Is the US Policy towards Africa becoming Militarized?

by Scott A Morgan

 

                                                Over the last year that has been growing concern in both Africa and amongst the activist community here in the United States about the role of AFRICOM (Africa Command).  Since January of this year there has been a plethora of activites that the country has been involved in.

 

                                               The US began this year by intervening diplomatically in the Violence plagued Kenyan Elections. Working in conjunction with the EU and AU a Government of National Unity was agreed upon. The year began also with the APS (African Partnership Station) in place in the Gulf of Guinea. That region which is where 20% of the American Oil Imports Originate from has a problem with Militants, Drug Trafficking and Piracy. So this program was an effort to train Regional Military Forces to conduct such Operations.

                                                                               

                                                The National Security Strategy Document published in March 2006 states that the United States “recgonizes that our security depends on partnering with African States to strengthen failed and failing states and bring ungoverned areas under the control of effective democracies. This statement can be seen as a base for the US efforts to bring about a regime change in Zimbabwe, restore the rule of law to the Kivu Provinces in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and limit the Influence of Al-Qaida in the Sahel Region of West Africa.

 

                                                This Strategy has had its failures as well. The US Proxy efforts to restore a Strong Centralized Government in Somalia by Ethiopian Arms continues to muddle on. A report that Addis Ababa is considering withdrawing will be seen as a failure of US Policy. The Situation in Darfur with the apparent unwillingess of the US and its European Allies to take any action smacks of hypocrisy.

 

                                                So why is the Pentagon taking the lead in this? They are not the only US entity that is formulating policy. There have been several instances where the CIA has taken steps to investigate the status of Militia Forces Operating in the African Great Lakes Region. The easy answer is that currently the State Department is in a weakened state. After all they did put out conflicting signals during the Kenya post-election crisis.

 

                                                In General it is bad policy to have the Soldiers make Key Foreign Decisions. With the inability of the State Department to articulate what the goals of the United States are someone has to do it. There are some that would like to have AFRICOM to have some sort of accountability. Well as a DOD Command it does have to request funds from the Congress. After all the easiest way to force change on someone is to impact the flow of funds.

 

                                               Whether it comes to Energy Supplies, Radical Islamists or even the Rogue Military Officer that cannot be reined in by his Country the US will have interests in Africa. This means US Diplomats and Soldiers will be seen as both Friends and Targets. There will be chances for both Praise and Criticism of US Activities as well. And in January a New President will be the one taking the heat.

 

                                               The Author Publishes Confused Eagle on the Internet. It can be found at morganrights.tripod.com

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CALL ME BY MY ADDRESS: A commentary on Marathon and Sprint

Demo a fait accompli too

By Obo Arada Shawl alias Wolde Tewolde – August 27, 2008

“In America, if you have a name, an address and a phone, they say you are in business; in Ethiopia, if you have a title, a family and a community, we say that you are an entity

Anonymous

In America, there are over 60, 000 baby names while in Ethiopia there are less than five thousand baby names averaging one name for 5,000 and 12,000 respectively. What about addresses and phones, I will leave these to my readers to figure it out. As for me, I have my name though I am still searching for my address. My address is where Debteraw and many others have disappeared.

Last two weeks, I have viewed two phenomenal events one in China and the other on Ethiopian websites. The Chinese, of course was about sports but the Ethiopian was about politics – of leadership.

The Beijing event was exceptionally phenomenal as it was watched by the sports fun and world leaders who were perhaps interested in the way China functions. The other phenomenal event was the proposal by a professor lawyer who went on rampage to nominating leaders for Ethiopia.

The Chinese have displayed their past and their future using the number 8 i.e. E-3

The name of Obang Metho is familiar not in real Ethiopia but in the Ethiopian websites. I appreciate him for using his native name unsparingly. He is one of the few individuals who are courageous enough to be addressed by given names. Call me by my name. What is in a name?

However, despite Ato/Mr Obang’s effort to blend the past and the future, he has failed to show how to blend them. It would have been much simpler had he resorted to the past history of Gambella, where the Ethiopian tourist organization promoted the number 13 i.e. B. I hope Mr. Obang admits that Ethiopia is a country of the 13th months of sunshine. I believe that the number 13 is the solution for Ethiopia’s past and future, in spite of the incident that happened on December 13, 2003 – the cause for the Anuak massacre.

Although I do not know how Ato Obang thinks about the use or abuse of Gambella as a tourist center during the Monarchy time, or how he sees the Bridge of Gambella that was built foe no economic value. Menghistu Haile Mariam personally supervised to build a bridge – the longest bridge at that – with 210 m. in length. The Gambella bridge was not only the longest bridge in Ethiopia but it also the only bridge flooded by neon lights. I do not know much about Ato Obang except via the Internet but I know way too much about his birthplace. Does Mr. Obang know that his birthplace is the Center of Africa as studied by the Russians?

I am not writing to demean the lawyer professor but to remind him that he is unintentionally assisting to destroy the bridge that is intended to connect the Afar, to Gambella via the highlands of Ethiopia, i.e. the beginning to the future (A-G). This is the Marathon political struggle of Ethiopia. Mr. Obang seems to prefer a struggle of Sprint.

At the Olympics, the sprinters of America (both men and women) have failed but the Marathons of south of Ethiopia have prevailed. So the wind is not coming from the west as in Gambella, it is coming from Kenya, to the south of Ethiopia. A big O is coming from the south too. In the name of harmony, I advise Ato Obang to follow the spirit of Baro and Sobat rivers. They just flow smoothly. We have had enough resistance from the North. But the Northern have history, some positive others negative. I am not sure the use and abuse of Ethiopia’s name in Obang’s literature. Is Mr. Bang referring to the Biblical Ethiopia, Minilik’s Ethiopia, Haile Sellasie’s Ethiopia, Menghistu’s Ethiopia, Zenawi’s Ethiopia or the citizens of Ethiopia? Which address is he interested in? Ato Obang writes about Anjuak justice. What about others justice? If there is no moral or legal law in the entire country of Ethiopia, how is it possible to acquire justice for the Anjuaks? Mr. Obang by implication is accepting the dictatorship of the ethnic minority. What is normally or internationally norms of justice is through the recognition of the rule of the majority and the rights of the minority. If I am wrong, please, Mr. Obang I am ready to listen and learn.

The main reason I am attempting to remind Mr. Obang is to challenge his article on nominating or suggesting the would be Ethiopian leaders at the disposal of those who spent their lives to solve problems of Ethiopia be it oppression or exploitation. What kind of leaders is Ethiopia looking for, Mr. Obang? Moral leaders, business leaders, social leaders, religious leaders, military leaders and so on and so forth, who are you looking for? I think you were referring to political leaders or national leaders. I also think Mr. Obang wanted to build a bridge, a bridge of reconciliation and harmony. As Mr. Obang knows the physical bridge of Gambella did not bring harmony between Menghistu and citizens of Ethiopia. Was that why Mr. Obang was unable to nominate leaders from the Menghistu era, from the aristocracy, from the Fronts, from political parties and from the military veterans? Mr. Obang’s reasoning seems to me that he does not like those people who struggled to change the feudal, bureaucratic and the imperial (both socialist and capitalist) systems. Mr. Obang should focus on his pastor Christians not meddling in politics, economics, sociology, engineering etc. etc. Or is there something Mr. Obang is after. Let us hear from his side, particularly we want to know how Mr. Obang Metho understands the word Debtera least to know the whereabouts of DEBTERAW.

I hope the professor will read the following article, which might help him to connect the past to the future. The article is on the nature of Ethiopian marathon of political struggle in the hope that Mr. Obang might revise his nominations for political power or abstains from it.

 

 

 

 

NB:

This article was written on the eve of the London talk before the TPLF and the EPLF were handed or assumed political power. It was submitted to IMBLTA magazine but the editors never published it. Some revisions have been made to reflect to the current condition.

It is to be recalled that the Imblta groups were advocating that democracy was a fait accompli with the coming of EPLF and TPLF. Currently the then editors of Imblta have become president of Addis Ababa University and the ambassador of the Ethiopia to the United States of America. With their appointments, democracy is halted. Indeed a fait a accompli! This is a lesson for Mr. Obang and others. The Imblta group was minority in the community of Ethiopian intellectuals and they could not bring justice but injustice.

Demo a fait accompli too?

Points of Departure: Myth/Reality

  • Zonal habitation – occupational territory

  • Multinational – museum of people

  • Oldest nation – first man’s settlement

  • Christian Island – tolerance of religion

  • Colonialism – Democratization

Societal Change: The means justifies the end

  • Coup d’etat (classical style)

  • Insurrection (Russian/French style)

  • Protracted War (Chinese style)

  • Rose/velvet/yellow/Ginbot 7 Revolutions (untested style)

  • DEMOCRACIA (Ethiopian style)

The new World Order: The end justifies the means

  • Truth

  • Faith

  • Peace

  • Democracy

  • Prosperity

Concluding Remarks

 

 

 

Demo a fait accompli too?

 

Without comparison to make, the mind does not know how to proceed

Alexis de Tocqueville

Introduction

Nothing is more common these days than the idea that the people living in Ethiopia are eminently sane given the fact that a great number of individuals in the midst suffered from severe form of hunger, revenge and desperation. Is this because of AEthiopian societies have become politically conscious as a result of their bitter struggle for revolutionary change or because of their human conscience deeply rooted in their long history and culture (²`)?

For whatever reason, the Ethiopian societies have proven themselves in a time-honored manner to be saner than was expected of them. Some displayed extreme discipline for not fighting over the distribution of food aid, a probable result of a philosophy deeply ingrained in ‘man does not live by bread alone’. Others showed mercy for not shooting their fellow men. Further, the soldiers turned their guns against their rulers who became unruly arrogant. In short, the AEthiopian populace showed restraint and magnanimity towards their fellow men. To the present day, all acts of provocation of ethnicity, regionalism or religiosity are being rejected.

In this article, an attempt will be made as to how AEthiopian intellectuals, particularly Revolutionaries, have theorized to seize political power. After all it is in the area of politics and economics that the AEthiopian people need clarification, as they are well aware of their cultural, historical, linguistic and religious differences.

Points of Departure: Myth/Reality

AEthiopians because of their heavy dependence on oral tradition have been subjected to oral myth/reality syndrome, particularly since the onset of the revolution. Many points of departure prominent among them are an issue of colonialism vis-à-vis democratization. As a result individuals and groups have varied facts and opinions on the following issues:

  1. That AEthiopian society live in three distinct zones of climate, DEGA (2400 m above sea level), WEINA (1700-2400 a.s.l.) KOLA (below 1700 m a.s.l.)

  2. That their country is inhabited by many nationalities making it a museum of people

  3. That their society is as old as the Bible dating back to the creation of AE (Adam-Eve)

  4. That their country is a Christian Island surrounded by Islam making it a nation of religious tolerance.

  5. That an alien concept of colonialism and national self-determination has deeply wounded them.

For the common people of Ethiopia, the above points are simply a matter of observation and belief. However, on the part of the intellectuals, the above assertions require thorough research and study especially the fifth dimension of colonialism and self-determination.

What about the émigrés intellectuals at large? Why do we keep repeating social blunder? Is it because of a false step (faux pas) in the idea of progress that is implicit in the myth of the left – which feeds on the idea of a continuous movement or is it because the new world order including its philosophy is in catastrophe?

Was Ethiopia a nation of immigrants melted in a traditional way? Is it as old as Japan and Iran? If so could it have been as rich as Japan or as independent as Iran? Or is AEthiopia as old as any African country? Do AEthiopian people live along religious lines or climatic zones? Without fully answering these questions can we be so sure that by claiming part of these societies we are not deceiving ourselves? It is therefore unnecessary and unwarranted for the intellectuals to try to conclude about the myth/reality of AEthiopia before they can answer the previous questions satisfactorily.

Many a neurotic believes that his/her compulsive rituals, or his hysterical outbursts are normal reactions to somewhat abnormal circumstances that occurred in Ethiopia. How do we view ourselves? Have we shown any wisdom in keeping the equilibrium of Ethiopia? The balance between politics and religion; between names and address; between transport and communication and the marathon and sprint and of myth/reality is still hanging on a tight rope.

Broadly, the intellectuals are of two kinds: One group is that which follows the wish of the people and the other which became if not inconsiderate of its peoples’ misery and its country’s degradation, at least, inconsistent with its actions.

For fifty years now, our intellectuals have seem to be saying “give us problems, we can create enemies”. Without knowing what AEthiopians actually want, or what is essential to them; whether it is money-sex-pride; whether psychoanalysis or Marxism: whether to live individually or collectively, our intellectuals’ chose categorically either of Marxism or confusion.

Why? Daily humiliation of the colonized Eritrean, Oromian, Somalian or Tigrian, his/her objective subjugation is not merely economic. Even the poorest colonizer thought himself to be – and actually was superior to the colonized? That too is part of the colonial privilege. May be this is true, but isn’t the motivating force of the colonization economic? Deprivations of the colonized are the direct result of the advantages secured to the colonizer. The Eritrean, the Oromian, the Somalian and the Tigrian nationalist have all claims that colonial privilege is not solely economic. However, EPRP has taught tirelessly the difference between oppression and exploitation.

SOCIETAL CHANGE: The means justifies the end

At the onset of the Ethiopian Revolution of 1974, by and large, the majority of Ethiopians aspired for a societal change, perhaps for a revolutionary one. This can be testified by the fact that only few people stood by the side of the collapsing Imperial rule. It is safe to assume therefore, that the majority of AEthiopians had supported the revolutionary change. What fascinated me most was the line-up of the domestic forces, organizations in overt and covert forms to follow the direction and instructions of DEBTERAW’s DEMOCRACIA calling for a REVOLUTION and the present outcome of the effort for a second round of change.

What are revolutions and why do they occur? Why do some succeed and others fail? Are they necessarily violent upheavals, or can there be non-violent revolutions? Why do people rebel? What motivates them to risk their lives for such a cause? For centuries, the main question in revolution has perplexed social scientists, philosophers and even rulers. No one can answer these questions satisfactorily. A revolution may succeed or fail-the emphasis is on the effort – on the part of the revolutionaries and may choose as its object of a political/social transformation, or simply a change of rulers.

Perhaps the most useful definition of it is that which combines questions of success, violence and the object of revolutionary change.” A revolution is any attempt by subordinate groups through the use of violence to bring about (1) a change of government or its policy (2) a change of regime, or (3) a change of society, whether this attempt is justified by reference to past conditions or to an as yet unattained future ideal.”

What then, is a revolution in the AEthiopian context? The AEthiopian Revolution is a mixture of all three and it has both a success and a failure story. It was not only purposive but also developed ideological justifications and invariably entailed violence. Although the outcomes are not yet documented, the anti-feudalistic rule as reflected in the “land to the tiller” and the bureaucratic rule as portrayed in the “Amharanization” process seem to be over. The socio-economic inequality as proclaimed in the fight against “both imperialist” has yet to be redefined.

The national/nationalities question was ill conceived and poorly debated. Most of us were inclined towards optimism that once our people are enlightened (agitated), the natural order of things would assert itself. That is, the old tradition, prejudice and fanaticism that were prevalent in Ethiopia would be put aside. The problem was how to enlighten (inform), organize and arm the Ethiopian nationals/nationalities.

It is in this process of politics/economics (T”nƒ& TÅ^˃ ン“ TcÖp mankat, mastatek ena mastatek) that AEthiopian intellectuals have failed to spell out to the Ethiopian people. Political/social transformation or a simple change of ruler was at the cornerstone of each struggle. Undeniably though, all agents of change have adopted the three classical (historical) method of taking power by means of: –

  1. Coup d’etat

  2. Insurrection and

  3. Protracted war

  4. Ginbot 7

I will deal with each of them in the manner of my observation, experience and judgment.

Coup d’etat (Sð”pK S”Ócƒ mefenkle mengst)

A coup d’etat is an attempt to change a government by a sudden attack against the actual machinery of administration. Under proper condition, a comparatively small number of determined men can capture the state. It is for men who could never hope to raise or equip armies for a civil war, or with no chance of calling forth or controlling the wave of a revolution. Normally, a coup d’etat is considered in three stages; the preparatory stage; the attack phase and the consolidation phase. The preparatory phase begins with the first tentative plotting against the existing regime and continues until the first shot is fired on the day of the coup. The attack phase, beginning with that of the first shot, lasts until the old government has been overthrown and the new one installed. After the violence of the coup is over, the consolidation phase continues until the rebel regime is firmly established in power, with its opponents neutralized and the country pacified. A classical example of a coup in Ethiopia was the attempt to topple the imperial rule by the Neway brothers during December 1960.

We have witnessed many coup d’etat plots initiated from within and outside of Ethiopia. Ethiopian repressive circumstance forced the leading conspirators to plan and exile, but there were also many disadvantages to this. The coup d’etat émigré leaders of Ethiopia have drifted out of touch with political realities in Ethiopia and so miss the moment of opportunity. It is also true that when leaders are separated from their followers by national and international boundaries, problem of liaison and communication often became acute, effective control is hared to maintain, and the intelligence available to them is usually out-of-touch. Another failure of our émigré leadership is that friction and jealousies have developed between those who break the dangers of underground work at home and those who live in the comparative comfort and safety of exile. Even though, a coup possesses decisive advantage over the civil war and revolution, in the Ethiopian case it did not succeed (though some sources have registered three successful coups in Ethiopia. Could the source of failure emanated from the Ethiopian proverb Ñ<M‰ u=kÁ¾` ¨Ø ›Á×õØU (gultcha bikeyaer wet ayataftim). I.e. the use of different ovens will not change the taste of food.

As the peak of the Revolution, there was a story of the DERG’s dream that it wished that all Ethiopians functioned via a unitary throat so as to chop easily with its “Revolutionary Sword” when the need arises. All those who hope to overthrow a government by a sudden violence of coup d’etat may take this dream for a motto. The techniques of a coup d’etat is not new, it is as old as government itself. It seemed not to work in the Ethiopian societies though despite its unpopularity there are some people residing abroad willing to initiate and perpetuate it.

Insurrection (u¯Sî am’ez)

The second type of taking power is through insurrection. It is a rapid mobilization of military force, accompanied by mass action. The Paris Commune and the Russian Revolution of 1917 usually epitomize it. This is different from a coup d’etat in which a select and restricted band of conspirators seize power without mass participation. In the Ethiopian case, insurrection has never taken place despite some people’s claim of EPRP’s brief attempt of it so as to supplement to its guerrilla rural warfare. What about TPLF’s power taking in Addis Ababa? Could it be classified as insurrection or a coup d’etat or what?

Urban guerrilla war is possible only if the strength of the establishment has deteriorated to the point where armed bands can move about in the city. Such a state of affairs has occurred only on very rare occasions and it has never lasted for any length of time, leading within a few days either to the victory of insurgents or the incumbents. A normal use of “urban guerrilla” is a euphemism for urban terrorism, which has a negative public relations image. Because of this, EPRP always advised its members to dissociate themselves from “traditional terrorism” although a few fringe groups openly advocated terrorism solely against their true enemies. True urban terrorism can undermine a weak government, or even act as a catalyst of a general insurgency but it is not an instrument for the seizure of power. Urban terrorists cannot normally establish “ liberated zones”, their operations may catch headlines but they cannot conduct mass propaganda nor build up a political organization. Despite the fact that modern society has become more vulnerable than in the past to attacks and disruptions of this kind, urban terrorism is politically ineffective except when carried out in the framework of the overall strategy of a political movement, usually sectarian or separatist in character, within an already existing mass basis.

It is believed that EPRP unlike many other guerrilla movements did not regard itself as urban guerrillas; its assassinations were largely symbolic acts of “punishment” meted out to individual members of the forces of oppression – they were not usually part of an overall strategy.

Initially EPLF and TPLF guerrilla operations were mainly directed against the armed forces of the enemy and the security services, as well as installations of strategic importance. At a later stage, however, modern urban terror became less discriminate in the choice of its targets. Operations such as bank robberies, hijacking, kidnapping, and of course, assassinations were expected to create a general climate of insecurity. Such actions were always carried out by small groups of EPLF/EPRDF people; EPLF and EPRDF units of an urban guerrilla groups could not grow beyond a certain limit as the risk of detection increased with the growth in numbers.

Protracted Armed Struggle (¾}^²S ¾ƒØp ƒÓM yeterazeme ye’ttk tigl)

The methodology applied to usurp political power in almost all Ethiopian cases was through a protracted armed struggle. Their basis of claim, however, was radically different from each other.

EPLF has waged protracted war on the basis of a ‘colonial theory’.

TPLF is waging wars for power on the theory of ‘ethno-nationalism’

EPRP is struggling for politics on the theory of ‘multinationalism’

OLF is waging war for democracy on the theory of ‘ethno-colonialism’

Guerrilla warfare has consistently been the choice of the weak that oppose the strong, for it enables them to avoid direct decisive confrontations and rely on harassment and surprise. It is different though in that it is a military tactic aimed at harassing an adversary, whereas revolutionary war is a military means whereby to overthrow a political regime.

In revolutionary war any guerrilla action that needs explaining to the people is politically useless; it should be meaningful and convincing by itself. To kill an ordinary soldier in reprisal for the assassination of guerrilla is to descend to the same political level as a reactionary army. Far better is to create a martyr and thereby attract mass sympathy than to lose or neutralize popular support by senseless killings without an evident political goal. To be victorious in a peoples’ war one has to act in conformity with the interests, sentiments and will of the people. A military victory is worthless if it fails to be politically convincing. Only time will tell whether the Ethipian Fronts have played their cards well.

Following are some of the tenets that I believe were used in their guidelines, which perhaps have heavily influenced them in their struggle to bring a societal change in Ethiopia.

  • “The object of war is to preserve oneself and annihilate the enemy” as preached by Mao Zedong and practiced by EPLF

  • “The Chinese communist party claimed to power through its military arm, political power grows out of the barrel of the gun” as practiced by TPLF

  • “ We must emphasize politics. Our army is an army in the service of politics and politics must guide the military in its day to day work” as preached by Lin Piao and practiced by EPRP

  • “ A hundred victories in a hundred battles is not the best of the best; the best of the best is to subdue the enemy without having to fight” Chinese proverb as practiced by OLF.

  • Let us demonstrate to the world and seize political power as has happened during the Soviet collapse (Kinjit style)

On the basis of these strategies of struggle for liberation and the means to achieve their objectives, which one is the right choice for AEthiopia and AEthiopians? The reader should take a pick and discuss its merits and demerits as for me; DEBTERAW’s EPRP was the right path.

Many readers will raise their eyebrow because so far EPRP has failed to seize political power. But the fact of the matter is that tactical victory is not equal to strategic defeat. The tactical victory in AEthiopia is kept by the use of combatants instead of peacekeepers.

The new world order: The end justifies the means

The majority of Ethiopian revolutionaries had emphasized on the means of a struggle rather than on the end. Even the DERG initially had accepted the motto (ÁKU”U ÅU ßq“ è<ÅU yale m’n’m dem chikona ywdem). But it proved futile that it resorted to the end product rather than the means. Is it not true that we greet one another by saying( cLU peace)? It may show that we love peace. Somebody has to come up with an insight why we love peace in words but not in deeds. The catchword these days is peace. The choice between the gun and the platform must be spelled out. War does not end unless it immediately follows by communication and dialogue. May be the bridge of Gambella will help provided that Ato Obang is wise to incorporate the number 13 in his quest for political power.

Unlike many AEthiopian understandings, politics at its best is a civilized activity. Politics can preserve the peace, protect human rights, advance economic well being and encourage excellence in the arts and science. Politics at its worst though, leads to war, tyranny, economic ruin and barbarism particularly for those on the losing side of the struggle for power. No one should assume that EPRP is a loser. EPRP was and is on the side of justice be it for Anuak, Darfur or Agame.

Politics according to EPRP is a process, within or among political communities whereby Ethiopian

  • Values are articulated, debated, and prescribed.

  • Diverse political actors as individuals, interest groups, regional or local governments cooperate and struggle for power in order to protect their fundamental interest and advance their personal desires and

  • To advance public policy for the entire national interest of a nation called AEthiopia.

The history of EPRP according to DEBTERAW, as written in DEMOCRACIA is as follows: –

  • To identify the problem and pick the question to be solved

  • EPRP’s main questions were political injustice and poverty

  • Identify the necessary conditions of justice and prosperity

  • EPRP had/has a target to shoot and a goal to achieve

  • EPRP made a conscious choice to adopt DEMOCRACIA

DEMOCRACIA, according to DEBTERAW, is the government of the poor and the free. The choice of EPRP was a polity of democracy from the beginning while others had/have a choice to by lead by one Monarchy or a Tyranny, by a few Aristocracy or Oligarchy. Everyone and everybody should have a choice in promoting his ideas but to have ideas one has to be free to be creative. In Ethiopia, there were and are still killers of ideas. The new world order cannot be new to EPRP. Checking in hindsight and foresight, it is of paramount importance to consolidate the search for DEBTERAW’s whereabouts because with him lies justice for all including for the Anuaks.

Concluding Remarks

In the past, nationalism, ideology, ethnic had dominated the life history of AEthiopians. Today in the global strife, we seem to be lost in the rank of prioritizing to listen to or to follow the Priest-Evangelist-Imam-Rabbi (PIER) teachings. What an aberration? What has happened to the leaders and managers of the Eway Revolution?

 

For comments and critics

Woldetewolde@yahoo.com

A+E = Ethiopia plus Eritrea (›?)

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What is Enemy for Ethiopians and Patriots is not Necessarily Enemy for Minors.

 By Yelfiwos Wondaya

    The TPLF/EPRDF is an enemy of Ethiopia as ever, EPRDF is a coalition in disguise and TPLF is the power at the center binding the sworn enemies of Ethiopian nation-state under the umbrella of so-called EPRDF.   The purpose of bringing them under EPRDF is nothing but to dismantle the nation-state of Ethiopia into teeny, tiny regions in which narrow-nationalists and regionalists speak, act, and vote on behalf of their own respective regions.  All of them are agents for TPLF serving the interest of TPLF at the expense of the people they claim to be representing.  In such a way, EPRDF is making sure that the union is weakening and no longer be viable in proportion to their ethnic based federation.  That is the fact on the ground!  The TPLF/EPRDF hates and harms individuals and groups whose national agenda is unity, democracy and justice for all Ethiopians and discriminates them based on their political believes, ethnic origins and languages and imprisons, prosecutes and kills them just because they opposed to its political ideology.  So in a case like this, why on earth the TPLF/EPRDF is not considered to be the enemy of our nation and people?  TPLF/EPRDF is an enemy for the fact that its values and behaviors are also in conflict with the very values and behaviors of Ethiopiawinet itself.  In reality, in the eyes of Ethiopians and patriots, EPRDF is seen in two ways as the long hand of foreign powers and the arch enemy of Ethiopia and Ethiopiawinet.  Knowing that TPLF and associates are that enemy and rival of Ethiopian national interests at the core, one wonders why the word enemy becomes an offensive term for minors when used against the very enemy of our nation’s fate and all of a sudden come out to be an ardent defender of TPLF/Woyane itself. 

    However, some already have done that distinction from the outset while the others are still dunking themselves into a quagmire of confusion.  Confused or not, what is good about this trend is that it is no longer threatening for the unity forces.  Because, Ethiopians are no longer interested in playing with words against their own rather they need to buckle up in short and fight injustice wherever it strikes.  In other words, Ethiopians do not need to have no spaces for those who are preaching hope against hope anymore.  After all, those who are preaching peace where there is no peace to fit in to begin with are well exposed to the point where their track record is quiet clearly controversial and divisive all along.  As a result, one has to urge unionists to end an association with them for good.  Minors as ever, also they are no longer important in Ethiopian national struggle in comparison to those organizations whose sense of balance in Ethiopian political landscape is momentous and influential.   Insignificant as ever also, professor Mesfine is venturing to succeed in persuading Ethiopians in the Diaspora but in vain.  Isn’t that a dangerous trend for him in particular and for some wana be oppositions in general to carry out such mission abroad on behalf of TPLF/EPRDF and appearing to be monk devoting himself to prayer, solicitude, and contemplation and yet the purpose of all this is nothing but to appease Ethiopians not to rise up against woyene?  Whether or not they will survive the popular rejection of the public is yet to be seen.  However, just because Ethiopians are exposed to hundreds of political messages from dozens of political groupings does not mean that Ethiopians are as confused as the massagers are.   Not quite yet the public is at a complete loss as those who are acting as a diplomat on behalf of TPLF/EPRDF think so and wish for.  Ethiopians are not interested in a party of two or more private clubs formed for the purpose of fame and prominence either.  A party of two or more elites that adopts a wait-and-see policy toward the arch enemy of our nation cannot be a political party by any measure. 

    Besides, Ethiopians are well-informed on issues relating to a particular topic of who the enemy is and is not and could not be that difficult for them to tell the bad from the ugly either.  Ethiopians know full well what TPLF stands for and what party objects to TPLF’S rule and adopts objective measures against notorious TPLF.  So it is better for those who are preaching peaceful means of struggle in disguise to get rid of their concealing outfit and face the world or else one cannot foresee any future for them to make it in Ethiopia.  

    The fact remains solid, that on top of Ethiopian’s rejection to the dictatorial rule of DERG, the downfall of the then military junta in late may 1991 was an outcome of the then REBLES’ political commitment and military might.  Both EPLF and TPLF emerged as point of contention and maintained their military power against DERG and moreover identified the unionists as enemy by calling them NEFITEGNA.  Isn’t that one of the main reasons why they been successful in their fight against their enemy and seen as a contending force which in turn attracted foreign powers as opposed to those on the union side?  At the end, they established their own governments.  They managed to identify those political groupings whose political agenda was Ethiopian unity and fraternity at that time and dislodged them effectively not to be part of EPRDF no more.   

    Afterward, an all out popular support is crucial but distinguishing our enemy from our friend is more crucial in order to win the war against enemy.   Therefore, our leaders have to take this momentum into consideration and make use of the prevalence of our unity and multiethnic sentiments as opposed to the 1990s.  And anyone out there collectively or individually has to join our existing partnership and taking sides with the unity forces.   Then we will see who is becoming fainter by the day and vanished at the end. 

    In conclusion, the efforts and visions of our genuine political parties must be appreciated as opposed to minors’ that create confusion and havocs in Ethiopia today.  The political parties and the public at large that are making a collective effort to achieve a radical change against the fate of TPLF/EPRDF and the wish of minors shall prevail over our enemies.  To that end, we must continue to challenge the vague approach of minors, a phenomenon that creates apathetic political approach both in Ethiopia and abroad.  It is time for genuine Ethiopians and patriots to stand up against such approach and continue to operate on their own and advance the struggle against TPLF.  After all, we are lucky to have such visionary political organizations as EPRP and others.  Visionaries as ever, they are indeed the making of those action-oriented men and women embracing the ideals and principles of our nation, as a result, they deserve to have our trust and to be the leading parties of our national struggle.  Last but not least, we need to know who is failing to understand the difference between our principal enemies and Friends alike and move on. 

Yelfiwos Wondaya

 

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That is why Words are there for

By Getachew Reda

Lately, there are elements from the opposition group popping- up with a new idea of advice telling people to <<stop humiliating Weyane/TPLF>>. Kidding you not!

In the city where I live, near the corner of the huge city building, there is a poster from the anti virus soft ware maker “MacAfee” reading << none stop humiliation for hackers! MacAfee>>

TPLF as an organized and armed “Tigrayan- Mafia” an enemy of Ethiopia; intentionally caused a great deal of harm to the Ethiopian future survival by land locking the country unfairly and illegally (not to mention its crime against humanity). As we all witnessed the painful and devastating 17 years of TPLF rule in Ethiopia with the continuation of war, hunger, conflict, immigration, discrimination, and one should conclude that TPLF is an enemy of the nation. Not only an enemy, but a “principal enemy” of the nation!

Therefore, the principal enemy of the nation, especially if the enemy is with in, then, the enemy needs to be humiliated none stop, till it stops its agenda of destroying of the interest of the future generation of the country.

One, no need to be puzzled why we have to label the Tigrayan organized armed Mafia as principal enemy of Ethiopia. All, you need to do is look the landlocking of the nation, the million Dollars it is spending to rent ports after it gave away its ports which it could have been using it for free and rent it to others in billions who need it. Mind you, the unbelievable huge thousands and thousands of Ethiopians perished in Badime, Tsorona and other battle zones for “nothing!” after both EPLFand TPLF clowns bragged openly that “there will be no more war after both seized power”. All this happened after accusing (Seyuom Mesfines and the OLF’s favorite word NefTENga) the “Neftenga” for the previous wars as if created by the “Amhara” and accusing the “Neftenga” to subjugate Tigringa speaking population intentionally and sent to Eritrea an Amhara ethnic a fellow member of TPLF/EPRDF (Tamrat Laynie or Endrias Eshete- one of them I do not recall exactly who- probably Tamrat) to apologize the Eritreans on behalf of the Amhara ethnic population!

This was intentionally made to look as if Amharans are responsible for all wars and misery in the north (though, now the world witnessed both caused worst war ever in the history of that area that the “Neftenga” they were accusing.

What other enemy can you find me worst than this kind of treasonous, rude, and idiotic & connive mind than this shameful act? Doesn’t that make you cry, upset, and anger with such irresponsible act made intentionally to create animosity among innocent people?

Didn’t such conspiracy made your mind restless and see how Ethiopia is turned into the hand of these little men of jungle?

Look the policy, and its programs and the onslaught and ethnic conflict on record (continues report of ethnic clash for the last 17 years none stop, which some of them are so bloody and genocidal conflict).

Look how much ethno-centered clannish type community each hugging their fabricated flags breeding under its policy and program detached completely from the heart and love of the center population and humanity and Ethiopianity.

We are not talking about ordinary tyrant here. We are talking about TPLF who is accused of genocide in Ethiopia. It is that serious. Therefore, one shouldn’t be puzzled why we labeled TPLF as principal enemy of the nation. It is the” national virus”, as some putted it “carcinoma/ cancer. Therefore, is harmful to the survival of the country when one weighs the number of national crimes and its ethnic policy the source for conflict.

so, we have to agree to the term as MacAfee’s slogan, that goes against the internet hackers, which similarly we too need to continue gearing our effort to see the none stop humiliation of the gangsters of Weyane Tigray /”hackers” whose slogan still chants the “Liberation of Tigray!” creating a disruptive atmosphere in the life of the Ethiopian nation similar to the Deg era.

Once again, we are dismayed by our friends in the opposition who are intentionally, teaching the population “to stop humiliating the principal enemy /that is” TPLF”. Personally, I will continue tearing down and humiliate the enemy, as much as I can , and as long as I am alive on this earth, in order to be able to kiss the ground and the soil of my beloved Ethiopia, “my country!!!!!!!!!!, my town!”, where my umbilical cord is buried and able to breath the air and watch the moon and the stars and in their brightest cloud at night where my parents great, great , great grandparents soul is floating on deep inside the Ethiopian sky without being followed by the TPLF spy, before I leave this planet of theirs.

Bear with me, for a moment. There are others also who are coming out with an advice to not insult opposition or the enemy TPLF. Let me deal here why insult should be used against group or an opposition leader/leaders who is or are fools, connive, idiotic, mercenaries, infiltrators, detractors and power hunger individuals and you name it so many, and so many characters with in the opposition.

In a society where a huge number if not majority number of the population act as if it is a “sheep society” like that of ours where it allowed itself to be lead and controlled by gangs and tyrants and fanatics: obviously, no question, it need to be told with a descriptive word in order to alert how low the society is dragging its pride by power hunger and political elites who are worthless to follow.

Here, some may not like to hear society to be called “sheep”. They hard fact is society is made out of individuals and it is not miraculous type of soul. Inside it, you will se so many thieves, murderers, connives, rude, power hunger and so on and so on. Description of society is necessary here. That is why General Mengistu Neway clearly out his frustration by using the exact description /word as <Ye Ahiyoch yemolubat Ketema!> “a city full of donkey (he was referring to the city population (?)) to explain the character of the city duelers of his time. He was right. Nothing seems changed. Still the same “sheep!!!!” (Though we want to fool ourselves that our society is alert, knows who his enemy is or who his friend……is.)

In a society of a “sheep culture” like that of ours, who is likely to be dragged with a rope to its death by mercenaries and infiltrators one should not be shy to call it “a sheep”. At the same time, those of some opposition groups/ leaders/elements that caused the hottest movement of the people to be dragged down to its worst stage to cause a freeze, intentionally seeking for personal power: no doubt, they ought to be finger pointed and casted out and isolated.

When you see the effort and determination and dedication of few individual leaders/ groups and nationalists, as a result of it, a nation coming together with a united coalition to remove the enemy of the nation, indeed! That makes you feel to belt yourself with a belt of hope. And they need be called “HEROES”.

Unfortunately as I said it above, individuals /groups of elements on the other side of the aisle associated themselves as opposition with the movement, working for their personal agendas; and as a result of it, if the movement freezes and reversed the resistive society to go back to its “sheep and deaf-culture” (to where it was before): then, no question, they contributed a great deal of harm to the movement and they need to be called what ever word /words feet them to describe.

Educated Leaders/groups are just ordinary human beings like you and I. And they do what we all do. They do mistakes or do harms. Or they act stupid and do idiotic things. When someone says there are many deaf out there, you have to ask him for explanation, because there are many deaf and dumb out there indeed. Who is appropriate definer is an excellent question.

All you need to see is the bragging and the empty bluffing that the air being saturated without out any thing seen of their bragging in practice. If one group or leaders says “no more peaceful movement and preaches time for arm movement” then he/she ought to show it in deeds not by bragging to the air. That definer device will be there for you to see it if such opposition leader/leaders/elements/group is/are in the right track.

If the group failed from doing what it bragged to “do” (after, destroying the hottest movement of others lying, it will fight the enemy better with an arm in order to disrupt the movement) then, you have all rights to insult and devalues its disinformation in any descriptive words/insults you wish to describe such element/elements.

To come to my conclusion- a liar is called a liar. There is beauty, and there is ugly. There is honesty and there is cheating. You call them all by their character. If one thinks the opposition is clean of liars and power hungers and cheaters, emotionalists: then he/she must be stupid, because he/she is stupid for not acknowledging the obvious. Do not call me uncivilized because I insulted them. Insult is seen or taken as uncivilized by some sectors. No, there is no such civilized politics in politics. If politics doesn’t and can’t involve in exposing liars and cheaters, and connives and infiltrators and mercenaries and power hungers who cause harm to the nation. Then, I do not know what politic is meant?

But, if you know, that such characters surely exist with in the opposition, you have no other choice of words to describe them except to apply the words/insults created by linguistics to describe characters and behaviors of people.

Pardon me; do not trust those professors who simply burned their time reading without living/working their life with the mass population of the villagers back home where there is no light at dinner time. You will see so many liars inside the villagers and so many good decent villagers inside them also. You will hear them insulting each other in a community gathering in the village when during matters that concern the community.

Among them, there are some who are power hunger villagers. Think of “Bilata Hailemariam” of the first Woyane (1935-36 Ethio-cal) in Tigray. He was refused the order of his higher authorities to pass the authority he had to the next man chosen and went to appeal as far as Addis Ababa & didn’t succeed finally went to forest as “Shifta rebel”. After staying a while out in the jungle; coincidently, the Woyane/rebellion started and right away jumped to use that opportunity to fulfill his power hunger agenda/mission. And from there, you know the rest of the story!!

Similarly, in the so called civilized America’s Congress chambers, you see also angers, insults and accusations, satires. You check out in each of their campaign, you will see bartering each other with notorious insults including exposing their private secret lives true or untrue. Go to Asia: – you will see them in the parliament beating each other with fists and tables as the Somalia’s did it in Kenya. Americans, Europeans, the Indian and the Asians are all consider civilized countries with civilized politicians governed by civilized democracy. But, the reality is far from it.

Here our educated elements are dreaming of “civilized politics” (what ever that means) when talking. There is no such civilized politics or will never be in the future. Insult will be there and descriptive words to those who deserve them will be alive and continue to be used where ever country you think of. It is foolish or a myth to think or preach insult in politics will be disappearing because of “civilized-politics”.

These elements are thinking like those scientists who are working to stop death or recreate the dead body already expired 100 years ago preserved on a special built freezer. Myth? You civilized politicians tell me if possible.

As long as thieves, liars, infiltrators, murderers, power hungers, idiotic and stupid politicians are there inside the opposition mixed together, the descriptive word/words will continue carried on to describe characters. Words didn’t created by miracle for any reason. The linguistics created them, because the different character of people allowed them to create those words that fit the people’s character or behavior. Even the `Koran or the wholly Bible has words and cursing words for us to describe each of our character and behavior. Many of the cursing words came from god’s mouth. Because, we deserve to be cursed for not hearing when we have ears and failed to see when we have eyes.

When people started to tolerate power greed and at times racist elements for the sake of the growth of the people’s movement to achieve the people’s last goal: but, unfortuanly, if the cheaters and power hunger racists and the likes started to dehumanize those who were struggling for so long with the enemy and act up on them as a wholly father of the heaven; then one have no choice, but to tell it, as it is. That is why words are there for!

To advice and come out with negotiating ideas telling all opposition sides to “cool off” and start unite in order to “focus” at the “principal enemy” of the nation: I can understand that, and I fully support it. But, talking about civilized politics and the whole crap of political jargon that flow with it can’t cure the illness (what ever the illness we are experiencing). It is not the “insult” that created the havoc. It is the behavior of few elements that caused it when they get into the political play ground. So, let us get out of such illusion! Ethiopia will prevail!

www.ethiopiansemay.blogspot.com

 

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CALL ME BY MY NAME: After the symposium

Obo Arada Shawl alias Wolde Tewolde   – July 13, 2008

    TPLF seeks Light where there is none
EPLF seeks Victory where there was once
     OLF seeks Democracy on the ground
EPRP seeks Knowledge above ground

Ten days ago, on July 3, 2008, a symposium was held in Washington, DC. The main purpose of the symposium according to Assimba Forum was to reach a consensus on how to fight for the release of TSEGEYE GEBRE MEDHIN alias popularly known as DEBTERAW.

On the agenda of Assimba forum, it was stated that DEBTERAW was to be seen from three dimensions, that of human, professional and public. In other words, DEBTERAW is a prisoner of conscience, an educator and a political figure.

Debteraw as a prisoner

Although the organizers of the event did invited many representative organizations and institutions that are related to the Human Rights aspects of DEBTERAW, few have come to participate in the one-day event. As at now, it is not definitely determined why many of the invited speakers did not show up. But among those who showed up include the following: –

  • Mesfin Mekonnen representing, Human Rights Council (HR2003)

  • Captain engineer Fantahun Kahsay representing Solidarity committee for Ethiopian political prisoners (SOCEPP) and

  • Dr. Mankelklot representing one of the Ethiopian Mass Media

The representative of Human Rights appealed to all the attendees of the symposium that as Ethiopians, we should be aware of at least, the fate of our human aspects if not for the animals and plants of Ethiopia. He said that there are tons of human right abuses in Ethiopia among them the abuse on DEBTERAW who has been imprisoned in incommunicado by the TPLF regime since 1991. It is time that we campaign for the implementation of the HR2003 so that our problems could be resolved peacefully. Ato Mesfin spoke on the current progress of H.R. 2003. He promised that if the Senate passes the legislation on H.R. 2003, it would have enormous impact on the Ethiopian societies as a whole.

Engineer Fantahun has spoken at length about what it means to be imprisoned for so many years as he was a victim himself. He was forced to abandon his profession to dwell on the rights of prisoners of Ethiopia.

Dr. Mankelklot has advocated for a change in his own words “to carry out a revolution”. However, he neither elaborates on what kind of revolution nor the methods of revolution.

He elaborated on a lot of issues of concern to all Ethiopians.

Debteraw As An Educator

Many individuals, young and old, have presented DEBTERAW’s works of non-visual arts. He was presented as one of the best of Ethiopian artists, educators in democracy and revolution. DEBTERAW’s acumen of struggle and change for all peoples of Ethiopia was par excellence. He was depicted as the alpha omega of One Flag, One Fidel and many Freedoms. In order to testify this, a well-known person from Sweden was scheduled to be a guest speaker for the occasion.

Unfortunately, this person by the name of Hailu G. Yohannes alias known as GOMERAW could not make it. It is sad that Ato Hailu is in what is known as in G’ZOT.

DEBTERAW & GOMERAW. What do they have in common? Both are revolutionaries, educators, artists and democrats. The only difference is that one is imprisoned INSIDE the country while the other is held ABROAD. Let us free them to free ourselves.

Debteraw and Gomeraw are twins in terms of Ethiopian, Arts and Literature with the background of Orthodox religion. Both did not believe in an organized religion. In the Orthodox Church, religion is relatively connected to DEMOCRACIA. The true knowledge and wisdom emanates from the monasteries of Ethiopia and Eritrea and not from the Board Rooms of Corporation or from the Vatican of Rome. Whatever the case since both are held in prison, we cannot discuss the issue of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity. I had planned to discuss the issue of religion vis-à-vis politics during the symposium, but for technical and for lack of speakers on the subject of religion, we were forced to abandon the topic altogether.

DebterawAs A Public Figure

What makes Debteraw’s case as special is that DEBTERAW is an icon of a well-known political party organization popularly known as EPRP that became a target for harassment and banishment since its inception. DEBTERAW was number one target of the DERG era and still remain number one enemy of the TPLF regime.

On the one hand, EPRP was and is represented by the concept of one Flag, one Fidel and many freedoms. Because of many disinformation and propaganda towards the Ethiopian rainbow and the Geez script, even its own supporters wrongly condemned EPRP.

On the other hand, as freedom is precious, it is also costly. Many Ethiopians and Eritreans either afraid of its cost or its practicality, they do not stand with EPRP at least in the open forum. Because of these fears and tribulations, people from ERHCO and the Mass Media of Ethiopians did not show up in the one-day event for DEBTERAW. What a travesty!

The symposium was both a success and a sad story. This day and date was a day of special importance to hundreds of Ethiopians, Eritreans and to thousands of EPRP members, supporters and sympathizers. This day was meant to be the beginning of the end. The beginning of what and the end of what, one might ask?

We are living in a time akin to the Roman Empire when people stopped believing in what might call the main organizing principle of their society and instead pioneered new forms of community in which to live out of the realm of moral life. EPRP should be judged by posterity, as all of us should be ultimately. The DERG, EPLF and the TPLF are dictated and justified in the first instance not by political principles but by an extra-ideological perception (correct or incorrect) of imminent benefit or threat. EPRP’s stand was correct.

Even today, unlike EPRP’s mainstream political party, in Ethiopia and Eritrea, expediency rule and principles are expendable. It is time that a new beginning should be on the horizon. People had enough of ‘blood is thicker than water’ as espoused by EPLF and OLF and ‘what is in it for me’ as espoused by TPLF.

Concluding Remarks

|Debteraw Tsegeye’s revolutionary struggle is about courage and faith. It was not about dethroning the king, deposing the DERG or eliminating EPRDF per se. It is about fighting for not fighting back. EPRP owns a piece of Ethiopian and Eritrean political history. These days’ arguments abound. There are 10 sides to every story and very little agreement from one version to the next.

However, EPRP only negotiate with those who have something to gain by giving EPRP what it wants. EPRP see a clear way to take revenge on someone who wronged it. Of course, the best revenge is always to be so fabulously over the whole thing that EPRP couldn’t careless. EPRP’s internal coping mechanism is getting a workout healing and then forgiveness. If members of EPRP are feeling sore, at least they can take solace in the knowledge that is good for EPRP.

The one-day event symposium as expected had audience who listened to the divergent point of view, found common ground and willing to embrace new visionary ideas. Thanks to Assimba forum, especially to the balanced conduct of Ato Sewyew and Ato Elias. It was a wonderful event for a change based on a human cause.

 

For comments and critic

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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Repeated lies only breed more lies

BY MULUGETA KASSAHUN

 

One of the oldest Ethiopian proverbs said that “wushet sidegagem ewunet yehonal”. The literal meaning of this is that when a lie repeated for a while it becomes a truth. I do not know if this proverb makes sense to English speakers, but it has a deep root in Ethiopian culture. That is why I begin my comment in this well known Ethiopian proverb. However, before I go too far, contrary to this Ethiopian myth, I would like to admit that repeated lie only breeds more lies than a minute truth.

Nevertheless, the person who I am presenting to you seems closely familiar to the above proverb, and used it very well to explain her case. Her name is Saba Mistlal Desta Webb. At one time, this woman was a member and fighter of TPLF (Tigray People Liberation Front). However, in her own reasons, she left the organization in Sudan and had lived as refugee there for a while and then resettled in Toronto, Canada. After settling in Canada, she lost her eyes sights completely due to unsuccessful surgical correction. Even though, loosing her sight cost her, more than other things, her independence and the husband who accompany her from Sudan, those mishaps did not discourage her from finding a job to support her self. On the contrary, she, too, was able to lead a successful life by maintaining her job, marrying one of her Canadian colleagues, and then writing her memoir named “Tigress in the crossfire”.

Although, I admired this Ethiopian woman for her courage and success in Canada to lead an independent life, I have a great disappointment in the contents, lies and confusions that filled her book. Like any other grand propaganda machines of TPLF, this book was also twisting the naked truth and blamed everyone except TPLF and its members. In addition of blaming EPRP for all the problems that happened in Tigray, this brainwashed writer attempted to rewrite Ethiopian history and Geography. That is why I am attempting to present all the out right lies and distortions from the book word by word.

Page11. According to our religion, women were given to men as presents. …In Ethiopian Moslem women the edges of the vagina and labia shut by sewing the edges, leaving only a little space for urination and menstruation. When they marry, the husband must penetrate the sown vagina and the hymen, no matter how much pain he causes.

According to her memoir, neither she knew other part of Ethiopia outside of Tigray nor completed her high school education before she joined or left TPLF and came to Canada. Hence, I assumed she was talking about Tigray women since she knew only part of Tigray before she left Ethiopia. That means, then, according to the writer the Tigrian Christians has provided their young women as present to men, and the Tigrian Moslems also closed the young girl’s vagina until the wedding day that would be opened by forceful penetration of a man’s phallus. I leave this statement to the judgment of the Tigrian and the rest of Ethiopian people. But one thing is true, any man, even a super human, can not penetrate a sutured vagina with his God created phallus unless he has steel-made one.

Page 14: In 1973 the country ( Ethiopia) relies on the people of Northern provinces of Shewa, Wello, and Tigray for food. Underlined word is mine.

Does this writer know Ethiopia very well? Which parts of Ethiopia were stricken by the drought in 1973? I thought Tigray and Wello were the main ones. At that time most of the crops actually were coming from Gojam, Gondar, Shewa and the Southern part of Ethiopia. One of the main reasons TPLF annexed the fertile land of northern Gondar and Wello was to protect the Tigray people from repeated droughts.

Page 17: …. I was 14 and knew very little about the emperor and his terrible misrule, but I knew enough not to expect much from a military government. I hoped to myself that the new government would understand that we wanted a free and democratic country.

This woman must be unique to understood Ethiopian monarchy system, military government, free and democratic rules, and knew what she wanted for the future of Ethiopia at age 14.

In addition to the distortions she made about how Ethiopian political organizations created, the writer mentioned ….. The few who managed to escape death fled to Asimba in Tigray’s Agame district. They (EPRP) planned to make Tigray a war zone and to use the people of Tigray as cannon fodder against the Derg.

Of course this writer not only lacks the knowledge of Ethiopian history or the revolution, she also did not do her home work to grasp deep understanding about the Ethiopian student movement or the creation and leadership of EPRP before she started her scrupling. Contrary to TPLF and her thinking, EPRP as a political organization has struggled against tyranny, oppression and suppression in all over Ethiopia. The dream was and has been to bring freedom and democracy in every corner of the country. The first simple reason of choosing Asimba as site of starting the Armed struggle was due to a strategic reason (closer to Eritrea), second and the most important one was that most of the leaders of the organization at that time were Tigrians ( Tesfaye, Beniyam, Berhane, Tselote.. etc) who took the embryo of the army to the place where they knew the best. The EPRP army already was in Asimba before the mass killing of the military junta was initiated on EPRP members.

Page 24 &25…. EPRP refused to accept past failures. When it could not recruit men for its militia, it would torture and slaughter them and leave their bodies on the street as an example to others…….. TPLF vowed that it would free Tigray and all of Ethiopia from military rule, feudalism, bureaucracy, and superstition……Every other political organization, including the Derg, wanted to wage war from Tigray and to use Tigrayans as a cannon fodder.

This is a kind of lie we call in our country as a “white lie”. Where and when did EPRP torture the Tigrian people let alone to throw dead bodies on the streets? Which street? Asimba Street? Were you talking about Derg or EPRP? Is this a calculated or an honest mistake? Do you think the Tigrian people are completely wiped out from the face of Tigray? In the opposite of your senseless assertions, TPLF cadres, infiltrating in Derg’s and its surrogate political organizations, were the one who tortured and killed a lot of EPRP members in Tigray. TPLF never had a dream to free the entire Ethiopia from Derg’s oppression. It was and still is a narrow- ethnic based political organization with a grand plan of seceding Tigray from Ethiopia. The 1968 TPLF manifesto is the living witness. Your repeated accusation of EPRP to use” the Tigrian people as cannon fodder” proves your narrow-mindedness and backwardness like your parent organization TPLF. You forgot that the Gondares, wolleyes, Sidamas and other Ethiopians also paid the same or more price as their fellow Tigrian brothers and sisters to bring new future in the country. Unlike you, I feel sad on their death but proud of their actions for all those Ethiopians who sacrificed their life for the betterment of Ethiopia.

Page 35 …..On June 25, 1977, the militia (Dergs) now 80,000 strong and armed with Soviet weapons marched into Addis Ababa. Over the next ten months, he had another 240,000 trained and deployed them against the democratic revolution that was gaining strength in Tigray.

What a distortion you can make? Among other things, one thing I learn from this book and the rest of TPLF’s propaganda machines is that how they can confuse the audience, particularly non-Ethiopians, by talking half truth. Of course every one knows that Derg trained a total of 300,000 militias to defend the country from Somalia’s invaders, not to fight the TPLF fighters in Tigray. The TPLF fighters were not more than a thousand at that time. In what military rule is 300,000 soldiers sent to fight 1000 fighters? I will leave the answer for the readers.

 

More in the same page ……The only organization making progress, the only organization with a clear platform for the nation and with a strong belief that Ethiopians deserved better leadership was the TPLF.

Do this woman and the rest of the people know the same TPLF? As its name explained it, TPLF’s platform, if it has one, has been to fight for the freedom of Tigray. TPLF has not mentioned the name of Ethiopia until it created EPRDF and then capturing power in Addis Ababa was a possibility. This is the whole truth. The history, already engraved with the blood of Ethiopians, has kept the file about who fought for Ethiopia and against. The face of ugly child can not be compensated with a wonderful name. Weather we like it or not, TPLF is the ugly child of Ethiopia that created a black dotes in Tigrian history.

………In the mean time, the political dispute between the TPLF and the EPRP has been growing more heated, and the EPRP officially declared war on the TPLF and invaded our base in Agame.

This one could be laughable if not a lot of people did die on both sides. The writer contradicted herself. At the beginning of the book she mentioned that the reason the EPRP came to Tigray was to use the people as a cannon fodder. This was not only her but the whole TPLFs belief. The organization, at that time, even now, has not allowed other organizations to move freely in Tigray. That basic principle of TPLF created problem to EPRP members to teach their political agendas to Tigrays people. The TPLF members used to call EPRP members “abaye Ethiopia”. TPLF instigated the war in every opportunity and then increased it to full scale of battle and pushed out EPRP not only from Tigray but also from Gondar. The war was started with the war monger and narrow minded TPLF leaders.

Let’s see the writer’s reasoning about forbidden sexual relationship incident in TPLF at page 54 and 55: The sexual relationship was occurring between an experienced fighter and a woman fighter.

…..the woman had seduced the man……..She was brought in by two guards and told to stand in front of us (meeting participants) and give her side of the story. She admitted that they had had sex, then said that she was an EPRP agent and that she had intended to cause disruption within TPLF. She said that she wasn’t sorry. On the contrary, she was very happy with what she had accomplished.

The aforementioned statement reminded me one joke. One upon a time the Queen of England’s little dog was lost. M16/ M15, CIA, KGB and MOSAD have attempted to find the dog. But all of them miserably failed. At this time one of the respected lords of the common wealth came up with the best idea of replacing those internationally known and sophisticated spies with their main partners in fighting terrorism, the Ethiopian intelligence service. All the participants admired the astuteness of the suggestion and agreed to bring those service members. The Ethiopians took the job in heart and uncovered the entire of London unsuccessfully to find the dog. At the end of the day they found a small rabbit instead of the small dog. They tortured the rabbit the entire night and convinced her to be the queens little dog. Early the morning, they took the little rabbit to the meeting and told the audience they found the little dog. The queen was astonished by the fabulous work of the Ethiopians and eager to see her dog. However, when she recognized what was found, she screamed with disappointment, “this is not my dog, it is a bloody rabbit”. The head of the Ethiopian intelligence service then responded with respect: Ma’am, instead of screaming lets find out the answer from her. Then he turned to the rabbit and asked her who she is? The rabbit answered in shivering, “I am the little dog of the Queen of England”.

That was how that woman might have given her word to those the so called TPLF members too. These kind of forceful admissions have not been new in TPLF and EPRDF members. Tam rat is a living example.

Page 66:…..in late 1979 re-armed (ELF) the EPRP, helped it regroup, and transferred it to Welkayet and Teselemti in Tigray, where it waged war on the TPLF and terrorized civilians.

Here the writer attempted to sale full of lies with a small truth. Let’s explore which ones are true and which ones are false. The truth is that the Tigray zone (Asima) was dismantled after the war and the EPRA retreated to ELF base in Eritrea. After several negotiations some of the army members went to Begemder (Gondar) zone and join the EPRA army there. What are the lies then: 1- The EPRA was in Welkayet and Teselemti, Gondar for more than five years before TPLF crossed Tekeze and opened war against EPRP/A. 2: EPRP has never terrorized anyone in Teselemti or Welkayet. Those region people will testify one day who terrorized who.3- Welkayet and Teselemti has never been the region of Tigray until they were annexed by the big hand of TPLF from Gondar. Let me add one story here. After the TPLF captured Welkayet by force, they gathered the people and told them that “before Amhara took you away by force you were part of Tigray and now we liberate you to regain your identity”. Before the end of the meeting one elderly person stood up and gave this unforgettable speech. “Egna Tigriayoch aydelenem, Egna tigray endanhon igzabhere bnentena be enga mehakel tekezen sera”. “We are not Tigrayans; since God doesn’t want us to be Tigraian, he was building Tekeze between us”. After that incidence those peoples who opposed the annexation were jailed, killed or fled their region/country.

 

 

In conclusion, I would like to remind my readers that I only commented about some parts of the book. This book has 257 pages that filled with more lies than a grain of truth. I invited you to read the entire story in order to grasp the distortions of the truth that filled this book and to understand how the TPLF propagandists attempted to confuse the international community and to create a new myth in Ethiopia history.

You can reach me at Urosurgerymd@yahoo.com

 

 

 

 

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Title: Putting Unity First: Sharing the Values of Human Rights, Social Solidarity and Social Justice in Ethiopia!

 

Mammo Muchie, Dphil
Professor  Coordinator of DIIPER

Inspiring Quote!

“A human being is a part of the whole, called by us, “Universe,” a part limited in time and space. He experiences himself, his thoughts and feelings as something separated from the rest — a kind of optical delusion of his consciousness. This delusion is a kind of prison for us, restricting us to our personal desires and to affection for a few persons nearest to us. Our task must be to free ourselves from this prison by widening our circle of compassion to embrace all living creatures and the whole of nature in its beauty. Nobody is able to achieve this completely, but the striving for such achievement is in itself a part of the liberation and a foundation for inner security.”

Albert Einstein – (1879-1955) Physicist and Professor, Nobel Prize 1921

1. Introduction

There are many things that can easily be used to create distance, to separate people from one another, to subtract their dignity, their humanity and solidarity. How can those who believe and those who do not believe, for example, in one supreme creator express empathy and solidarity or respect each other? How can those who believe in religion and those who believe in evolution come together? For those who wish to exclude others with differing beliefs from themselves, let alone on such big differences like a belief in religion or science, but even on minor differences and anxieties of every day life, can be a cause to create distance and even wage divisive and unwarranted quarrels without any desire to end it.

The truth is that even science and religion have something shared in uncovering the deep mysteries beyond. For religion God is the ultimate mystery. For Science, the universe is the ultimate mystery. What is shared and common between them is indeed the different ways of fathoming the respective deep and big mysteries. The instruments of understanding are different.

Religion relies more on revelation. Science relies more on reason. But what they try to uncover is the deep mysteries that have eluded human capabilities to understand. Scientists have not unlocked yet why there is a universe or universes, from the source of the origin to its trajectories, though they have made big strides in understanding how the universe functions. There are as many religions perhaps as there are scientists showing human understanding of the ultimate ordering principle-God- is also not as unified as one may have expected it to be.

If religion and science can share a common space occupied by mystery, one would have thought those who use different political parties, different policies, programmes and platforms might find it easier to open a space where they can compete whilst consulting each other on the matter of how to realise in the best possible and least expensive way human rights, social solidarity and social justice for human communities across the world.

For some reason what we see is that those who dabble in politics often tend to polarise rather than find and reach out beyond their own loyal circle of like minded persons to others who oppose them to find a common ground to move a shared agenda to change a poor country into a self-respecting country, a hungry country into a well-fed country.

2. When Will the Suffering End?

Ethiopia is one of the oldest most suffering nations in this planet. It went through hell in the Second World War under Mussolini’s fascist aggression.

It emerged from the war to confront a number of civil wars where external and internal actors coalesced to make the people, country and nation suffer.

Its elites imported undigested ideas that simply became a reason to impose red terror and whit terror. It fell for a virulent form of ethnic and vernacular decomposition that has undermined Ethiopian citizenship rather than build it, despite the claim by those who imposed this particular form of ethnocentrism.

Then it fell for the modern famine that begun in 1973 and has not been put behind us. Very sadly, once again a spectre of famine re-haunts Ethiopia! This is not because Ethiopia cannot feed itself. It can. But the requisite values that put human rights, human solidarity and social justice for all Ethiopians irrespective of origin, religion, age, gender, politics, rather than the happiness, life and liberty of the elites and their backers, have not been given the hearing of a day let alone to get the values of human rights, social solidarity and social justice to become institutionalised and sustained.

Then we saw the politics of practising the deception of election. The deception was openly exposed particularly since the May 2005 Election. The claim that peoples voices, choices and votes matter turned into a farce when in reality their votes, choices, preferences turned into sending the elected to prison and some of those who voted to death, and others into exile.

It is time Ethiopia comes out of this self-inflicted prison of successive compounding of problems. It is time for each one to understand solidarity with others is what makes one to be human, and not the pursuit of life, liberty and happiness for the individual alone. The latter makes one a carefree and careless individualist and egoist going for self even if this tramples upon the acts of solidarity with humans and nature.

The acknowledgment of the principle ’I am because you are’ is more than ever necessary specially for all those who are involved in setting up parties and waging struggles to change society, people, nation and country. It is an obligation that they have to stop attacking each other and begin conversation with tolerance not because they have to like each other; rather it is the necessary and sufficient obligation to get Ethiopia out from the prison of problems into the freedom of possibilities and opportunities. In Ethiopia, those who do not have the capability and tolerance to express spirits of solidarity may be advised to refrain from creating difficulties for the country and should be self- critical, evaluate themselves and stop spoiling public life from evolving into directions that can truly tackle the real problems of real people in Ethiopia.

 

3. From Unity to Fragmentation

May 2005 showed if it showed anything else that the people can choose if those who seek to be elected public servants and not masters present their case with clarity. What came to light with compelling force was the reality that losing power for those who hold it was not on the agenda whether the people invited to vote choose to reject existing power, uphold it or were prepared to welcome new power.

What became demonstrated is this: a game of invitation to the people to choose had nothing to do with power conceding to respect the choices, votes and voices of the people? It had everything to do with playing the multi-party election game often demanded by those who make conditions of ‘good governance’ for the qualification of low-income states like Ethiopia for G8 funding and multilateral and bilateral ‘budget support.’

There was neither debate or an opportunity to sharpen ideas and policies how to evolve a governance system that can sustain human rights, social solidarity and social justice for all in Ethiopia to create change without disrupting the inner security of all citizens irrespective of language, creed, gender, age, ethnic origin or religion.

What emerged also during the entire process and leading up to the Election Day on May 15, 2007 was remarkably how opposition unity continued to hold despite the fact that the units and fractions that came to form alliances and coalitions appear to have variations in philosophical outlooks, age differences, strategies and perhaps even visions. The unity of the opposition was strong enough to induce fear of loss of power and a nightmare scenario of subsequent events by those who had reason to worry losing a grip on power!

For those of us who wish to see the novel experience of peaceful democratic transition involving all citizens and also achieved by all citizens, the sheer excitement was to see change come to the country. We hoped naturally for forces to come that put priority above all on values such as the attainment of human rights, social solidarity and social justice achieved by no other means other than through peaceful policy dialogue, reflection and foresight by the country’s own citizens who have chosen to engage, organise and compete for public office.

The process run into a hitch and eventually those who fear prevailed over those who had hope to bring the novel experience of transition with peaceful means by transforming power from one set of political groups to others competing against the incumbents.

Like a driver who always makes the wrong turn, history moved away from the lofty aim of securing a peaceful transition through the choices, voices and votes of the people back to the uncanny and worn out reliance on the barrel of the gun to maintain power! What eventually came is not change but more of the same situation that has not expanded human solidarity, human rights and social justice for all.

The aftermath of the election led to the disintegration of the opposition unity where some of those who called for civil disobedience went to parliament and those who showed unity by supporting calls which they did not initiate for the sake of opposition unity ended up in prison.

The prison period seems wasted in terms of ironing out differences, and it appears, contrary to expectations, to have not united but exacerbated conflicts and divisive differences. This was not helped by the division outside prison and abroad by those amongst those most actively organised in supporting the call to free the prisoners of conscience.

The post- prison situation continued the fragmentation and exposed some of the most unusual insults we have ever heard in any political situation in our life times. We hope it has ended for good never to return ever into public life. It is a self- indulgence that the nation cannot afford. The people cannot afford. The country cannot afford. Even those who indulge in it cannot afford. It is very embarrassing that it ever happened at all, as it is also so needless.

Unfortunately web sites and pal talks are full of unhelpful exchanges that must be stopped. Freedom does not mean the right to insult others. It is an abuse of freedom to insult and assassinate the character of those who may have different approaches to ones belief. It is critical that all stop the abuse of freedom to personalise and attack persons rather than ideas, systems of oppression and plans that may fall far short of delivering human rights, human solidarity and social justice.

 

4. From Fragmentation to Regroupment

In a poor country like Ethiopia, had we been lucky to have people who can lead the nation, with the spirit that is broad minded and deep, and by being ready and willing to’ widening our circle of compassion to embrace all living creatures and the whole of nature in its beauty,” at least that of our own Ethiopia and Africa, we would have been able to create and institutionalise a system of governance where at least those amongst us who wish to engage in public service will join two competing parties that also make it a principle to learn, to behave, and cultivate to consult each other on the major issues that affect the well being of the people, the nation and the country.

But we seem to be very far from that goal yet. We have a number of types of forces at present: those who grouped or clubbed together to rule, those in parliament who oppose them loyally, those who are both inside and outside parliament, and those who are outside parliament, and others who wage armed opposition connected partly to the condition of a self-torturing region that lacks neither a security community or inner security with the many unending conflicts.

In principle they all should find a way to find a rule of the game to enter into a process where they can compete and consult each other provided they share values of human rights, human solidarity and social justice as the core overriding value just as religion and science find a shared space in the fact they both seek to unravel deep mysteries that has defied human intellection to date as far as we know.

What is needed now is a broad social movement that includes who ever can be included to make sure key values are shared by all those who join public life and those who do not share these values are encouraged to share them, if they fail to share them, a collective action is mobilised to restrain them from spoiling the destiny of this far too much abused nation. Ethiopia must come out of the prison of problems, conflicts and disasters that put into jeopardy millions of its citizens. Ethiopia must be liberated and be made to enjoy the freedom of human possibilities and solidarities.

It means the overriding values must be learned and shared by all especially those choosing to engage in public life voluntarily. The values then become the guiding principle of political conduct for all those who have self-organised themselves to enter into public life seeking either power or change. Let those, who under the guise of exercising ones freedom and happiness, complicate the opportunity to develop a shared political space refrain and restrain themselves from misinforming, ill-informing and spreading malicious rumours and innuendos based on grievances, greed or vengeance, real or manufactured. It is time that the country must not remain consigned to the barbaric humiliation of not being able to feed itself when it can, not being able to govern itself by empowering all citizens, when it can, not to come out of conflict both internal and regional when it can, not to come out of poverty and begging, when it can- the key to it all is putting unity of values first by going beyond the fragments to anchor human rights, human solidarity and social justice in the beliefs, institutions and politics of the country.

 

5. From Re-Groupment to Consolidation and Unity

The current regroupment came in the wake of a process of unity that led to fragmentation and from the latter to the sort of regroupment we see now underway, and from the latter hopefully consolidating unification. It matters therefore very much how each regrouping unit functions and the principled way it behaves towards others in order to keep open always the chance to enter into some workable alliance or coalition based on key values that matter to fostering the well being of the people.

We emphasise human rights , human solidarity and social justice to make it clear what Ethiopia needs is to come out of conflict to get all to work so that all the peoples needs for education, health, food, water, shelter, milk, sanitation, hygiene and well being is fully met. This is the human right of every Ethiopian. And no Ethiopian fills fulfilled until all Ethiopians have their human rights to be educated, to be fed, to be cared for from ill-health, to have clean water, milk, shelter, sanitation and the conditions for a safe environment are met. That is the social solidarity that we all must express to one another. One Ethiopian is diminished when the other goes hungry. The human solidarity of the Ethiopian is to behave, to feel, to think, to work very hard so that all Ethiopians have all that they need to have to function to be competent and to be capable to solve any problem confronting them by any means necessary. There must be a willingness to reach out beyond ones inner loyal circle with toleration by bearing the demand to enlist all that can come together to help the country to come out of the recurrent humiliation!

Fairness and equality of opportunities and hardships govern the sphere of justice. The moral principle that is just is linked the fairness and equality that assigns hardships to some and opportunities to others. This moral disequilibrium often creates conflict. There must be a way to bring social justice as fairness and equality to compensate those that have been put in harms way through no fault of their own, like those who died during the election in May 2005. Those that have caused harm should acknowledge at least what they did was wrong and not make and humiliate their opponents to sign culpability when they did not commit any crime. Benefits and burdens, opportunities and liabilities must be distributed fairly and equitably. Policies that favour some and punish others, reward some and deny opportunities to other create and expand the sphere of injustice. It is not only wise to be fair and equitable in practice, it is critical to practice what has been described as procedural justice. The latter is associated with the principle of fair decision practices, procedures and agreements with the various regrouping parties in the process of emerging consolidated and united. The rules and processes that distribute the rewards and losses, and the benefits and costs must not only be fair in actuality but also in perception.

In Ethiopia, a divided society the role of social justice is a paramount value to reconstitute the foundation for promoting the infinite wellbeing of the people, the nation and the country.

The moral is this: those engaged in moving from regroupment to consolidation cannot afford to snipe at each other and look back to the hurt and harm of previous times. They must concentrate in forging the future and building to bring about the values that must be paramount in guiding this nation from the protracted dilemma of not being able to escape out of misery, starvation, suffering, conflict, war and inter-elite mistrust and in-fighting.

 

6. Concluding Remark

We think all that care to self-organise to change the conditions of Ethiopia from the current ill-being state to well-being state must learn to increase the’ conversation capital’ into a higher level than what it has been in recent times.

Perhaps it may not all have been that bad to move from unity to fragmentation, from the latter to a state of re-groupment, and from the latter to consolidated unification. As long as the move is across this trajectory what happened in the past may be seen a regrettable and painful learning experience. If people revert to actions that lead to fracturing once more, then there is good reason to worry. It means the hard and bitter lessons have not been learnt.

We call upon all to refrain to resort to practices that undermine the ability of Ethiopians to enter into solidarity and achieve in a record time the capability to make sure the nation comes out of the state of humiliation that it is right now. For how long can we tolerate Ethiopia as a country sadly that cannot feed itself when, in fact, it can.

We call all involved in public life in whatever arena and whatever method to enter into a conversation with toleration and patience to put values of human rights, human solidarity and social justice as the unifying purpose and vision to build a bright future for all Ethiopians and indeed Africans for that matter.

We thus call upon all to increase the “trust capital’ and remove the tendency to personalise issues, go for seeing the bigger picture, and stop concentrating on issues that divide those wishing to engage in public life rather than bringing them together.

The main challenge is for all those having chosen to engage in public life to identify overriding core values that can bring all together and share such as- human rights, social solidarity and social justice- and try to concur and move the debate into issues that can switch the methods used now from struggling by any means necessary to finding solutions by any means necessary. Ethiopia is longing for it. Let all those who have chosen to engage in its public life never fail her again!!!

Mammo Muchie, Dphil
Professor
Coordinator of DIIPER
Research Centre on Development Innovation and IPER and
NRF/DST SARCHI chair holder, TUT, South Africa
Aalborg University
Fibigertraede 2
9220-Aalborg East
Aalborg, Denmark
Tel.no. 00-45 9940 9813
fax.no. 00-45 9815 3298
http://www.diiper.ihis.aau.dk/
http://www.ccis.aau.dk/

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CALL ME BY MY NAME: The SYMPOSIUM, XXX

Obo Arada Shawl alias Wolde Tewolde  July 1, 2008

Head-to-Head of EPRP Collective leadership

Heart-to-Heart of EPRP Membership

Face-to-Face of EPRP Army

Soul-to-Soul of Ethiopians

MAIN PURPOSE OF THE ONE DAY EVENT

To reach consensus on how to fight for the release of Debteraw Tsegeye

Two ways to look at Debteraw’s a One Day Event. The Inward and the Outward.

THE INWARD will be a conversation with our self. It will be an examination of a dialogue that requires us the courage to be honest about who we are, what we are doing, and what we want. This requires the courage to sort those things we have come to cherish about ourselves from those things that we picked along the Long March of EPRP that caused us harm.

THE OUTWARD is about engaging with others. We have to share our vision, we have to tell our truth, and we have to ask tough questions to the Ethiopian Mass media, Religious and civic organizations about the fate of Debteraw. EPRP has to own its contributions to the past, the current and the past situations in Ethiopia, Eritrea and in the Diaspora Community.

Having done that, we have to honor the outsiders by seeking to understand their situation and their fears, hopes and dreams of unity, peace and stability via DEMOCRACIA – a legacy and a hallmark of EPRP.

WHO IS DEBTERAW?

The question of self-determination including up to secession as addressed by Walle Mekonnen and now being abused by TPLF was not Debteraw’s forte. (This will be addressed in future articles). Instead Debteraw as a literary giant, as a true Revolutionary and a Prisoner of Conscience should be told to the whole wide world. There are many different kinds of people in the world and we can never assume that everyone will react to the situations of Debteraw Tsegeye. Debteraw is a unique person in a unique position.

There are wolves in lambs’ clothing, when deceived or outmaneuver they will spend the rest of their lives seeking revenge. For that matter, we have to choose our victims and opponents carefully. Above all we should be careful not to offend or deceive the wrong person. In our lifetime, we have come across many breeds of opponents, suckers and victims. Debteraw taught me about the art of power. He used to tell me that we have to be able to distinguish the wolves from the lamb, the foxes from the hares, the hawks from the vultures. The distinction of these categories will lead us to success without coercing anyone too much. But if we deal blindly with whoever crosses our path, we would have a life of constant sorrow. Being able to recognize types of people and acting accordingly was very critically to Debteraw.That was my first lesson that I have received from Debteraw Tsegeye Gebre Medhin. In the revolutionary parlance, it used to be called N’IK’AT, the first step for the Long March.

My second lesson from Debteraw was about ORGANIZATION. Debteraw first introduced me to Godjam province. When I joined the Highway Authority, I criss-crossed the streams, the valleys and mountains of Godjam and have discovered for myself that it is the center of or for the Eway Revolution. Debteraw and history books have taught me that Godjam Kifle Hager was and is the heart of Ethiopia. Debteraw had felt the spirit of the source of the Nile when he was teaching in Bahr Dar. However the then authorities forced him to be transferred to Chagnie aka Kehas Ber – a remote and inaccessible town. It was like banning him to asylum. However, Debteraw without complaint has taught children of Chagnie the fundamentals of knowing thyself. I am sure there are many of these children who are now working at various organizations and ministries. Thanks to Debteraw’s analytical and geographical teaching about Ethiopia.

As far as self-determination including up to secession, Debteraw likes to teach by example. That concept was only applicable to Godjam province for one of the criteria for self-determination was a complete separate territory. Abay alias-Blue Nile and Dinder Rivers surround Godajm completely. The only natural access to Godjam is through the Sudan.

My third lesson would have been to join the Army of EPRA to which I was reluctant to discuss at length. Nevertheless, we have discussed and he proved it in hindsight that he was correct, the concept of ENCIRCLEMENT as opposed to coup d’etat and Insurrection.

If the entire so-called secessionists accept the logic of SELF-DETERMINATION and DEMARCATION using the model of Godjam, we could have saved millions of lives, and resources. God has already demarcated the Region of Godjam. Tana was clean and harmless. Now, Bahr Dar has been polluted by the fake Amhara center.

WHERE IS DEBTERAW?

That is a million dollar question. Inasmuch as the Americans are looking for the CRIMINAL Osama Bin Laden, Ethiopians should look out for the whereabouts of the INNOCENT Debteraw Tsegeye G. Medhin.

WHY DEBTERAW TSEGEYE GEBRE MEDHIN ARAYA?

Outsiders see the TRUCE within EPRP collective leaders, party members and ex-members of the army as hopeful and necessary, but skeptical elements of EPRP senses failure and angry. That is understandable. We have to clear the confusion before the truce.

Debteraw Tsegeye, the Ethiopian scholar, the man of Kinet and the Prisoner used to explain to us all about the human heart of our body. He did not study science but he understood the function of the heart. But he studied the Head and the Soul. As Debtera (Ethiopian scholar), DEBTERAW used to

Listen to divergent point of view

Find common ground

Build visionary ideas

I believe that Debteraw would have solved problems that nobody is willing to solve and that his EPRP is the most important party organization to bring the country and the people together. Debteraw had the passion to love people and to die for a cause. Let us fight for his FREEDOM.

By the way can any one tell us why this Ethiopian icon for new Ethiopia is mixed up with Tsegeyae G. Medhin (laureate) and Tsegaye G. Medhin Araya also known as Mulugheta Lule?

CONCLUSION

For several decades, some of EPRP’s fiercest supporters, most of them educated have been struggling with a defeat that burns and a question with no soothing answer; what next?

Sometimes anger settles in the mind like sediment waiting to be shaken or stirred. The story of Debteraw Tsegey properly understood is an anger-shaker. No one finds “faulty” analysis with the historical records of EPRP. Moving forward as proposed by Assimba’s evolving approach is the way to reconciliation and healing a la DEBTERAW’S way.

Debteraw wanted to show the Ethiopians how to live with love and how to die honorably. As there is no honor in AETHIOPIA today, I believe Debteraw is not dead!!! He cannot be dead! He is alive and let us fights to free him to free us.

DEMOCRACIA is missing

TRUST is missing

POLITICIANS are missing

I hope the ONE – DAY- EVENT for Debteraw to be held on the eve of the American Independence will lead us to many heads, one heart, one army and many souls.

For comments and criticism

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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CALL ME BY MY NAME: Solutions with DEBTERAW, XXIX

Obo Arada Shawl alias Wolde Tewolde   June 13, 2008

There is the Natural Way

And there is the Artificial Way

There is the Wrong Way

And there is the EWAY Ethiopia

Introduction

On Saturday morning, June 7, 2008, there was a race – a race not for power, not for time or for revenge but a race for a CURE (Breast Cancer). The winner was ABYOT ABEBE. He stood 1st out of the 40, 000 participants. What a name! He must have been born during the Ethiopian Revolution. Deciphering his name tells me that the Eway Revolution is still blooming as he won the race for cure to bring peace and prosperity for Ethiopia.

Nowadays, it seems to me that there is a race to cure Ethiopia and Eritrea from poverty, disease and from sell out for disintegration. To me there was no poverty in Ethiopia and Eritrea. The truth of the matter was such that philosophy of poverty in Ethiopia and poverty of philosophy in Eritrea had reigned for centuries. However, after the war of 1998-2000, between Eritreans and the government of EPRDF, the reverse became the truth. That is to say that the Ethiopians are forced to resort to the poverty of philosophy and the Eritreans to the philosophy of poverty. What a paradox!

What about disease? What about societal disintegration? These are issues that could not be analyzed individually. Personally, I dare not guess let alone to analyze about these issues. Various professional Institutions and Organizations should come together to study and delve into these matters.

The purpose of this article is to inquire and to resolve the confusion that is being perpetuated by EPRP collective leadership in the hope that the experience of EPRP is not wasted as a resource of Ethiopia. The greatest untold story of EPRP is the under performance of its leadership. After many decades for democratic struggle, EPRP collective leaders should have been the role models of Ethiopia for many organizations and groups that aspire to follow EPRP’s style of leadership.

Collective Leadership

Some folks might misunderstand me on my advocacy for the concept of collective leadership. In a simple term, it is a style of participants sitting arrangement around a circular (round) table. To the naked eye, no one can detect “who is the boss”. The boss is the one who can convince and who can see eye to eye. This style of leadership would have been a panacea for all of us. It is precisely why EPRP has and is paying a heavy price to practice and implement this style of leadership for it is contrary to the medieval culture of ruling style.

My mission as “Obo Arada Shawl” is not rhetorical but on record and not mere mobilizations but rather persuasion. I want to raise dialogue and conversations about substantive issues. Instead of dwelling on substantive issues, people are dwelling on petty differences of opinion and not facts or truth. There is a clear demarcation between opinion and facts inasmuch as there is a clear difference between facts and truth. Two names, two emblems, two radio broadcasts and two publications of DEMOCRACIAs will definitely confuse not only personalities but also the issues of Ethiopia and Eritrea. The Obo factor (democracy), the Arada factor (conspiracy) and the Shawl factor (arrogance) should be considered in the path of struggle at least for the survival of “AEthiopia”.

What is right and what is wrong among EPRP’s collective leadership? In the recent past,

  • Hama Tuma led the Department of Education (Ye’Nkat Guday)

  • Samuel Alemayehu (now deceased) has led the Organizational Department (Aderaj)

  • Mohammed Jemal has led the Department of financial Empowerment (Astataki)

  • Fisseha Assefa has led the Department of Management style (Tebaki)

  • Yoseph Nigatu has led the Department of Co-Ordination (Meri)

In addition to the above, Tsegeye G. Medhin alias DEBTERAW, Yishak Debretsion, Amha Bellette and Sitotaw Hussien who were captured alive are still held incommunicado somewhere in the Terror zone of Tigrai.

Members and supporters expect these leaders and others to use their collective energies toward what EPRP is for instead of what EPRP is against. On this score, the Zematches (followers) and the Azmatches (leaders) have trusted one another for 33 years on end. But after the 33rd years of struggle, things have begun to change especially among the collective leadership. Why?

Although I don’t have all the answers to the beginning of leadership faltering, I sensed what might befall on some personalities of the collective leadership’s psychic. On the 33rd anniversary of EPRP that was held in Georgia Ave, in Washington DC, there was a rare case of display of EPRP’s presence For the first time in my whole life, I have seen DEMOCRACIA openly displayed on a table as if it is a menu. What a show it was!!! In fact, I examined the publication for its authenticity. Fortunately, it was deciphered as true and correct. The audience was full of diversified people including prominent journalists and official from the DERG era.

According to my readings and recollections, there were also musicians represent ting the Monarchy by Telela Kebede, the Military Derg by Maritu and the EPRDF by Solomon Tekalegne.

EPRP did not have singers on the stage, only a group of troupe singing “LE ZEMENAT”. The only vibrant individual speaker for the occasion was Tesfaye Debessay’s daughter. She was young who seem to be inspired by her deceased father DR. Tesfaye of EPRP leadership. It was a pity that she did not even know what her father was teaching at the university. Shouldn’t we teach our children the true history of EPRP? I am the first one to be blamed for this state of affairs.

Trust:

Given the entire struggle for the Eway Revolution to change Ethiopia’s political system, would you confuse your own members? Instead of spirited rivalry, a long time revolutionary by the name of Mersha Yoseph along with a man who parked from the Revolutionary struggle for a long period of time have created confusion among many supporters of EPRP. I do not appreciate this lack of trust; in fact, it almost hurt my feelings and the feeling of many Ethiopians and Eritreans. In the past, it used to be character assassination but this time; there is no such thing because everything is clear and simple. It is about stand and value. My point is to bring substance back into the struggle not individual connection. Relationship is all about trust.

There were people like Kifle Tadesse who believed that because they have been attending a conference and as all of them are dead but one, he thought that the party of EPRP is dead and buried or alternatively he is the one who should lead in any other way including working with the Woyanes.

Then there were people like Tamrat Lyne, Getachew Jebessa and Teffera Waluwa who formed a splinter group. Again it is all about trust. I remember when I used to ask questions about who the fighters or liberators roaming around the environs of Lalibela, Danghla, Dabat, Debarik and so on and so forth. The peasants used to tell me that they could not differentiate between them for they greet them in Tigrigna and Amharic. There was no education there. It was all gimmicks. That was a matter of trust.

 

Then there were individuals like Kebede Essatu and Yoseph Tesfaye who believed that they were the leaders of EPRP and so on and so forth. But the true of the matter is that none of them are or were still true

Power:

EPRP’s leadership emanates from the members willingness to follow. How do they know that the leadership is in the right track? Or do members know the leadership in person? Were there overall national conferences for all members of EPRP? There was no way for all EPRP members, delegates, super delegates could come together for their true struggle for political CHANGE was arduous and tumultuous. Regardless of their ethnic background, race and religion, EPRP members and supporters operate based on TRUST alone. Nothing less nothing more!!!

Planning:

How do members and supporters, then know whether they have leaders and followers? Historically, the best glue for all of EPRP members and supporters was to see through the stated goals and objectives – One Flag, One Fidel and Many Freedoms (See call me by my name, XXVI). And where can they find how EPRP is operating? There were many publications to follow though, but the most important media for EPRP was DEMOCRACIA. Everything that was being written and documented in DEMOCARCIA was true and authentic. Practically everyone’s and everybody of EPRP members and supporters ideas and concerns and issues were being incorporated in the Publication. That means that the struggle being waged was the concern of all Ethiopians. What about now? Whom do Ethiopians follow? Or for what they stand for? Nowadays, there is the Internet, radios and newspapers. The Internet and the radio waves are plenty and sometimes create confusion instead of creativity and clarity for problem solving.

Conclusion

Let everyone pull out magnifying glasses and examine EPRP more closely. We need to pay closer attention to the omitted details. We need to reinsert our values and talents into interdependent EPRP where they belong. The little invisible things are after our best clues – the betrayal, the disinformation, the sabotage and the mistrust should be forgiven but not forgotten. Much of the damage inflicted upon EPRP was quite invisible to the laymen. It is too easy to ignore problems until they slap us in the face. Only a few factions’ problems have slapped EPRP in the face, at least in earnest. Many more are gathering the strength to do the process of learning to see the Truth. While on the other hand, the penalties for political education is that some lives could suffer alone in the past wounds, in the current shallow politics and in global social fashion.

Ignorance is a regular visitor in the life cycle of EPRP, in all decades, (seasons), at all place, it arrives to play an annoying, unpredictable role. The ignorance of yesterday’s walk away is not the ignorance of the lazy or the slow. It is the ignorance of the decent, motivated intellect that is honestly and legitimately overwhelmed. Yet in the end, their decisions need to be made legitimate and truthful.

 

For comments and critics

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The Ethio-Eritrean Future : Some Reflections

 

May 10, 2008

 

Mesfin Araya*

 

It has been fifteen years since Eritrea formally declared its independence as a sovereign nation-state. The price paid was immeasurable : especially for over a decade and a half , Eritrean as well as Ethiopian blood had indiscriminately intermingled , overflowing the streams , the mountains , and the rugged dessert of Eritrea .

The idea of the referendum was presumed by the TPLF leaders as a catalyst for peace and stability in the region . Although the underlying authoritarian nature of EPLF and TPLF was known well before they took power, the referendum was also seen by some opportunist/naive—depending on how one takes them—Ethio-Eritrean intellectuals as a watershed in the possible transition to a confederation .1 The last ten years of bitter experience , however , has revealed an Ethio-Eritrean relationship, marked by deadly instability . Since the 1998-2000 bloody and devastating military confrontation , the proxy war between the twin tyrants—Issais Afwerki , the dictator , in Asmara2 and Meles Zenawe , the umbilical-cord of the US imperialism in the Horn of Africa—has increasingly engulfed the entire region, apparently with no hopeful signs for a peaceful exit . The brutal war and the unwarranted civilian deportations by both regimes has left behind a deep scar that may complicate future relations between the two countries .3

But what is sad and even more complicating is the current discouraging political environment surrounding Ethiopia . Within the Ethiopian political scene , we observe today individuals , groups , and political organizations , for which the independence of Eritrea still remains a bitter pill to swallow . Although there are others , I have in mind particularly the minority group that recently walked out from EPRP extraordinary Congress – a group which presumptuously calls itself “EPRP—Democratic .” In its recent issue of ‘Democracia ’, the group printed a public statement regarding its

position on Eritrea . To quote :

“EPRP-Democratic does not recognize the existence

of an independent Eritrea . Ethiopia and Eritrea are not two

separate countries . Eritrea was and still is part—province–

of Ethiopia . ”4

Accordingly, it concludes :

 

“There is no border dispute at all , as Eritrea is not a

separate and independent entity .” 5

Reading the group’s statement was achingly a painful experience . I would not be exaggerating at all if I claimed that the authors of those provocative words have indeed grossly abused the concept , democracy , when they affixed the term to their organization . If TPLF were to deploy a military force to reincorporate Eritrea , we ought not be surprised if such kind of individuals , groups , and political organizations , rushed to join—what would be—a reckless war adventure .

It is a reckless adventure to deny what has been a fifteen-year old realty : The sovereign existence of Eritrea– sanctioned as such by the entire international community . On the contrary , what matters on the ground—having the long-term constructive vision in mind—is to engage tirelessly in creative efforts to entice the Eritrean people to come back under a peaceful and democratic process—a process that essentially values their humanity and also strongly underlines our sisterhood and brotherhood with them .

We lost Eritrea to a ruthless tyrant simply because there was incomprehensible lack of democratic thinking and practice in Ethiopia–where debilitating intrigues , conspiracies , and double talk prevailed ; indeed , to repeat that kind of behavior to day would not be a tragedy , but a comedy .

As sad as it may be for some of us , the independence , or the separation , of Eritrea is a reality ; and only the hopelessly incorrigible chauvinists would deny it . The rare wisdom of our dear ancestors that ‘ The neck was created to enable us to turn in order to look at what is at the back ’—the latter as a metaphor for the past— ought , indeed , to be instructive for the leaders of ‘ EPRP-Democratic .’ On the other hand, it is the duty of serious democratic Ethiopians to expose such destructive elements— totally uprooting their movement at its bud .

A close reading of the Ethio-Eritrean history need to convince us that there are—apart from rational economic factors—deep historical , cultural , and social , repertoire to render Ethio-Eritrean Reunion less difficult and a happy historical encounter . It is only a matter of time .

What is critically missing is the habit of democratic thinking and practice .

The democratic process is the surest road to a happy Reunion ! With the permanent removal of the obstructing regimes of Issais and Meles , and equally , the early preemptive measures that would successfully frustrate the rise of similar regimes , the Ethio-Eritrean democratic Reunion could hardly be a far fetched dream – and not only is the project feasible , but also the struggle towards that end is a noble cause .6

As I suggested elsewhere7, the Ethio-Eritrean organic intellectuals—those who deeply care for the welfare of the people—could decidedly intervene to make history by uncompromisingly unleashing the war of ideas : the critical and timely struggle for a paradigm shift .

The struggle of the Ethio-Eritrean ‘Wretched of the Earth’ shall triumph !!!

 

Notes

1. See Amare Tekle. Eritrea and Ethiopia : From Conflict To Cooperation [ July 1994 ] .

2. For my open public critique of Shaebia in the past , I have been ruthlessly vilified—let alone by other Eritreans—by some members of my very own extended family , who dearly longed –as it is said—for ‘not even a single person to show up for my funeral .’ To day I have sometimes wondered what those same relatives may think under their own , current , miserable ‘ funeral ’, engineered by a ruthless dictator whom they once worshiped blindly as the George Washington of Eritrea—indeed , ‘ Kerien Germow !’– Live and Learn !

3. In a rather unwarranted and cruel fashion –alien to the Ethiopian tradition—Dr Samuel Assefa had tried to justify the expulsion of largely innocent Eritreans residing in Ethiopia— Eritreans , incidentally , who were among the first builders of modern Ethiopia . Ambassadorship to the USA was the reward for his opportunistic and servile service to Meles . See his article , “ On Deportations ” , Addis Tribune , May , 1999 .

4. See Democracia, vol . 3 , # 1 [ January 2000 , Eth . Calendar ] : 1-6 . The quotes are my own translation from Amharic .

5. Ibid .

6. I have dearly longed for a fine morning—when the sun is shining—to listen to the Tigrigna song of the forties and fifties that goes : ‘ Oh bus , for whom the dollar is a fixture , please don’t depart without me . ’ The highland christian Eritreans have historically seen Ethiopia as a source for employment and schooling ;

and since the forties they have been moving southward to Ethiopia—the point of attraction ; and the song reflects that .

Even the Eritrean Moslems—despite their marginal status in the Ethiopian life–were not entirely resistant to live within Ethiopia . Their acceptance of the ‘ Federal arrangement ’ of 1952 strongly underlines their willingness to live within Ethiopia, as long as the latter was democratic . During the constitutional debate over the ‘ Federation ’ , the struggle of Ibrahim Sultan —–demanding for a full democratization of the ‘ Federal arrangement ’, including his demand for the modification of the Ethiopian flag which was obviously bearing christian symbols—– was indeed a noble cause .

7. See my “Open Letter to the organic intellectuals across the Horn of Africa .” in Assimba.org , Debteraw.com , or Awate.com

*The author, Ph. D, teaches African Studies and is the Head of African-American Studies at York College , The City University of New York .

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