many engaged in flower plantation and other agricultural activities whose economic effects are very negligible. Ethiopia now produces vegetables, fruits of all types to feed the Arabs and Europeans, while the food sector for home need is highly neglected. Such kinds of economic activities which are not planned for home market have undoubtedly produced a unique social relationship between the so-called foreign investors and those who work at low wages in those farmlands which are controlled by foreign companies. Since many governments in Africa and especially in Ethiopia, do not have social, ecological and other standards, so-called foreign investors can do everything they want.

The macroeconomic model of the IMF and the World Bank could not produce a new entrepreneurial spirit which can take risks, and plans from a longer perspective and become competitive in all areas at home. There is no research which enables many to be engaged in new and not yet exploited areas. In the absence of basic researches, and without constant efforts to innovate new technologies, the production of both durable and non-durable products is practically impossible. Since many African economies do not have a planned character, and the economies are characterized by the absence of a manufactured base which produces machines for further installments, the creation of true wealth is not possible. The creation of true wealth is only possible when the economy is organized on the basis of expanded accumulation. That means to build a strong home market and to create interconnected economic activities in all areas, the economy must be organized on the basis of planned accumulation. Only so, new investments and the production of new products are possible. In the absence of machine tool industries, any country cannot produce other tools and machines which are strategically important to protect the country from natural calamities. The fact that the IMF and the World Bank with their market economic policy have manipulated the African political elite to focus on few macroeconomic instruments, it is no more possible for African governments to look at other alternatives which will enable them to build their economies on wider and firmer bases. By applying a pure monetarist policy, African governments are brought up to a position not to think in terms of nation-building, and widens the sphere of activities so that the entire society can be interconnected via multiple mechanisms.

By and in large, SAPs could not foster industrialization in many African countries a process which is based on science and technology. Instead, Africa is turned again into a battle ground of European, Chinese, Indian companies to robe the natural wealth of the continent. After 60 years of so-called political independence, Western European countries and America, which proclaim to be promoting democratic values and the rule of law, are making non-transparent deals with African dictators to robe the continents precious minerals, and other resources. Many small farmers and small fishermen have lost their rights and are driven from their natural habitats. This is because international companies supported by their governments could easily get contractual agreements to fish in the waters of Africa.

2. Social Consequences of SAPs

As SAPs were promoted in many Sub-Saharan African countries, one thought that through the market miracle and through the instruments what the IMF and the World Bank have drawn as viable ways of bringing a dynamic economy in many African countries, social problems could also be tackled. However, before tackling existing problems, the program itself produces new social problems. Since governments must cut budgets for non-economic activities and since privatized industries fire what they believe to be a redundant labor force, this inevitably causes a new social situation. This is what happened in many countries, especially in Ethiopia after the massive privatization of many companies which were once run by the government. As a matter of fact, and due to the nature of the non-dynamic character of both the new investors and the industries themselves, new job opportunities could not be created. Those who could not find permanent job opportunities and those who were pushed from the rural areas to the cities in order to seek new opportunities, are compelled to engage themselves in the so-called informal sector. Others, who could not be part of the informal sector, must find other means to survive. As a result of the weak absorption capacity of the so-called modern economic sector, and because the informal sector is so saturated, those who could not find jobs must engage themselves in criminal activities, and other activities like prostitution.

Added to the effects of privatization, due to the liberalization of foreign trade, the Ethiopian market is overwhelmed by Chinese, Indian, South Korean, etc, products which undermine the existing industries. Many companies, because they could not withstand the competition from abroad, must reduce their capacity and expel the work force. This situation has inevitably swollen the reserve army, and compels many to live in very ugly conditions. Since the Ethiopian government does not have any social program, and since many institutions are very weak to allocate this reserve army for various purposes, millions are compelled to live in an abject poverty. In addition to this, since government affiliated companies become so aggressive in their attitudes, since they are eager to control all the main economic activities, they began pushing all those weak people from their traditional living areas. Building new hotels, sky-scrapers, shopping centers, villas and swimming pools inevitably produce slum buildings in other areas. Such kinds of uncontrolled and chaotic activities have inevitably become breeding grounds for all types of diseases, especially Aids, and other sexual dieses. All in all, the experimentation of a market oriented economic policy under the auspicious of the IMF and the World Bank, which is backed by the international financial oligarchy and Western governments, has produced a new social situation which cannot be tackled within the coming 50 years.

After 30 years of practices of the so-called structural adjustment programs, many Sub-Saharan African countries could not build a well structured economy which could mitigate social problems. Instead of a structured and self-reproductive economy many Sub-Saharan African countries have to experience chaotic economic activities, in which social problems are more visible and cannot be solved any more by simple market economic instruments. The gap between the artificially created rich and the masses is alarming; and the new rich class does not feel any more that it belongs to its society. Its consumption appetite has developed to an extent that this new emerging economic elite has become one of the causes of rising inflation which has burdened the lives of the masses. As one Indian sociologist observed such kind of phenomena in the case of India, in Ethiopia too the so-called market economy which was imposed by the IMF and the World Bank and generally by the so-called international community has produced an omnivorous class. This class consumes most of the water resources, electrical energy, lives in sophisticated apartments which consume too much energy, drives high powered cars which swallow too much benzene, and at the same time spoils the environment, eat too much meat and butter, and imports very expensive clothes to wear, all in all to alleviate itself from the impoverished masses. This new omnivorous class cannot create wealth or bring new knowledge to the society. It has only a parasitical effect and drives the society to an unknown destiny. Because of its luxurious lifestyle, it can be easily bought and manipulated by outside forces, to sell the sovereignty of the country. Because it is intellectually very weak, and does not have time to articulate, it can engage itself in contractual and trade deals which bring damages to our country. The so-called international experts use the weak position of this class and do everything to culturally and economically destroy our country. If we see today a very weak Ethiopia and downtrodden people, this is because the so-called international community and its experts have done everything to exploit the weak position of our country. During the 18^th and 19^th century, direct military aggression was the method to directly colonize weak nations, in today’s highly globalized and sophisticated world, one does not need direct aggression, expect in few cases. Globalization has enabled those smart experts to easily manipulate the Ethiopian elite and control is mind.

In addition to this, those aid organizations which have offices in many African capital cities and which earn enormous amounts of money are heavily sharing what many African societies produce; and again they are one of the causes of inflation, especially in Ethiopia. After 20 years of massive involvement in the economic affairs of Ethiopia, the so-called international community and aid organizations have worsened the social, economic, ecological and cultural conditions of Ethiopia. Instead of teaching the masses how to become creative and innovative to develop new technologies, so-called aid organizations of all types misuse their privileged positions and are marginalizing the society. Due to the omnipresence of aid organizations, and their negligible contribution to the economy, the Ethiopian masses have lost self-confidence in themselves.

3. Ecological Consequences of SAPs

SAPs and the massive pressure of globalization have narrowed the attitude of the political and the economic elite in Ethiopia and in other African countries. In countries where economic, social and ecological standards are not the rule, where social and ecological awareness are not well developed, it is easy to turn such countries into dumping grounds of all non-recyclable products. Over the last 30 years many African countries have unconsciously imported second hand cars of all types, refrigerators which consume too much energy and produce too much CO₂, electronic products of all types which entail poison and other second hand products become common in many African countries. With this the low income base of the society, has compelled many to buy second hand clothes which might have negative health consequences to the people.

SAPs and globalization have also compelled millions of Africans to change their food habits. The importation of processed and packaged foods will inevitably push traditional food habits. Especially, the new elite is eager to consume imported foods, since these have snob effects. The change in food habits has automatically brought new food related diseases, such as diabetes and others. In countries where specialized doctors and clinics are short, it is difficult for many to get proper medical treatments.

Globalization has also compelled many African countries to change their farming practices, not in a way to be more self-sufficient and ecologically aware, but to adapt their practices to the need of global capitalism. In many African countries the application of high breed seeds has become common. It is also reported that genetically modified seeds is holding foot in some countries. The wide spread of genetically modified and hybrid seeds has wiped the traditional seeds in many African countries. The consequences of the expansion of genetically modified seeds are yet to be evaluated. Experiences from Argentina and other countries show, the wide spread application of genetically modified seeds have wide range consequences on the environment and on health. The application of insecticide and unstudied chemical fertilizers will inevitably destroy the flora and fauna of the landscape. Since genetically modified and high breed seeds consume too much water, this will inevitably reduce the water table from the ground and causes dryness of the earth. In the long run this reduces rain falls.

4. Political Consequences of SAPs

One may think and believe that the main mission of SAPs is the introduction of new economic reforms. The introduction of such kinds of reforms in countries where clear-cut social relations are not developed, where economic class consciousness has not yet developed, and where an aggressive political class tries to control everything, such a program will inevitably produce a new political situation which is against genuine economic development. As SAPs do not have a mission of political enlightenment in a country where the state apparatus is very strong, and civil institutions are very weak, it is easy for the ruling class to strengthen itself, and thereby suppress political freedom. As SAPs have undermined existing social relationships and favored the production of a new consumer class, it is easy for the `ruling elite` to make this new omnivorous class as its social base so that it can govern for a long time.

Especially, in today`s Ethiopia where SAPs have been forcibly practiced there is no demarcation line between the political elite and the economic elite. The government, which is supposed to preserve the interests of all the people, vehemently defends its own interests by all means. In order to do this it must militarize the state apparatus, and build a huge security apparatus to control the movements of opponent forces. It fabricates everything to destroy independent newspapers and accuses some of the journalists that they are involved in terrorist actions. Critical journalists are being permanently intimidated, and if they dare to report about corruption and the social conditions of the country, they inevitably risk jail. Foreign forces team up with regimes like that of the Ethiopian government, as if the government is exercising democratic rights and guarantees press freedom. Without the support of the West, and without their military engagement, the regime could not have been strengthened.

Concluding remarks

The main aim of SAPs was not and is not to bring about real economic and social transformations in many African countries. Its aim is to create a new economic order so that Africa becomes more dependent and outward looking. SAPs are based on a neo-liberal ideology, and by its nature the ideology has a disharmonious character and inevitably creates a disarticulated economy. In a non-articulated economy, the creation of new and vitally important wealth is not possible. Such an economic setup does not have an inner dynamism, and innovation of new technologies, and expansion of new investments in all areas is practically impossible. In such an economy, the creation of job opportunities for job seekers is not possible. The narrowness of the system will again create new social conditions, which cannot be easily tackled by simple macroeconomic models.

SAPs are generally designed and must be implemented from above and not the other way around. That means the policy does not have any organic character and it automatically excludes the masses. It is not a system which slowly grows and expands from the bottom upwards and in every direction so that it ultimately encompasses the entire society. Any economic policy must be seen as a biological process, which must be consciously designed, and systematically cultivated so that growth in all direction will become possible. SAPs negate such kind of organic growth, which paves the way for complete mental praxis, which is the foundation of true human freedom and civilization.

As such the policy does not address basic human needs, such as proper diet, the supply of clean water, the organization of good sanitation systems and the establishment of a well studied school system which supports economic, cultural and social development. SAPs are not suitable for the organization of a given social system on new scientific spirits to promote social well being. SAPs are against aesthetics of all kinds and consciously or unconsciously create new social conditions that are chaotic and uncontrollable. That means, it violets basic human characters which inherently exist in all human beings, such as beauty, ethics and morality. Since the policy is limited in scope and has a strong utilitarian appeal, it is against all harmonious structures, such as beautiful buildings of all types, cities and gardens, etc. The policy is intrinsically a source of social conflict and permanent war. That means SAPs inevitably produce a new barbarian ethos, in which the political and the economic elite become very aggressive and lose any kind of social awareness towards the entire society.

It must be clear that the originators of SAPs, the IMF and the World Bank are working in the service of international financial oligarchy, and as such they are trying to integrate the political and economic elite of African countries within the international hierarchical system so that genuine economic development which benefits the majority of the people becomes impossible.

Last but not least, from a cultured economic perspective, SAPs suppress the development and expansion of diversified economic activities and their relationships with each other. By focusing on free trade at its core economic activity, and putting trade before production, it destroys human imagination and fantasy which are vital for practicing the free will of people in a given society.

Fekadu Bekele

The author can be reached at fekadubekele@gmx.de

Obo Arada Shawl  – August 13, 2011

ድር ቢያብር፤ አንበሳ ያስር the unity of webs can tie a lion

Ethiopian proverb

Books on EPRP

• የደም ዘመን Yedem Zemen (the era of blood) by Taklo Teshome

• Yankee, Go home, the life of an Ethiopian Revolutionary and the fall of Assimba, EPRP’s Red base, by Ayalew Yimer

• ይድረስ ለባለ ታሪኩ Yidres Lebale Tariku by Tesfaye Makonnen

• The Generation by Kiflu Tadesse

• ኢሕአሠ EPRA by Asmamaw Hailu

• ምርኮኛ (conquered by conviction) by Konjit Berhanu

• To kill a generation, by Babile Tola

• Negotiating with lion’s share of freedom by Makonnen Araya

• History of Ethiopian Student Movement in Ethiopia and North America : Its impact on Internal Social Change (1960-74) by Alem Asres

• የሚያነቡ እግሮች (bleeding legs) by Girmaye Abraha

• የደርግ የእስር በት ዘመን (prison during DERG’s time) by Berhanu Tsertsu

• Novels, Essays and Poems by Hama Tuma

What is the central theme of the above listed books? Honestly, there is none. The above books mostly dwell on the side of EPRP insinuating to tell the struggle against power of the state in terms of secrecy and conspiracy. It is also true that those who oppose EPRP have written hundreds of books belittling the party primarily on market forces in terms of money and blood.

I have come across books written by opponents of EPRP on its organizational structural, behavioral politics and on its individual leaders but none of them would display a visual impact more than the two books recently published listed above in line one and two. Not that these two books contain accurate facts and figures (such as Professor Tesfatsion Medhane hijacked plane p. 27) but the way the book covers are designed and titled. Personally, both books’ cover designs and titles seem to portray far superior motives or ignorance than opponents had portrayed. I have yet to examine in detail the contents of the books for evaluation but to the naked eye; both cover books depict complete distortion of the truth about EPRP means of struggle and achievements.

Nowadays, I have my doubts too that many genuine members, associates and supporters of the party have gone astray from the basic tenets and goals of EPRP. In fact, most may have resorted to join with the guilty sections of the Eathiopian society. I am of the opinion that those who joined the EPLF are in denial, those who supported the TPLF are on lying cascade, and those who stood with the Military Junta feel guilty. For the sake of the nations of Ethiopia and Eritrea (Eathiopian state) and for the young generation, this state of mind has to be halted. Denial, lying and guilt which are rampant in today’s world are devastating conditions for all humanity.

The above essential points namely motives or ignorance (mi) compelled me to call for an immediate reconciliation between the Revolutionaries of EPRP also known as Republicans and the EPRP (d) a.k.a. Democrats.

As if the letters of d and D are not enough for confusion, the pictures displayed on the covers of these two books will definitely undermine the credibility of the party. Tagging the party with a small d or capital d, for a lack of proper terms, could be considered as blasphemy or a crime. The same will go for these two books by presenting EPRP as the party of “terror and defeat”.

Mersha & Iyasu, in compliance with my readings of alphaGeezNumeric (AGN) would be advised to look upwards and forwards respectively as in WE (decipher my name, what is my name?). Both members of collective leaders should come together to dispute or to confirm the depiction of the books. Both individuals should come out and confront head-on the image of EPRP for image is far more important than words. I am asking them to defend the image of the party. They have done this before on VOA airtime. It is not only their duty but their responsibility to come with clear thinking for reconciliation. This is the beginning of the end for all Eathiopians to be reconciled. The recognition of the correct Ethiopian Revolution is the way forward.

I have my doubts that other members of the collective leaders of EPRP may have the same understanding as depicted by the covers of these two books, i.e. defeat and terror.

Nowadays, there are considerable books being written by individuals on EPRP’s history and political culture. Most of the books can contribute confusion rather than clarification to EPRP’s political and ideological history. Most of them do not dwell on the central theme of the struggle which was freedom not liberation. EPRP has embarked on a difficult path to liberate the minds and hearts of all Eathiopians by injecting the words of struggle and freedom (democracy as opposed to fear).

EPRP on a continuous basis – for 4 decades – has been attempting to inculcate concepts, theories by introducing Struggle – ትግል, Revolution – አብዮት and collective Leadership- የጋራ አመራር. Of course, the connecting dots for SRL were DEMOCRACIA.

However, opponents of the party which were mostly the governments of the day vehemently distorted the principles for which EPRP stands. I can understand why the enemy of EPRP who were/are holding the war machinery determines to eliminate or defame EPRP but I cannot understand why EPRP’s satellite organizations, associations and individuals negate the contributions of EPRP. May be it is sociological fear for which EPRP strives to dispel, I do not know.

The Ultimate attack on EPRP by Ayalew and Taklo

A picture is worth a thousand words

Chinese proverb

No one can write a comprehensive political or cultural history of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP). It should be commissioned to be comprehensive and authentic. Why is that? First and foremost EPRP was an umbrella political party. By that I mean there were workers, teachers, students, youths and other professional organizations and associations. Unlike most organizations of the time, EPRP was a vanguard party with core ideological, political and economic values and beliefs. What has happened to each organization of EPRP’s satellite associations and organizations? That is the million questions that is anybody’s guess.

The Books of Taklo and Ayalew

I can understand the various attacks coming from the opponents of EPRP for whatever gains but it’s hard for me to take it from within the organization to take it personal for revenge purposes. It is very uncharacteristic of the majority of EPRPeans.

What are most disturbing are the cover designs and titles of the books more than the contents.

Taklo’s cover is about surrender of “EPRA”. No revolutionary army had surrendered in such a manner. EPRP has surrendered to the cause of the Eathiopian people. EPRA in turn has surrendered to EPRP. When the reactionary armies of EPLF, TPLF came to attack them, for the sake of the people, they had to retreat. The understanding was that the nationalist TPLF and the colonized EPLF was considered as friendly ally fighting against a fascist regime.

EPRP/EPRA went to Assimba convinced that it is not only their country but also those operating in the mountains and valleys of the area if not their comrades but their allies. That means automatically, they cannot confront them let alone ask them to surrender their weapons. Mind you, EPRA was an army of conscience. It was created to defend the party and the people not to fight as soldiers of fortune. They never thought that they were among gangsters. Deep at heart, they were internationalist and humanist. In their mind and heart they were true revolutionaries. Those who surrender to Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) did the right thing. It was not about survival, it was about consciousness and conscience working together. On the part of ELF, it was about Trust. ELF was about Eritrean Independence unlike EPLF and TPLF whose leaders disguised themselves in sheep’s wolf. ELF and EPRP were compassionate and open while TPLF and EPLF were conspiratorial and secretive. The result is obvious for all to see.

Although all three had similar visions on matters of economic system, EPRP was opposed to EPLF on ideological basis of Ethiopian colonialism, while politically opposed to TPLF on Nationalism.

EPRP was also opposed to DERG and its allies such as Mieson, Echat, Wez League and others merely based on the instruments of struggle, i.e. DEMOCRACIA.

Because EPRP is an umbrella organization for workers, teachers, professionals, youths and students in that order, it had the power to influence and to pressurize the Monarchy as well as the Military rules. Both MM (Monarchy and Military) were unpopular among Eathiopians. That was why the majority of Eathiopians participated to topple the two MM. But the TPLF took credit for the victory in the same way Ayalew and Taklo attempt to deny EPRP’s sacrifices and achievements.

On the basis of the above account, EPRP’s stand on Ethiopian colonialism, Nationalism, politics, true Revolution and DEMOCRACIA – as a process has had to pay a heavy price in terms of lives, and intellectual resources.

My readings on Ayalew’s book cover design are about EPRP’ tools of terrorism. I have met a friend who was so excited to read the book but couldn’t read while traveling by bus or any other mass transit. The cover book scares him lest some people sitting next to him would take him for a terrorist. I don’t understand why the author had to show us variety of automatic machine guns on the cover. I don’t believe that EPRA had such weapons at its disposal.

What is more, the first page begins with those executed judicially by the party. He even did not seem to have a clue how they were related to the red terror in Addis Ababa. He did not even attempt to document their proper names. That is an indication that he did not do any research about the killings and counter killings. Probably that is why he used, the cover page for lack of proper documentation. I don’t want to speculate about the author’s intentions and agenda. I am waiting translations and interpretations for those leaders of We and Me. Obviously, the author has been searching to join the true multinational party i.e. EPRP. In the process, he was lost and became desperate. It was right there where he was born, in Amara Seynt. If he had carefully, understood, the discussion raised by WM (Walelign Makononn), before becoming congressman of a student union, now, he would not complain and charge and counter charge. He is going back to square one, which I believe he is an agent of the current regime or an agent of confusion.

Leadership, Struggle and Revolution

The single most important concept that EPRP has had to face and implement is the concept of leadership. I hope my readers do differentiate between leadership and management. For EPRP there was/is no management style. EPRP deals with people and people need no management but leadership. Other than people, EPRP has no resources to manage or to mismanage.

So what is leadership in the context of EPRP? Why did EPRP choose to oppose the leadership style of Shaebia, Woyane and the Military (DERG)? Was EPRP’s collective style of leadership better or worst than others? The answer lies in the then objective Eathiopian condition and the goals of the Revolution.

On the other hand, the leadership of EPRP believed that the position of a Secretary General of any organization or Front was a venue to dictatorship style of leadership. While on the other hand, there was no way for democracy to work and thrive unless and otherwise all Eathiopians were encouraged to participate in the process of democratization.

I don’t think that I have to explain having seen the results of leadership in Eathiopia. The elections in Ethiopia and the non-election in Eritrea are self-explanatory. Neither the leadership style allows democracy to thrive.

What about EPRP’s leadership style? By many criteria, the leadership style of EPRP was correct and desirable. No one denies that the human and the social costs were high. But it was envisaged that freedom for Eritrean nationals, opportunity for nationalities and justice for all citizens of Ethiopia would be materialized.

When do the end of poverty (both in terms of philosophy and material) stops and the beginning of prosperity begins in Eathiopia?

For sure, philosophy in poverty is gone. The age of NOW has arrived in Eathiopia. There is no past or tomorrow. There is only now or never. There seems no way to convince the youth to slow down and we should not even attempt to tell them.

So what’s our role to participate in this digital age? Ethics, Economics and Market or IT – Information Technology or in our Eathiopian way Interpretation & Translation equivalent to IT – with nine languages in Eritrea and over eighty ethnicity in Ethiopia to deal with.

Due to the credit of Taklo Teshome, he poses relevant issues on Revolution, Red Terror and Leadership on the back of his cover book. The mishap on that sectional writing is putting ኞ instead of comradeship – ጛዶች Maybe it is misspelling or change of heart.

Transformative political alliance and agenda or Reconciliation

What is reconciliation any way? There are different kinds of reconciliation. The first time I learnt was in the bank, i.e. bank reconciliation is a summary of expense and income in order to know the balance at the end of a given date. It was a long time ago. By the way, the person who was assigned to orient me about reconciliation department was Teshager Berhane, who later became the V. president of the Labor Union of the Commercial Bank of Addis Ababa. He is still fearlessly fighting for Eathiopian Freedom on EPRP’s platform.

There is Sacrament of Reconciliation which is practiced by the Roman traditional Catholicism and it has three elements of CCC (Conversion-Confession-Celebration). All three CCC must be given by a priest at least once in a year.

Another is the Biblical idea of reconciliation which suggests that a conflict does exist between two or more personalities. The need for reconciliation exists at different times, when two people need to overcome their differences, when he/she needs to be reunited with the community or when human kind itself needs to be reunited with God, is all in the Bible and Q’uoran. According to these books, reconciliation or harmony can be achieved by humiliation which is difficult for a lot of people.

EPRP’s reconciliation is achieved according to the principles of Revolutionary doctrine? One must give up his/her own identity in order to make reconciliation work. The struggle within EPRP was/is not personal matter; it was/is public or professional. The following factors are at work in all discussions and confrontations within the party and its allies.

• The Assimba Factor

• The Debteraw Factor and

• The Wallelign Factor

EPRP’s Reconciliation is reconciled in terms of Republicans and Democrats. They have the same name with similar concepts of Flag, Freedom and Fidel (FFF).

EPRP’s main points of contention – on the positive side – were Revolution, Democracy, and Internationalism while on the negative side; they included concepts of anti Imperialism, Feudalism and Colonialism. In order to neutralize the three pluses and minuses EPRP had introduced two powerful words of politics and proletariat. For these two words, EPRP members, associates and supporters have been persecuted to the fullest extent by its foes and allies just because of misunderstanding and propaganda machines.

Back to the present and future aspects of EPRP, Assimba is the symbol of working together between leaders and members, Debteraw represents consistency of struggle and Wallelign have come to symbolize initial discussion and debate.

If we link these three factors, it is anybody’s guess; problems will be solved, at least in the short run. The synchronization of individual liberty, global democracy, economic opportunity, and national pride will rein in Eathiopia, provided all concerned Eathiopians take time and energy to read and reread the books of the “era of blood and the “terrorist leadership.”

Conclusion

My readings on Taklo are such that EPRA and ELF have lost victory but to the contrary, both have scored victories among their respective people. Even their arch enemies of EPLF leadershp claim that they are rooted in ELF’s camp and the TPLF are still pretending day and night that they were once members of EPRP. What a country and what an imitation of life? And so, my honorable men, Taklo and Ayalew, what is your motive? With due respect to both of the authors of the books, as a reader, I want to know the relevance of the pictures and titles on your cover books? I don’t care you could write anything factual or fictional, it is your right and freedom but we need explanation of the relevance of the pictures? They do not seem to resonate with your writings. We demand answers.

As to the present leaders of EPRP, it is time to come together and compromise for the sake of citizens of Eathiopia and not nations/nationalities alone.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For questions and answers

woldetewolde@yahoo.com