28. February 2009 by Assimba.

Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms

By Maru Gubena

Before commencing with the thematic issues to be discussed, let me just express my personal views, disappointments and embarrassments related, not just to the untimely and sensational end of the working partnership among the imprisoned, then released, opposition leaders and the sudden split of their political party, but mainly to the appalling (and still persisting) war of words, with intolerable insults against innocent Ethiopians from the unorganized interest groups who support the now divided political leaders – leaders who became divided and hostile to each other, not for reasons of Ethiopia’s short and long term interests, its territorial integrity or the multiple tragedies plaguing our people at home, but for personal reasons. This has been extremely sad and disappointing to see, and indeed beyond the capacity of most of us to comprehend. Though time has elapsed and the embarrassing war of words between the then Kinijit leaders and their followers in late summer and early fall of 2007 may have become blurred in our minds, many of us have remained in a state of shock, disappointment and complete disbelief. The unexpected split among Kinijit leaders and the distasteful war of words have undoubtedly been and are still a major reason for the sudden disappearance of a large number of concerned political activists, participants and article contributors, including myself, from the troubled Diaspora political stage. The shameful events are also unequivocal evidence that the process of merging and constructing what was to have been Kinijit’s house took place hastily and irresponsibly, without first creating the necessary understandings, as well as mechanisms for working together and guiding the organization.

As for some of my compatriots (and as can be read in my previous articles), I in fact have never, from the very outset, anticipated that there would be a fertile ground for Kinijit to exist and grow as a functioning political party in the land of Ethiopia, as long as Ethiopians remain reluctant to rise up against a prolonged economic impoverishment and persistent political repression. Bringing a new political party into existence and having it function well is not just a question of people at the top and a particular party platform. Fundamental changes in the mindsets and perceptions of the people, and in the case of the Ethiopian people an irreversible desire for freedom, equality and democracy, would be required. The willingness of Ethiopians to remain divided and keep their heads buried in the sand, while women and children are being shot to death on the streets of Ethiopian cities and towns and opposition political leaders and artists are being endlessly harassed, arrested and convicted, shows clearly that Ethiopians are most concerned with their personal and family wellbeing, and that the winds carrying the torches for collective wellbeing, freedom and democracy are far remote from the skies and high mountains of Ethiopia (see: The May 2005 Ethiopian Election, part I; The May 2005 Election and the Missing Ingredients, part II)

Even though, as can be remembered, I was one of a few staunch opponents of the participation of Kinijit and other opposition political parities in the parliamentary election held in May 2005, and criticized the formation and function of KIL (Kinijit International Leadership), as well as the establishment of the carefully and strategically named Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), I nevertheless did not realize how tragic, divisive and embarrassing the effects and repercussions of the demise of Kinijit would be. I had always had believed – as I had been taught – with great conviction, though perhaps foolishly, that Ethiopians were kind and generous to one another and even to foreign visitors. I certainly never, even in my wildest dreams, thought that Ethiopians could also be so hostile, so outrageously cruel and so humiliating to one another. Yes, even though I was one who occasionally accused Ethiopian political leaders and activists of recklessness and of leading weakly organized and dysfunctional organizations housed in shaky buildings constructed from cane and bamboo, with supporters who are lawless, scary militants, blindly following in the footsteps of their political leaders and of activists those who are not in peace with themselves and with each other, much to my astonishment and naïveté, however, I never envisioned that the sudden waves of optimism that existed between the spring of 2005 and the early months of 2006 might be replaced by additional shackles of hatred. I honestly did not know that we Ethiopians could be so inhuman and so ready to obliterate those who refuse to be blind followers, who disagree with our self-centred and hidden ends and our feeble, vague organizations or political parties – political parties that have little or none of the necessary fundamental political structures, strategies, political maps and legal foundations. Nor did I know that we Ethiopians could be so terribly stubborn and jealous - unashamed liars who appear determined to trash and eliminate our own compatriots – not to maintain the territorial integrity of our country, to realize carefully planned socio-political and economic transformation, or to help educate Ethiopians about the terribly necessary modern political culture (a political culture that is entirely absent in the land we call Ethiopia and among the Ethiopian Diaspora community) or about the meaning and significance of democracy and accountability. Instead we do this for the most hazardous and frightening reasons – to support personal, family and group status and interests. Isn’t this extremely frightening and depressing? What is most disturbing is that these cruel and shameless individuals call themselves “the gallant and true children of Ethiopia,” and do everything to convince us that they behave the way they do – engaging day in and day out in character assassination and false charges against known and unknown innocent individuals – because, they argue, they love their country, Ethiopia, enormously – more than anyone else. They also continue to insist that they are the ones who are capable of scaring Meles Zenawi’s regime, preventing them from handing over Ethiopia’s fertile land to Sudan and continuing the repression of our people at home (see also: Sharing the Sources of my Anxiety: A Critical Look at the Responses and Strategies of Ethiopians to Decades of Political Repression, and The changing face of Kinijit.)

Although we will know little about the views and conclusions of Ethiopian and other political historians before their books reach our bookshelves, it would nevertheless not be an overstatement to say that the May 2005 parliamentary election and the subsequent turmoil not only dashed the incalculable hopes and expectations of Ethiopians for relative freedom and a smooth process of democratization, but also added more heavy clouds above the skies of our country. This prolonged any future process of democratization and contributed greatly to an increasing suffocation of the already scarce freedom of speech and movement for each and every individual Ethiopian, and the already scarce freedom of the press encountered yet more widespread repression. More importantly and depressingly, however, the political events of May 2005 have magnified the long existing unhealed wounds and darkened the prospects for positive, relatively civil and respectful communication within the Ethiopian Diaspora community and Ethiopian society at large. Yes, even though most Ethiopian political activists and the unorganized interest groups would prefer to tell us otherwise – saying that the May 2005 election helped to expose the repressive nature of Meles Zenawi’s regime and weakened its political and economic position, both nationally and internationally – in fact in concrete terms, for the majority of Ethiopians both at home and abroad, the direct and indirect repercussions of the May 2005 election and the subsequent turmoil of the past four years have been costly, dreadful, tragic and full of disappointment and embarrassment.

Outlining the Purpose of the Article

Having aired my disappointments, which continue to smoulder in the minds and hearts of many Ethiopians, let me now try to give a brief rough outline of the purposes of this paper. After a time of absence from the tragically wounded Ethiopian Diaspora politics and debates, I am here again to share my views with you regarding the damaging effects of Ethiopian Diaspora politics and media outlets on future organizational hopes, aspirations and initiatives for socio-political and economic changes in Ethiopian society, both at home and in the Diaspora. Also I hope to briefly formulate and present some alternative mechanisms, which I deem helpful in addressing and redressing the long-existing negative images of our troubled Ethiopian Diaspora politics. The absence within Ethiopian Diaspora politics and in the community in general of organizational culture and its most valuable components, such as organizational norms, guidelines and organizational expectations, will also receive its share of time and attention. Yes, I am here again, at least for a while, and I hope to briefly and clearly review the historical background of Ethiopian Diaspora politics and how it began. I will do my best to explain, not just why Ethiopian Diaspora politics remained dysfunctional, but also why many in the Ethiopian Diaspora community came to regard it as either a leisure time activity or as a pastime of “Serafitoch/bozenewoch,” those who have little or nothing else to do. This description has particularly often been used by a good number of Ethiopian wives and girlfriends who loudly, confidently and sometimes angrily accuse their husbands or boyfriends of spending too much time in fruitless politics instead of doing something meaningful in the house – fulfilling their properly expected household roles and responsibilities as loving husbands and fathers.

In addition to outlining alternative policy strategies and new directions that might help to redress and redirect the exceptionally chaotic and negative images that have affected Ethiopian Diaspora politics for many years, my unexpected appearance towards the end of a fading political era is also intended to provide a review of the most important factors and actors that have persistently, perhaps even permanently, prevented the Ethiopian Diaspora community from becoming a collective, harmonious force with a single face, a community that is both respected and proud of itself and its activities, and has kept it from playing a meaningful role that contributes to mending bridges among community members and to alleviating Ethiopia’s multiple, prolonged suffering. More essentially, this paper will make every possible effort to dissect and deal with many of the complex, entangled issues and causes that have led to increasing tensions and gaps among individuals and groups in the community, including the conditions that have given the Ethiopian Diaspora political activists, along with their apparatus and mottos, the reputation of being nothing more than “barking dogs that are unable to bite.” It will also raise questions of why Ethiopian Diaspora politics and media outlets have become and continue to be a force of division among members of the wider Diaspora community, a damaging and in fact paralyzing factor in contemporary Diaspora politics and social relations, freezing out the possibility of new future organizational processes, hopes and aspirations, including many types of potential initiatives.

An additional vitally important – and probably the most difficult – question, which most of us prefer not to discuss, not even to hear about, will be incorporated and examined: can democracy and its most essential components take root in a country where modern political culture is entirely absent; whose people appear to be historically and culturally family and group oriented, regionalist and undemocratic, with little or no feeling or love for a nation state; and who, paradoxically enough, choose remaining in conflict with each other above forging bonds and working peacefully and harmoniously together with those across the entire land of Ethiopia. Though painful, relevant questions such as why Ethiopians seem to remain addicted to repeatedly splitting apart and prefer to “go it alone” in Ethiopian politics, while each and every one of them knows perfectly well that they cannot make or remake politics by associating only with family members and personal friends – those with whom they can easily agree – and while they also know that such disappointing and fruitless political activities are not just a waste of time, but are also hurtful to themselves and to the community, and have divisive and demoralizing effects on current and future political initiatives, will be included and discussed. Also, to help me understand the repeated tragic debacles of Ethiopian politics and their subsequent repercussions, and also to be able to get some insight into the mindsets, behaviours and political cultures, outlooks and political strategies of the present political activists, an attempt will be made to look closely at the interrelated historical sources and causes that have shaped and reshaped contemporary Ethiopian politics, Ethiopian political culture and our society at large.

It is perhaps necessary to give a brief introductory note related to the text above. It is quite possible that some of the questions raised and the major issues and concerns stated here will seem sensitive or even a bit offensive to some or even most of my Ethiopian compatriots. This is because, I imagine, we Ethiopians quite often choose to think only about the positive side of our history and culture, preferring to walk with a profound feeling of pride, leaning heavily but irresponsibly upon the ceaselessly fascinating history of Ethiopia, proud of simply being the children of those who fought gallantly and decisively against foreign powers, despite their relatively modern, deadly firearms. For known or unknown reasons, however, we are unaccustomed, perhaps even allergic to confronting ourselves and engaging with the other, negative side of the coin – facing our own historical and cultural processes, errors and realities and relating them to the contemporary political challenges, personal and group acrimonies that are all sources of the persistent tragedies that plague us in our never-ending attempts and struggles to free ourselves from the shackles of longstanding impoverishment and from successive repressive regimes. In our persistent endeavours to democratize our country we attempt to imitate the systems, political and democratic models of other nations, to implement them in our own land and incorporate them into our minds, but we fail to first understand and deal with the cardinal foundations and requirements of the many-sided components of democracy and democratic patterns and principles, and to consider and study their appropriateness to our situation, the openness of our culture and our socio-culturally molded attitudes and mindsets.

It is therefore vitally important, especially given the infrequent nature of debates and discussions involving such sensitive issues, to have an open mind and pay the necessary attention, so as to comprehend both the primary and wider purposes of this paper: not just to initiate new discourses and educate ourselves, but first of all to stress the urgent need to think and look critically, either individually or collectively, at the historical components that have shaped Ethiopian culture and molded our uncompromising, irreconcilable and sometimes vindictive attitudes and uncaring behaviours. Only then will we be able to meaningfully and effectively address and redress the family socialization and group orientations we have had, including our regionalist mentalities, and to envision and cultivate the new political culture that is essential for the entire land of Ethiopia. This engagement with our history and culture is, in my view, indispensable, and will be highly conducive to redirecting our discourse into more mature, logical ways of looking at the sources of the persistent feuds, infighting and divisions among us. Through such engagement, after addressing the root causes of our inabilities to forge bonds, live and work together and find the remedies we need, and after inculcating concepts of respect, trust, confidence, accountability and shared responsibility for each other – combined with a mindset among the members of our society that includes a sense of belonging, a feeling of nationhood – we can achieve a basis for democracy and democratic systems to gradually take root in the land of Ethiopia. Only then can the needs, desires and aspirations of the people be realized – to live together, side by side and peacefully, as children of a single nation state under a democratic system and under collaboratively achieved, agreed and accepted rules and socio-cultural values and norms.

Let me now outline a few remaining primary intentions of this paper. One important additional objective is to consider the composition of the Ethiopian Diaspora, including the increasing differences within the community in terms of educational background and the extent of involvement in Ethiopian Diaspora politics. A more crucial element in relation to Diaspora politics, which I would like to see taken under consideration by the Ethiopian Diaspora community – especially if we are willing to make a serious attempt to forge bonds among ourselves, become a socially and politically influential community and play a meaningful role in helping ourselves and possibly also our country – is to again issue my previous repeated calls underlining the urgent need for the establishment of a common, single House for the Ethiopian Diaspora, a professional institution, free from any direct or indirect influence from any political party, with visions and strategies, systems and rules – systems and rules that reward and obligate its members to serve, provide support and comply. This would be an institution within which we can all educate ourselves; provide the means and the required material and educational tools to help in the development and expansion of civil society in our country; rebuild the badly needed trust, confidence and accountability among ourselves; engage in positive and constructive discourse and research about the many sided positive and negative cultural elements of our society; redress previous wrongdoing; and fashion new and helpful tools and strategies that will help to heal wounds, whether long existing or freshly inflicted, upon particular sections and generations of Ethiopian society. Within such an institution we can produce acceptable, maturely written policies relevant to our contemporary political challenges and debates about the process of democratization, the development and role of civil society and the future face and direction of our country and its people, and we can rebuild the badly needed respect and love among ourselves. Such an institution is also needed to help maintain and expand our long-established positive cultural elements and use these to fashion a new political culture, extending our cultural patterns to include habits of working and living together with accountability and responsibility. This will allow us not only to influence the forces and processes of future socio-economic and political changes in our country, both directly and indirectly, but to play an indispensable part, with a meaningful, positive, substantial role in helping and defending each member of our community in times of personal or collective difficulty, no matter how severe (see the last page of my article: Lessons for Ethiopians from the downfall of US-supported dictators.)

For methodological purposes and to provide a clear, effective review of the interlinked topical issues and questions raised above, two critically important terms, functional and dysfunctional will be employed in relation to community or society. In this paper the use of these terms will be strictly limited to the Ethiopia Diaspora community and its involvement and role in areas of politics. All of the issues and topics outlined above will be incorporated and highlighted within the following four sub-themes:

• Contemporary Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical Perspective

• The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics, the Wider Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives

• Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora Community

• Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking?

My brief remarks, conclusions and alternative suggestions will be incorporated at the end of the paper, together with the fourth sub-topic. This concluding remark will include some concrete alternatives and helpful suggestions about what precisely needs be done – a new path, including new socio-political mechanisms conducive to freeing Ethiopians from family, group-oriented and regionalist politics, helpful in forging bonds among ourselves

Finally, I must note that there are few helpful written materials or study guides regarding the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and how its politics began and developed. Therefore this paper will be based primarily on highly limited personal participation and observations of three decades ago, making it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to present a proper, relatively balanced overview. I am nevertheless determined to confront myself, to refresh my memories, and to make every effort to take a brief, close look at the historical processes and growth of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its role in Ethiopian politics.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

• The issues, questions and concerns raised above will be included and examined, together with the remaining four sub-topics,  when I return with chapters two and three of this paper.

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28. February 2009 by Assimba.

Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms

 By Dr. Maru Gubena

Before commencing with the thematic issues to be discussed, let me just express my personal views, disappointments and embarrassments related, not just to the untimely and sensational end of the working partnership among the imprisoned, then released, opposition leaders and the sudden split of their political party, but mainly to the appalling (and still persisting) war of words, with intolerable insults against innocent Ethiopians from the unorganized interest groups who support the now divided political leaders – leaders who became divided and hostile to each other, not for reasons of Ethiopia’s short and long term interests, its territorial integrity or the multiple tragedies plaguing our people at home, but for personal reasons. This has been extremely sad and disappointing to see, and indeed beyond the capacity of most of us to comprehend. Though time has elapsed and the embarrassing war of words between the then Kinijit leaders and their followers in late summer and early fall of 2007 may have become blurred in our minds, many of us have remained in a state of shock, disappointment and complete disbelief. The unexpected split among Kinijit leaders and the distasteful war of words have undoubtedly been and are still a major reason for the sudden disappearance of a large number of concerned political activists, participants and article contributors, including myself, from the troubled Diaspora political stage. The shameful events are also unequivocal evidence that the process of merging and constructing what was to have been Kinijit’s house took place hastily and irresponsibly, without first creating the necessary understandings, as well as mechanisms for working together and guiding the organization.

As for some of my compatriots (and as can be read in my previous articles), I in fact have never, from the very outset, anticipated that there would be a fertile ground for Kinijit to exist and grow as a functioning political party in the land of Ethiopia, as long as Ethiopians remain reluctant to rise up against a prolonged economic impoverishment and persistent political repression. Bringing a new political party into existence and having it function well is not just a question of people at the top and a particular party platform. Fundamental changes in the mindsets and perceptions of the people, and in the case of the Ethiopian people an irreversible desire for freedom, equality and democracy, would be required. The willingness of Ethiopians to remain divided and keep their heads buried in the sand, while women and children are being shot to death on the streets of Ethiopian cities and towns and opposition political leaders and artists are being endlessly harassed, arrested and convicted, shows clearly that Ethiopians are most concerned with their personal and family wellbeing, and that the winds carrying the torches for collective wellbeing, freedom and democracy are far remote from the skies and high mountains of Ethiopia (see: The May 2005 Ethiopian Election, part I; The May 2005 Election and the Missing Ingredients, part II)

Even though, as can be remembered, I was one of a few staunch opponents of the participation of Kinijit and other opposition political parities in the parliamentary election held in May 2005, and criticized the formation and function of KIL (Kinijit International Leadership), as well as the establishment of the carefully and strategically named Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), I nevertheless did not realize how tragic, divisive and embarrassing the effects and repercussions of the demise of Kinijit would be. I had always had believed – as I had been taught – with great conviction, though perhaps foolishly, that Ethiopians were kind and generous to one another and even to foreign visitors. I certainly never, even in my wildest dreams, thought that Ethiopians could also be so hostile, so outrageously cruel and so humiliating to one another. Yes, even though I was one who occasionally accused Ethiopian political leaders and activists of recklessness and of leading weakly organized and dysfunctional organizations housed in shaky buildings constructed from cane and bamboo, with supporters who are lawless, scary militants, blindly following in the footsteps of their political leaders and of activists those who are not in peace with themselves and with each other, much to my astonishment and naïveté, however, I never envisioned that the sudden waves of optimism that existed between the spring of 2005 and the early months of 2006 might be replaced by additional shackles of hatred. I honestly did not know that we Ethiopians could be so inhuman and so ready to obliterate those who refuse to be blind followers, who disagree with our self-centred and hidden ends and our feeble, vague organizations or political parties – political parties that have little or none of the necessary fundamental political structures, strategies, political maps and legal foundations. Nor did I know that we Ethiopians could be so terribly stubborn and jealous - unashamed liars who appear determined to trash and eliminate our own compatriots – not to maintain the territorial integrity of our country, to realize carefully planned socio-political and economic transformation, or to help educate Ethiopians about the terribly necessary modern political culture (a political culture that is entirely absent in the land we call Ethiopia and among the Ethiopian Diaspora community) or about the meaning and significance of democracy and accountability. Instead we do this for the most hazardous and frightening reasons – to support personal, family and group status and interests. Isn’t this extremely frightening and depressing? What is most disturbing is that these cruel and shameless individuals call themselves “the gallant and true children of Ethiopia,” and do everything to convince us that they behave the way they do – engaging day in and day out in character assassination and false charges against known and unknown innocent individuals – because, they argue, they love their country, Ethiopia, enormously – more than anyone else. They also continue to insist that they are the ones who are capable of scaring Meles Zenawi’s regime, preventing them from handing over Ethiopia’s fertile land to Sudan and continuing the repression of our people at home (see also: Sharing the Sources of my Anxiety: A Critical Look at the Responses and Strategies of Ethiopians to Decades of Political Repression, and The changing face of Kinijit.)

Although we will know little about the views and conclusions of Ethiopian and other political historians before their books reach our bookshelves, it would nevertheless not be an overstatement to say that the May 2005 parliamentary election and the subsequent turmoil not only dashed the incalculable hopes and expectations of Ethiopians for relative freedom and a smooth process of democratization, but also added more heavy clouds above the skies of our country. This prolonged any future process of democratization and contributed greatly to an increasing suffocation of the already scarce freedom of speech and movement for each and every individual Ethiopian, and the already scarce freedom of the press encountered yet more widespread repression. More importantly and depressingly, however, the political events of May 2005 have magnified the long existing unhealed wounds and darkened the prospects for positive, relatively civil and respectful communication within the Ethiopian Diaspora community and Ethiopian society at large. Yes, even though most Ethiopian political activists and the unorganized interest groups would prefer to tell us otherwise – saying that the May 2005 election helped to expose the repressive nature of Meles Zenawi’s regime and weakened its political and economic position, both nationally and internationally – in fact in concrete terms, for the majority of Ethiopians both at home and abroad, the direct and indirect repercussions of the May 2005 election and the subsequent turmoil of the past four years have been costly, dreadful, tragic and full of disappointment and embarrassment.

Outlining the Purpose of the Article

Having aired my disappointments, which continue to smoulder in the minds and hearts of many Ethiopians, let me now try to give a brief rough outline of the purposes of this paper. After a time of absence from the tragically wounded Ethiopian Diaspora politics and debates, I am here again to share my views with you regarding the damaging effects of Ethiopian Diaspora politics and media outlets on future organizational hopes, aspirations and initiatives for socio-political and economic changes in Ethiopian society, both at home and in the Diaspora. Also I hope to briefly formulate and present some alternative mechanisms, which I deem helpful in addressing and redressing the long-existing negative images of our troubled Ethiopian Diaspora politics. The absence within Ethiopian Diaspora politics and in the community in general of organizational culture and its most valuable components, such as organizational norms, guidelines and organizational expectations, will also receive its share of time and attention. Yes, I am here again, at least for a while, and I hope to briefly and clearly review the historical background of Ethiopian Diaspora politics and how it began. I will do my best to explain, not just why Ethiopian Diaspora politics remained dysfunctional, but also why many in the Ethiopian Diaspora community came to regard it as either a leisure time activity or as a pastime of “Serafitoch/bozenewoch,” those who have little or nothing else to do. This description has particularly often been used by a good number of Ethiopian wives and girlfriends who loudly, confidently and sometimes angrily accuse their husbands or boyfriends of spending too much time in fruitless politics instead of doing something meaningful in the house – fulfilling their properly expected household roles and responsibilities as loving husbands and fathers.

In addition to outlining alternative policy strategies and new directions that might help to redress and redirect the exceptionally chaotic and negative images that have affected Ethiopian Diaspora politics for many years, my unexpected appearance towards the end of a fading political era is also intended to provide a review of the most important factors and actors that have persistently, perhaps even permanently, prevented the Ethiopian Diaspora community from becoming a collective, harmonious force with a single face, a community that is both respected and proud of itself and its activities, and has kept it from playing a meaningful role that contributes to mending bridges among community members and to alleviating Ethiopia’s multiple, prolonged suffering. More essentially, this paper will make every possible effort to dissect and deal with many of the complex, entangled issues and causes that have led to increasing tensions and gaps among individuals and groups in the community, including the conditions that have given the Ethiopian Diaspora political activists, along with their apparatus and mottos, the reputation of being nothing more than “barking dogs that are unable to bite.” It will also raise questions of why Ethiopian Diaspora politics and media outlets have become and continue to be a force of division among members of the wider Diaspora community, a damaging and in fact paralyzing factor in contemporary Diaspora politics and social relations, freezing out the possibility of new future organizational processes, hopes and aspirations, including many types of potential initiatives.

An additional vitally important – and probably the most difficult – question, which most of us prefer not to discuss, not even to hear about, will be incorporated and examined: can democracy and its most essential components take root in a country where modern political culture is entirely absent; whose people appear to be historically and culturally family and group oriented, regionalist and undemocratic, with little or no feeling or love for a nation state; and who, paradoxically enough, choose remaining in conflict with each other above forging bonds and working peacefully and harmoniously together with those across the entire land of Ethiopia. Though painful, relevant questions such as why Ethiopians seem to remain addicted to repeatedly splitting apart and prefer to “go it alone” in Ethiopian politics, while each and every one of them knows perfectly well that they cannot make or remake politics by associating only with family members and personal friends – those with whom they can easily agree – and while they also know that such disappointing and fruitless political activities are not just a waste of time, but are also hurtful to themselves and to the community, and have divisive and demoralizing effects on current and future political initiatives, will be included and discussed. Also, to help me understand the repeated tragic debacles of Ethiopian politics and their subsequent repercussions, and also to be able to get some insight into the mindsets, behaviours and political cultures, outlooks and political strategies of the present political activists, an attempt will be made to look closely at the interrelated historical sources and causes that have shaped and reshaped contemporary Ethiopian politics, Ethiopian political culture and our society at large.

It is perhaps necessary to give a brief introductory note related to the text above. It is quite possible that some of the questions raised and the major issues and concerns stated here will seem sensitive or even a bit offensive to some or even most of my Ethiopian compatriots. This is because, I imagine, we Ethiopians quite often choose to think only about the positive side of our history and culture, preferring to walk with a profound feeling of pride, leaning heavily but irresponsibly upon the ceaselessly fascinating history of Ethiopia, proud of simply being the children of those who fought gallantly and decisively against foreign powers, despite their relatively modern, deadly firearms. For known or unknown reasons, however, we are unaccustomed, perhaps even allergic to confronting ourselves and engaging with the other, negative side of the coin – facing our own historical and cultural processes, errors and realities and relating them to the contemporary political challenges, personal and group acrimonies that are all sources of the persistent tragedies that plague us in our never-ending attempts and struggles to free ourselves from the shackles of longstanding impoverishment and from successive repressive regimes. In our persistent endeavours to democratize our country we attempt to imitate the systems, political and democratic models of other nations, to implement them in our own land and incorporate them into our minds, but we fail to first understand and deal with the cardinal foundations and requirements of the many-sided components of democracy and democratic patterns and principles, and to consider and study their appropriateness to our situation, the openness of our culture and our socio-culturally molded attitudes and mindsets.

It is therefore vitally important, especially given the infrequent nature of debates and discussions involving such sensitive issues, to have an open mind and pay the necessary attention, so as to comprehend both the primary and wider purposes of this paper: not just to initiate new discourses and educate ourselves, but first of all to stress the urgent need to think and look critically, either individually or collectively, at the historical components that have shaped Ethiopian culture and molded our uncompromising, irreconcilable and sometimes vindictive attitudes and uncaring behaviours. Only then will we be able to meaningfully and effectively address and redress the family socialization and group orientations we have had, including our regionalist mentalities, and to envision and cultivate the new political culture that is essential for the entire land of Ethiopia. This engagement with our history and culture is, in my view, indispensable, and will be highly conducive to redirecting our discourse into more mature, logical ways of looking at the sources of the persistent feuds, infighting and divisions among us. Through such engagement, after addressing the root causes of our inabilities to forge bonds, live and work together and find the remedies we need, and after inculcating concepts of respect, trust, confidence, accountability and shared responsibility for each other – combined with a mindset among the members of our society that includes a sense of belonging, a feeling of nationhood – we can achieve a basis for democracy and democratic systems to gradually take root in the land of Ethiopia. Only then can the needs, desires and aspirations of the people be realized – to live together, side by side and peacefully, as children of a single nation state under a democratic system and under collaboratively achieved, agreed and accepted rules and socio-cultural values and norms.

Let me now outline a few remaining primary intentions of this paper. One important additional objective is to consider the composition of the Ethiopian Diaspora, including the increasing differences within the community in terms of educational background and the extent of involvement in Ethiopian Diaspora politics. A more crucial element in relation to Diaspora politics, which I would like to see taken under consideration by the Ethiopian Diaspora community – especially if we are willing to make a serious attempt to forge bonds among ourselves, become a socially and politically influential community and play a meaningful role in helping ourselves and possibly also our country – is to again issue my previous repeated calls underlining the urgent need for the establishment of a common, single House for the Ethiopian Diaspora, a professional institution, free from any direct or indirect influence from any political party, with visions and strategies, systems and rules – systems and rules that reward and obligate its members to serve, provide support and comply. This would be an institution within which we can all educate ourselves; provide the means and the required material and educational tools to help in the development and expansion of civil society in our country; rebuild the badly needed trust, confidence and accountability among ourselves; engage in positive and constructive discourse and research about the many sided positive and negative cultural elements of our society; redress previous wrongdoing; and fashion new and helpful tools and strategies that will help to heal wounds, whether long existing or freshly inflicted, upon particular sections and generations of Ethiopian society. Within such an institution we can produce acceptable, maturely written policies relevant to our contemporary political challenges and debates about the process of democratization, the development and role of civil society and the future face and direction of our country and its people, and we can rebuild the badly needed respect and love among ourselves. Such an institution is also needed to help maintain and expand our long-established positive cultural elements and use these to fashion a new political culture, extending our cultural patterns to include habits of working and living together with accountability and responsibility. This will allow us not only to influence the forces and processes of future socio-economic and political changes in our country, both directly and indirectly, but to play an indispensable part, with a meaningful, positive, substantial role in helping and defending each member of our community in times of personal or collective difficulty, no matter how severe (see the last page of my article: Lessons for Ethiopians from the downfall of US-supported dictators.)

For methodological purposes and to provide a clear, effective review of the interlinked topical issues and questions raised above, two critically important terms, functional and dysfunctional will be employed in relation to community or society. In this paper the use of these terms will be strictly limited to the Ethiopia Diaspora community and its involvement and role in areas of politics. All of the issues and topics outlined above will be incorporated and highlighted within the following four sub-themes:

• Contemporary Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical Perspective

• The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics, the Wider Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives

• Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora Community

• Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking?

My brief remarks, conclusions and alternative suggestions will be incorporated at the end of the paper, together with the fourth sub-topic. This concluding remark will include some concrete alternatives and helpful suggestions about what precisely needs be done – a new path, including new socio-political mechanisms conducive to freeing Ethiopians from family, group-oriented and regionalist politics, helpful in forging bonds among ourselves

Finally, I must note that there are few helpful written materials or study guides regarding the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and how its politics began and developed. Therefore this paper will be based primarily on highly limited personal participation and observations of three decades ago, making it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to present a proper, relatively balanced overview. I am nevertheless determined to confront myself, to refresh my memories, and to make every effort to take a brief, close look at the historical processes and growth of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its role in Ethiopian politics.

Maru Gubena

Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl

• The issues, questions and concerns raised above will be included and examined, together with the remaining four sub-topics,  when I return with chapters two and three of this paper.

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27. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Tegga Lendado, PhD

This article is dedicated to the victims of the recent drought, disease, malnutrition, famine, and others who are facing premature death in Southern Ethiopia. The purpose is to induce rational, religious and humanitarian response with its readers. From the outset, I beg that it should not be construed as a sectarian or political motivation. My intention is to inform readers to pray intelligently, donors to give responsibly and the government to engage pro-actively. It short, it is a call for environmental justice. Let it be clear that I am presenting these brute but humble thoughts as a concerned moral agent, simple-minded thinker and an international development professional as well as an environmental advocate. The article is based on brief observations and discussions with concerned individuals to whom I am grateful.

Southwestern Ethiopia used to boast of its green vegetation. Just over a century ago, 40% of the land was covered by forest. When Emperor Haile Sellasie reigned in 1930, the forest had dwindled to 10%. By the time he was deposed in 1974, it had reduced to 4%. With advent of Dirgue’s public ownership policy of the rural land, the peasants recklessly abused state forests. In 1978, the estimated amount of the forested land mass was only 3%. The current estimate is only 2%.

With desertification effect of the Sahara Desert, commonly called the Sahel and other major factors such as deforestation, Ethiopia’s climate has changed to more arid and hotter, only varied by the higher altitudes and the Danakil depression served by the monsoon wind and precipitation. The moisture content of the hot air of the bright and scorching sunlight is so thin that an elderly person may experience shortness of breath in the highlands. The heat wave may seem unbearable in the lowlands as well. The eco-system has been adversely affected due to continuous neglect and abuse of forest conservation, development and management. Apart from the recent millennium tree-panting effort, apparently there have not been any major forestry development projects in the last two decades in the region. Contrarily, hundreds of acres have been arbitrarily cleared for farming in Gamo and Kaffa. Wild fires in Bale and Arsi Zones had irreplaceably damaged sizeable natural forests in recent years.

There are also other factors that contribute to un-productivity of the farmland including over-population, over-grazing, soil degradation due to erosion and over-utilization, wild wind, improper application of commercial fertilizers, lack of land use policy such as propagating and maintaining traditional peasantry as a way of life for the rural population, in lieu of modern and mechanized farming, urbanization and industrialization. Peasantry, with its primitive means of production such as hand tools and animal traction does not permit the weak peasant to produce more than s/he or the family consumes. Except in Gamo area, terracing and irrigation are hardly known in the region. For years people have depended only on seasonal rain alone. With all these shortcomings, it is simply absurd and unethical to expect the undernourished poor peasant to produce surplus. Communal labor-intensive cultivation like the debo system used to be very effective in the past when land was plenty and powerful oxen were readily available. But now family holdings have diminished and the number of oxen per household is 0.45, according to my small short-lived sampling for estimates in Wolayita, Sidama and Kembata areas a few months ago.

Thus, recurrent drought and famine are attributed to such phenomenon as deforestation, topsoil depletion, excessive grazing, etc. Scanty and erratic rainfall is also to blame. Fast growing vegetation can mislead a tourist’s eye but not so with a native observer. Bushes may bud and the grass may grow for a short while and everything around the peasant’s garden may look green. The peasant may plant traditional crops only to harvest unripe and inconsumable products. Such was the case in Southern Ethiopia when I had visited Wolayita and Kambata in early 1992. The land was lash grassy and the plants on the fields were strikingly green. The soil was moist and muddy. But the peasants were skinny and weak. The kids had bulgy belly and blurring eyes denoting signs of malnutrition or undernourishment. One could be misled to conclude that those peasants were lazy and unproductive.

In the 1970s, the student-led revolution had “land for the tiller” as a motto. I never advocated for it then and would never do now. For the most part, the tiller was the poor peasant. Of course, I could agree on allotment of land to the few landless serfs who deserved the ownership of occupied by absentee owners. The government seems to be stuck with the communistic “land-for-the-tiller-revolution” even if communism had long proved unproductive in the era of mixed or so-called free-market economy. In Federal Democratic Ethiopia, all land is public property such that all peasants may occupy, but not own it. Peasants possess only primitive and rudimentary means of production. The little holding of the peasants are shared with their adult children through the years such that little is left to produce any thing substantial. This vicious circle is conspicuous in densely populated areas like Guraguae, Kembata, Wolayita, Timbaro, etc. Amazing techniques of mountain tilling is observed in Kembata alone. What admirable and courageous peasantry! But, we must note that the people are in the brink of famine and disease prone. Can someone “bail out” these populations before they totally collapse In light of the multifaceted chronic and recurrent problems, what should be done?

Famine is the worst form suffering leading to slow death. A couple of shoeshine boys told me, “We prefer to go to the warfront rather than dying the slow death here”. Traditionally, southern Ethiopians produced surplus food. They were content with their life and did not opt for nomadic or migrant life. Other people come from elsewhere and settle among them enjoying the kind hospitality. Interestingly, the new comers excel their hosts bringing freshness and vitality but sharing the little resource the hosts have. Such social intercourse was being promoted in the south to the extent that, whenever and wherever there was famine in other parts of the county, subsequent governments used to resettle the affected populations in regions such as Gamo, Keffa, Wolayita, Bale Arsi, Gofa, etc. This created some pressure on the peasants as the new comers scrambled for the scarce resources. Thus, famine became another misery the people had to share. In reality, the outcome of socialist Ethiopia (1974-1991) was simply a shared life of poverty and all the curses attached to it.

In Halaba, and Northeastern Hadiya areas, along the Shashemanae-Soddo Highway, the landslide is scary. Apart from the erosion of the topsoil, the ground cracks leaving crevices of about 2-3 meters wide, 4 meters deep and hundreds of meters long. The same phenomenon is observed near Lake Abaya and other Rift Valley depressions. A thorough integrated study may be needed to alleviate the condition.

Let us not forget blaming apathy and ignorance in our brief analysis of the green famine. Drought-resistant tuber crops such as enset, boyna, boye, sweet potatoes, cassava, etc., are not popular in some part of the south. Recently, I visited a farm in Tikur Wuha area of Awassa town. I spotted three species of sweet potatoes. I asked a female Guragae farmer where she got them. She told me her husband brought them from Wolayita Zone. She introduced them for the first time to her neighbors. Soon many peasants started planting that species of sweet potatoes in Sidama district.

Generally, Ethiopians do not consume much tuba crops, fruits and vegetable except for the people of the enset culture. Some vegetables take little time to grow and less effort to cultivate; yet, multitudes of peasant do not seem to know that. So, a concerted dietary education needs to be offered to the public to diversify consumption habits.

Peasantry and farming are two similar careers of rural life. A peasant is a small holder who produces for his/her family’s subsistence. A farmer is an entrepreneur who produces food for commercial consumption in large quantity and better quality. Apparently, we do not have peasants in USA. Here, only less than 4% of the population is engaged in commercial/industrial farming. These farmers are the ones that produce surplus for the local and international markets. They use machineries and implements, skilled labor, improved variety of seeds, scientifically and technologically advanced mechanisms, techniques and systems of input and output. Farmers own or lease a large piece of land for commercial and industrial farming employing sophisticated machinery and equipment. Ethiopian peasants do not merit the name “farmers” because they do not have all those qualities the name is attached with. However, all the rural population in Ethiopia, 85% has traditionally been called “farmer”. In the last four decades, Ethiopian peasants have been unable to feed themselves, let alone producing surplus for urban consumption.

Cash crops such as sisal, sugar cane, cotton, coffee, flower, tea, nuts, eucalyptus, tea, etc., have discouraged the production of staple foods. Some staple products such as teff, sorgham, barley, and corn are now becoming cash crops that the peasant may not afford to use for his family’s consumption. During Janhoy’s time the hundreds of acres of land along the Shashemane Awassa High Way was allotted to sisal production. Wonji and Matahara sugar plantations have occupied massive land. Dergue cleared Bebeka area in Kaffa for coffee and tea plantation. The current government introduced flower production en masse to attract foreign investment. Apart from competing and interfering with cereal production it has yielded millions of foreign currency income. However, given the fact that it may lead to soil degradation, which leads to low productivity, it might be advisable to moderate or alternate such production. Besides, would it not be wise for Ethiopia to be food self-sufficient before venturing to flower production in this persistently sluggish global economy?

Cited Problems and Pro-active Solutions

1. Environmental Justice: Climatic change associated with global warming (due to industrial pollution) and poverty (due mainly to resource misappropriation, unscrupulous exploitation, mismanagement or corruption seem to be major global problems, necessitating global attention) mineral depletion, forest decimation, wildlife exploitation, soil and water resource degradation, etc., (need regional planning). Nations that are victims of global pollution should be recompensed for the loss of life. On the contrary, nations that do not pollute the environment should be rewarded, if globalization is to be real and fair. Western industrial nations and other emerging economic powers including China, India, Brazil, Russia, South Africa, Australia, New, Zealand, etc., should eliminate or radically reduce pollutant technologies for the welfare of the “global village”.

2. Population Explosion: Cultural and moral education/legislation to check irresponsible and immoral childbearing and rearing; health care and life-skills education, motivational education, etc. For example, it is immoral to produce children only to pass the responsibility to adoptive parents, agencies or public institutions. Forced under-age marriage, uncontrolled libido (distribution of plastics to kids as a way of HIV prevention and prostitution as a cope-out way of life, etc.).

3. Land Policy: The peasant should not be held hostage of his/her small unproductive land. Capable peasants should be allowed to purchase properties, develop their holding, sell and resell their land so that there is transfer or exchange of wealth. Most monetary systems such as insurances and banks base land as real asset. Peasantry should be replaced by industrial urbanization so that proper land use planning could be executed. Land for food production, cattle grazing, industrial site, forestry and wildlife reserve and development, etc. should be allocated for voluntary tillers.

4. Mode and Means of Production: Peasantry and farming should be clearly distinguished so that proper attention should be given to the rural communities such as subsidized communal farming, industrial development, cottage industrial development and structured private production of cash crops and staple foods.

5. Paradigm Shift: As such, I do believe, agriculture should be industry-led, not the other way round, for Ethiopians to “starve-no-more”. Mass production and food preservation mechanisms such as refrigeration technology, food processing, proper food handling and delivery schemes, etc, would reduce famine and dispel the stigma of starvation from Ethiopia. For this to happen, there needs to be a paradigm shift in the minds of national and regional political leadership.

6. Kind of Production: Cash crops such as sisal, sugar cane, cotton, coffee, flower, tea, nuts, eucalyptus, etc., have discouraged the production of staple foods. Some staple products such as teff and corn are now becoming cash crops that peasant may not afford to use his family’s consumption. During Janhoy’s time the hundreds of acres of land along the Shashemane Awassa Highway were allotted to sisal production. Wonji and Matahara sugar plantations have occupied massive land. Dergue cleared the natural rain forest in Bebeka, Kaffa for coffee and tea plantation. The current government introduced flower production en masse in the heartland near Modjo to generate the much needed foreign currency. Unfortunately, all the three governments seem to have been driven by such short-term goals without giving due consideration to the vulnerability of the environment. The flower production is competing with cereal production despite the fact that it is yielding millions of foreign currency. It should be noted that soil degradation leading to low productivity might be caused by such cash crops besides de-incentivizing the poor peasant, thereby further reducing national food sufficiency. I suggest that food production take priority over cash crops in view of food security of the country.

7. The myth that southern Ethiopia is the breadbasket of Ethiopia should now be dispelled and proper attention should be given to the region’s relapsing food shortage due to unreliable rainfall. Proper regional planning should take into consideration utilizing the major rivers and lakes such as the Omo, Bilate, Abaya, etc.

8. Centralization of Industrial Sites: Many industries have been established in Addis Ababa and its vicinity in the last decades. The rural towns such as Arba Minch, Dilla and Soddo are over-populated with able-bodied and educated youngsters looking for employment. Light and heavy industries should be relocated and/or started in those rural towns in view of diversifying the economy and check undue urbanization.

Conclusion

For the sake shortening the article, let me quickly move on to my concluding remarks. We can endlessly blame the governors, the people, the facilitators, NGOs and the victims. Certainly, we have done that many times and for too long. The time has now come for the silent intelligentsia, the withdrawn Diaspora and the subdued professionals to take responsible actions and play practical roles according to the dictates of their hearts and minds. It is easy to be part of the problem by blaming others or staying aloof forever.

The Ethiopian Diaspora and other concerned entities can get involved with the local governments or non-governmental organizations (if there are any remaining in the country, owing to the perceived ordeal of the recent regulation) working in southern Ethiopia at the following levels.

Relief: Governmental, non-governmental, humanitarian, ecclesiastical, religious, non-religious, domestic or expatriate entities should collaborate in the effort of saving life. Individual donors should give whatever resource to avert famine, be it financial support, imperishable food, means of transportation, medicine, clothing, etc. Contacting persons or organizations engaged in the effort would reveal the need of the time.

Rehabilitation: Once the relief work is done, rehabilitating takes over. Without interrupting the relief effort, rehabilitating the victim can take place in light of extending to his/her short-term person-centered resettlement goals. This may involve recuperation of lost items, namely housing, health care, rationed food and other essentials, etc. to the point where the person can take care of himself/herself.

Development: If the person were rehabilitated well, he/she would want to think of his/her long-term goals. Thinking along with the person, one may provide him the necessary tools, implements, seeds and techniques. Specialized agencies may give micro-loans, etc to transform the sustenance of the victim. A benevolent giver may sponsor a family or a child through established humanitarian agencies engaged in the affected areas.

Tegga Lendado, PhD., a development consultant based in Atlanta, USA, is a former Director of Forestry for the Central Region, Ethiopia and worked as Forestry Engineer for the UNDP/FAO and others in Southern Africa. He can be reached at tlendado@aol.com

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24. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Obo Arada Shawl  - February 23, 2009

For whom the bell tolls

Ethiopiawinet is abstract

Ethiopianism is concrete

Since there seems no agreement

What about the alternative medicine of Aagmelago as inspired by DEBu!

The unfinished journey of DEBTERAW

Versus

EPLF, TPLF and OLF

The why and the how’s: Today is the beginning of Fasting…

 COLONIALSM?

Colonialism is as old as society itself. However, the term colonialism took a more sharp and specific meaning during the 19^th century when colonialists saw it as an extension of “civilization” from Europe to “backward societies”. ? Was Aethiopia a backward society with no so-called “civilization”?  What is the stand of EPLF, TPLF and OLF as at to date? Perhaps regret! Call me by my name, what is my name, colonizer or colonized?  Explanation is required!

In addition colonialism was seen as a search for

• Raw materials,
• New markets and
• New fields of investment.

What about MMI (material-market-investment)? Was Aethiopia fit for colonization to take place based on these criteria? EPLF, TPLF and OLF, please tell us more on these issues.

At other times, colonialism was colonization that desire to physically settle people from the imperial country. Who was imperial in the Aethiopian case? More explanations, please! Resettlement or migration tells us different stories.

Typical aspect of colonialism include Racial and Cultural between the ruling and the subjects such as the followings

• Political
• Legal domination                                 = Your action speaks louder than words
• Exploitation of the subject people

Colonialism was seen as a key cause of uneven development. What is the stand of EPLF, TPLF and OLF concept of uneven development? Is ignorance bliss in this case?

Finally, contrary to the EPLF, TPLF and OLF claims of being colonized, the term colonialism may also be used to refer to an ideology or a set of beliefs used to legitimize or promote the system. As such the colonizers of Aethiopia seem to be the EPLF and the TPLF in concrete terms and the OLF in abstract terms.

Colonialism was often based on the ethnocentric belief that the morals and values of the colonizer were superior to those of the colonized – otherwise known as Racism or pseudo-scientific. What is the purpose of ethnicity? It is either racism or something else. All Aethiopians demand explanation.

AETHIOPIANS?

• Those who were born in geographical Ethiopia alias MAKK
• Those who have and still are struggling in the Eway Revolution
• Those who are married to Aethiopians and
• Those who were adopted to be Aethiopians and
• Others who qualify for any other reason not mentioned above

DEMOCRACIA?

It is in our culture to judge and be judged. In Aethiopia it is of judges, by judges and for judges? The culture of WE is deep in our culture as a result we have been judging others by our standard. Aethiopian strive to behave in virtuous morality not by edicts and votes.

Interestingly enough, President Kennedy’s speech at the time “ask not what your country can do for you but ask what you can do for your country” reverberated in the Student Movement which really touched the CIA Opportunists. The radical student movement, not only were aware of their culture of voluntarism but also they were ready to sacrifice for their country. They did not need President Kennedy’s appeal.

DEMOCRACIA – the political organ of EPRP has been published its 34th and 35^th year this month. The first call is for the youth to take charge of their beloved country Aethiopia (USAE) while the second issues is about Yekatit የካቲት ግም ሲል.

DEBTERAW’s call for action

• Know what the Americans and Israel’s want out of Aethiopia
• Know the interests of the Chinese and Russians
• Know where the interests of Europeans lie
• Know why the Arabs and Muslims want to be involved in the game of chess
• Strategize how the leaders of EPLF and TPLF abdicate their power.

A hint for removing the leaders of EPLF and TPLF.

• 1. The EPLF leader is a dictator for he does not believe in the concept of democracy let alone DEMOCRACIA
  2. The leader of TPLF is a Tyrant who cheats in the name of democracy but exercises his power in a tyrannical way
  3. Ask for justice in the name of DEBTERAW for Shaebia claims that their main objective is searching for justice while Woyane knows very well that they are keeping the rare Revolutionary/Patriot incommunicado for fear of flourishing open and free DEMOCRACIA in ኤትዮጵያ .

NB: This month of Yekatit has seen many adventures, many sharp changes of fortune. Since 1974, all Aethiopians have seen war, revolution, execution, madness, sexual scandal, power corruption, religious conversion and attempted assassination but not POWER ABDICATION. Why, why and why? Can one find it by fasting?

Truth will prevail

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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19. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Alex Birhanu – alexbirhanu@yahoo.com

While reading a series of heated discussions on cyber-space in recent weeks, I came across flaring, fuming and flexing comments coming from Eritrean readers who request Ethiopian writers to abstain from including Eritrea and Issayas Afeworki in their descriptions; and only focus on contemporary political situations in Meles Zenawi’s TPLF regime. I found this Eritrean complaint as improper since the actual source of our troubled Ethiopia emanates from Afeworki’s ethnocentric political craftsmanship, which he does not allow to be experimented within Eritrea while at the same time subscribing it to be vigorously applied by his junior Meles Zenawi within Ethiopia. Secondly, there are yet unresolved matters pending between Eritrea and Ethiopia as part of the Afeworki-Zenawi unfair deals and leadership styles. So in order for us Ethiopians to get into the synthesis and anti-thesis of the whole matter in the open, we need to unveil the events and conspiracies that took place behind closed doors and left both the Eritrean and Ethiopian public in intricate political legacy yet to be rationally resolved. Following suit of Issayas Afeworki’s consistent indoctrination, Meles Zenawi keeps on running Ethiopia and its politics contemptuously under ethnocentric politics and ethnic-mobilization. But this experimental policy practice of setting-up an ethnocentric federal regime actually has not won popularity. Nearly 2-decades after its experimental sessions, Zenawi’s ethnocentric federal regime seems doomed to failure. Now that Meles is talking about stepping down from his premier position, we are all left to ponder as to who will make a bridge over our troubled water; and respond to these confusing riddles of political legacy. In order to arrive at a solid and timely way out from the trouble at hand, we need to build a bridge over our troubled political stance by examining the roots of the troubles we are faced and left with. So in what follows I will raise 11-crucial viewpoints:

(1) The roots of the ethnocentric political crisis in Ethiopia lies in the hands of 2-self-appointed despots - Afeworki and Zenawi – who take charge of governance at their will; but never delivered even a fraction of what they promised before they ascended to power. For instance, Afeworki’s Shaabia regime in Eritrea prohibits “ethnic-self determination up to secession” doctrine for its nine ethnic-sub-regions. Contrarily, Afeworki continues to preach for national unity and integrated Eritrea. Needless to say, Issayas Afeworki, who has sown the seeds of recurring ethnocentric political conflicts to deeply wreck Ethiopia into smaller mini-states, is today reaping from his own workings and tied to his own crafts that left young but not yet formally stable Eritrea in perpetual crisis and isolation from most global ties. Consequently, the Eritrean elite group has refrained from reaching its hands to quench Afeworki’s wolf-cries. Besides, untold mass exodus of Eritrean youth is continuing in all directions of the world.

(2) To accomplish one of the lethal promises made under-oath to Issayas Afeworki while under training in the Eritrean heart land Meles Zenawi promulgated in his TPLF-constitution an ethnocentric and divisive policy in the pretext of the right to self-determination, including and up to secession as written in article 39, No. 1. This initially Afeworki crafted ethnocentric article reads: “Every nation, nationality and people in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession.” From the outset this article may seemingly lead to generate the feeling that an unlimited political right is granted to each of the 80 major and 223 small ethnic groups in total inhabiting Ethiopia so that each can create its own mini-state. Ironically and in practice however, Issayas Afeworki, the father of ethnocentric politics has no concession to ethnic-forces with the same demand among the 9-ethnic groups inside Eritrea. To the contrary, as late as recently, Afeworki declared war on the Afar people that don’t accept their population and land to be included within the bounds of Eritrea. One wonders about the selective use of the right to self-determination. After 18 years in practice, TPLF’s ethnocentric socio-political base remains aloof as it is solely restricted to elites selectively hand picked from within the TPLF circle; but with a population of about four million in a vast country of 80 million people this TPLF framework is not fit to mobilise or organise a nation of diversity. Without having critically examined through of its application and having failed to anticipate the consequences of its actions thereof, Zenawi’s TPLF regime hastily declared the right to self-determination including secession and invited all ethnic groups in Ethiopia to organise on ethnocentric political principles. Naively, Zenawi hoped the newly formed ethnic organisations, which understandably lack the necessary organisational experience and strength to run their own affairs by themselves, would rush to join his TPLF-regime, thereby to draw support and develop legitimacy to rule the country.

(3) The leadership styles of Afeworki and Zenawi are profoundly rough and heavy handed authoritarianism. Although Afeworki’s EPLF-regime claims to be a diehard communist and TPLF in turn seems a half-baked-capitalist, these 2-regimes basically lack accountability and transparency. More so, Afeworki and Zenawi are seriously entrenched in clearly-open nepotism and corruption. Their government tops are immensely filled by an elite-group, which is hand-picked and indoctrinated to fragment itself on “ethnic-divides”, “religious- affiliations”, and “peer’s vested political and economic inclinations” and interests. Except for the EPLF and TPLF ethnocentric groups that hold the steering wheel, the rest of the members of the ethnically federated parliamentary assemblies in Ethiopia and the hand-picked EPLF membership in Eritrea are all indoctrinated to remain loyal-opposition groups (if any) to the regime administration on power. In actual fact, these groups are disempowered and find the working of the lofty parliamentary assembly and its political atmosphere difficult to work in and defend their respective political interests collectively; or even influence the Afeworki and Zenawi styles of governance to listen to their options. In particular, in Zenawi’s amputated “ethnically federated Ethiopia”, one observes a combination of TPLF-regime’s untold methods of repression, disorientated elite-groups grumbling to realize (a) divisive ethnic-indoctrination, and (b) an authoritarian cultural legacy both inherited from Godfather Afeworki.

(4) Looked at in retrospective, by 1991, in collaboration with EPLF, Zenawi’s TPLF regime and its affiliate-organisations went on unilaterally to capture power in Addis Ababa and restructured today’s amputated Ethiopia just in the way as aspired and promised under oath to Issayas Afeworki during TPLF’s infancy in the bushes of hinterland Eritrea. With Zenawi at the driving seat of leadership and at the helm of the new political set-up TPLF capitalized its commanding heights by virtually consolidating a supreme power for no body but all alone for Zenawi. As a result, the Ethiopian public that was already exhausted by 17-years of previous repressive Derg regimes legacy are helplessly left to face all the anticipated dangers that Zenawi’s political impasse entailed; including those of the formation of the Eritrean state and the give-away of Assab port and its assets to Eritrea by 1991. Thus the political arena crafted by Meles Zenawi reflects much of conflicting political, social, cultural and economic interests. The key ones include, but not limited to, the following:

1. Lack of fair political play by not allowing space for compromise or broad-based consensus;

2. Nominally crafted TPLF-regime’s local governance platforms implemented in the 6-regions proceed without deliberation or consultation at the broad-mass levels;

3. Lack of harmonious working and livelihoods environment between TPLF and the masses that eventually sustain and cement a long-term peace;

4. To this day, Issayas Afeworki’s initial indoctrination and the seeds he provided to germinate continue being sown by Zenawi’s TPLF-regime.

(5) With TPLF in power, ethnocentric national regions in Ethiopia have officially entered into a new twist; where irreconcilable political games are being perpetuated to eventually weaken the already amputated Ethiopia to its demise. Zenawi and TPLF echelons continue to follow suit Issayas Afeworki’s ethnocentric-politics as a viable political pathway without enquiring and getting consensus from Ethiopian opposition leaders and the general public. Dependent on Afeworki’s initial indoctrination and military backing, Zenawi and TPLF hastily imposed a highly ethnocentric political experiment upon the Ethiopian society. Ironic enough, without consulting some of the TPLF’s-gallant fighters that resisted the Derg in most parts of hinterland Eritrea; and without the consent of the people of Tigray, Zenawi advocated for Eritrean independence and gave to Afeworki a full-fledged free ride for a unilateral succession where Afeworki is left to govern the 9-ethnic groups with no mention of self-determination or succession. But when the coin is flipped to Zenawi’s Ethiopia side, ethnic-led political experiment became the icon and the centre-piece of the day; where every ethnic group is allowed to experiment with self-determination up to a point where it may ask to secede and form its own independent mini-state; thus Afeworki’s strategy of dismantling Ethiopia from the face of the globe could eventually be ascertained; but in vain. This ill-conceived ethnocentric experiment was meant to allow Ethiopian ethnic groups forming no less than eighty ethnic-based mini-states at best or 223 mini-states at worse. Imagine how tough such situation would be for the rest of Africa if Ethnocentric mini-states were to be crafted everywhere by following the example set by these two despots. In any case, Issayas Afeworki’s ethnocentric politics indoctrination carried further by Meles Zenawi is ostensibly meant to draw support and legitimacy for the TPLF regime from the numerous Ethiopian ethnic groups within the 6 regions but in vain. Unexpectedly Zenawi’s ethnocentric federal governance turned out to expedite the emergence of a wave of inhuman and barbaric ethnic-conflicts, while leaving the entire-multiethnic, multilingual, multi-religious Ethiopian population in a state of confusion and stalemate between ethnic groups residing within those 6-regions.

(6) Once after Zenawi captured power, he skilfully utilized TPLF’s political and military organs as steppingstones to consolidate power over the whole of Ethiopia; but TPLF’s power is hanging in limbo without penetrating and building effective and efficient socio-political base across ethnic lines throughout today’s Ethiopia. To make matters worse, unfortunately, the innocent Tigrayan population that have generations after generation been paying dearly for all the major political appraisals hitherto happening inside Ethiopia, is trapped between Zenawi’s erroneous policy and perceived by all other ethnic groups in both Ethiopia and Eritrea as an partner in crime of the TPLF-regime. Sad enough Tigray and its population that is the hub of homo-sapiens, the source of Tigre people in Eritrea (previously known as ‘Bahir-Negahs’ or part of Greater Tigray); the cradle of old Ethiopian civilization since the Biblical times; the home of Zion Mary of Axume, generous people known for its humane and religious faithfulness and hospitality, is merely held tight under a gun-point by Zenawi’s conspirators TPLF-regime. Otherwise we have seen signs of nationalist Tigrian individuals in Diaspora coming to the fore and speaking their minds defending Ethiopia. For that matter what is Ethiopia without Tigre and Tigray after all? Amidst all these twisted riddles to consider, to this very day, the key reason why no opposition party, other than TPLF, is allowed to work inside Tigray Region is simply to claim undivided Tigray support for Zenawi’s ruling party; to bury the burning national fillings of Tigray people against the unilateral give-away acts Meles Zenawi has committed in parts of the controversial border dispute areas between Eritrea and Northern Tigray; and thus trampling over the democratic rights of the Tigrayan people to organize an opposition; or nominally allowing an opposition group that ascertains its faithfulness to TPLF – as labelled by Zenawi in Amharic - KIN TEKAWAMI – literally meaning loyal opposition.

(7) When Zenawi entered Addis Ababa, most Ethiopians welcomed TPLF without much resistance, genuinely hoping that whoever comes to power after the horrible communist Derg Junta regime of the 1970s and 1980s may not be dreadful. Besides looked at Ethiopia’s fate from foreign affairs perspectives, in the early 1990s, the key concern of the US-led Western powers was mainly focused on arresting the expansion of Islamic Fundamentalism (perceived to pose serious political threat to the Western cultural values and material interests in and around the Middle East and Eastern Africa). Especially, Sudan, where Al-Turabi-indoctrinated Islamist regime is gaining momentum, and occupying strategic political and religious positions in the wider region had to be checked from Al-Turabi’s sphere of influences. Consequently Herman Cohen of the USA found a plausible means in both Zenawi’s TPLF and Afeworki’s EPLF as these 2-sisterly front-leaders were seen as better-organised conducting manageable military forces within a federated Ethiopia that could possibly accomplish the strategic tasks the USA wanted to pursue in the region.

(8) Initially, despite their leftist-communistic rhetoric, both Issayas Afeworki and Meles Zenawi swiftly came into terms with Herman Cohen, the then US-Assistant Secretary of State for Africa. And as TPLF and EPLF forces were coming closer to Addis Ababa and Asmara respectively, in London, on 27 May 1991, Mr Cohen, met with Afeworki, Zenawi and leaders representing OLF. Other key political forces including EPRP that have clear stakes on Ethiopian affairs and could have affected Ethiopia’s future make-up undoubtedly were deliberately ignored. By so doing a golden opportunity for an all out political settlement was pushed-aside in favour of military and US-led solutions. In fact, before a negotiated settlement was reached, at the end of May 1991, Meles Zenawi, after spending a night in the American Embassy in Khartoum, suddenly showed-up in Addis Ababa and started to head his TPLF-regime in his own way; eventually, he outsmarted the political arena and backed as one of USA’s strongest allies in the region. The USA and its allies delayed no time granting Zenawi’s TPLF regime diplomatic recognition, financial aid, military and technical experts. Within months of taking office the one time Albanian Communist branded TPLF turned to claim itself as a capitalist by stand. Likewise within months, USA hooked and cemented TPLF as its dependable ally in its globalisation loop for which Zenawi’s TPLF regime consistently got remunerated in millions worth of military and financial support.

(9) Internally, Zenawi started to systematically spread his offensive campaign and silenced opposition elements within the country by denying their freedom of expression that could lead to mobilise people against his unpopular policies. Particularly, at one point, persuaded by opposition parties within and outside the country, many Ethiopian newspapers came-out in mass. Yet, whenever these papers become critical of TPLF-regime, their respective editors, journalists and publishers were immediately pulled into prison accused of negative campaigning against Zenawi’s TPLF regime. Over time, several journalists and publishers of private newspapers and magazines in Addis Ababa became arrested.

(10) To date, both Afeworki’s and Zenawi’s rigid, self-righteous and uncompromising EPLF & TPLF-regimes and their apparent determination to hold the monopoly of power by any means can be matched by the foiled peace efforts thus far and by the frustrated ambitions of the opposition parties who remain loyal at the country’s respective parliaments. From day one in power, both Issayas Afeworki and Meles Zenawi and their respective TPLF-EPLF-cohorts apparently remain unpopular; basically because these two groups came to power not only by supporting each other while in the bushes; but also by the will of the US-government. Now that both leaders remain in power by using the same military force they had previously, the keep on exercising gross militaristic actions. This partially explains why Afeworki and Zenawi are equally engaged in gross violation of human and democratic rights by simply putting it on paper for formality reasons that camouflages the true nature of their bandit-tricks, intrigues and ethnocentric leadership. The so-called constitutions, crafted by Zenawi and Afeworki regimes are neither legitimate nor regulate the roles of a stable state. These formal papers simply remain personal and programmatic constitutions adored by Zenawi and Afeworki alone. Indeed their nominal constitutions, no matter what was inscribed in them are no more than a piece of paper granted by two hated autocratic leaders that could only serve the interest of their respective ruling group whom they hand picked from time to time.

(11) Today, 2-decades later, all these factors stand as shield against the Ethiopian society from acquiring empowerment leading to egalitarian governance and access to the sea. Much so, the Afar population remains artificially divided by Afeworki & Zenawi crafted complots. A lesson learnt from EPLF and TPLF hatched ethnocentric experiment is the following: Contrary to the expectation of Afeworki and Zenawi, the Ethiopian population at large is determined to regain what it has lost during the last 18 years. With no less than eighty major ethnic groups inhabiting inside Ethiopia, ethnocentric policy can’t hold substantive results. And without an inclusive politics no governance can function feasibly in a country where the link between the interwoven grassroots and the power base are tied-in by an authoritarian leadership, fragmented elite and strangled civil society left at bay. Indeed, a government that runs by contempt and empty pride is doomed to failure. Hence it is high time for us concerned Ethiopians and Eritreans to make soul searching efforts in order to find timely viable solutions as regards who will make a bridge over our troubled water and its Afeworki-Zenawi-legacy. When all is said and done, Ethiopia will prevail while Afeworki and Zenawi will be thrown into the dust-bin of history.

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19. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Firdu Yitayew

The Ethiopian and Eritrean Diaspora and home public are aware of the current heated debates on yet to be resolved burning national issues. At his capacity as the current AU Chairman, Colonel Gadafi promised recently to do his utmost regarding the Ethio-Eritrea stalemates, but in vain. At last, with effortful agitation and awareness creation, it is encouraging that more and more Ethiopian and Eritrean public are moving towards the pathways leading to informally unveil erroneous fictions, frictions and factions; and stand firm to fight against and resolve injustices incurred thus far by the two dictatorial renegades based in Addis Ababa and Asmara. For as long as the Ethiopian and Eritrean public consistently remain alert and know the fundamental problems manufactured and spread by the 2-hydra, we can ultimately create solidarity to block or eject these two devilish-hydra dictatorial tyrants from our nations; and solve the mountain high or the ocean-deep of conflicts and wars concocted by them. Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Meles should vanish along with their axis of devils. Particularly, for Ethiopians, the ongoing resistance inspirations must pave the way for the downfall of Dictator Meles Zenawi’s Agazi regime; a regime that is filled with untold injustice, contempt, humiliation and deceit.

When Meles vigorously supported the succession theory of Issayas while in the bushes, he had no choice as his only means to come to power was to initially cling on to EPLF and make all the EPLF-demanded concessions that came from his Godfather Issayas Afeworki fulfilled. And when we look at what Dictator Meles did to the Tigre speaking people both within Tigray and to those from Eritrea, it could be said that: Zenawi’s generous give-away of Assab and part of the Afar population to his mother’s homeland Eritrea; a country populated by nearly 4-million inhabitants; was part of such deal concluded in the 1980s. To us this malicious and nepotistic deal and actions taken there of by Zenawi is nothing but a matter of benefiting his affinity in the extreme North. But, what are the reasons behind such coercive political stand taken by Zenawi? The following are 3-key political cards Zenawi plays best with:

1. Obviously as promised to his Godfather earlier, breaking the socio-economic and political spinal cords (which Zenawi once boastingly spoke of as: Akerkariachewun Sebrenal) of the Amhara and the Oromo that are considered as potential threats and competitors for power was one mission accomplished. Likewise evicting that Eritrean Tigre population who are potential threats and competitors against those from Tigray is another mission accomplished.

2. Maintaining Assab outside the bounds of Ethiopia until the divisive policy dust settles well is mission possible that is still ongoing.

3. Until Issayas Afeworki is eventually replaced by a pro-TPLF leadership within Eritrea Zenawi will continue to support Eritrean opposition to simply soft-land and stand against Afeworki’s way; while Zenawi prepares for a major blow if and when Afeworki tries to flex his muscles against Zenawi’s army. Much so, the border demarcation and Assab utilization arrangements will remain pending as these are among the last resorts on which Zenawi can cling on to and use them for spreading further fear waves against anyone and all his opponents. Regardless of attempts by Colonel Gadafi, the current stalemate conditions between Afeworki and Zenawi depend on who holds tight the fulcrum to his advantage. So if anyone has the illusion that Zenawi’s stand on Eritrea is because of his principled belief for freedom that is not the case. In actual fact both Zenawi and Afeworki are 2 hydra nihilists who know who is who between the two of them.

Indeed, lack of knowledge is darker than night. An ignorant person is always a slave; and he works without knowledge; and he works uselessly. Hence, it is up to us the Ethiopian and Eritrean public to exploit the chances of forging long-run peaceful coexistence, economic-co-operation and mutual prosperity. After-all, Ethiopians and Eritrean kin and kits are fraternal brothers and sisters; and as the saying goes: “Blood is thicker than water”, so also the fate of these twp kin population tied with diachronically thick blood bondage.

Given that there is injustice, one such injustice concocted jointly by Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Zenawi is that of land-locking 80 million Ethiopians and keeping us imprisoned in Zenawi’s-amputated and restructured Ethiopia. In Eritrea, due to fear for Tyrant Afeworki continuous wave of exodus and dispersal of able-bodied Eritrean youth in all directions of the world is happening in recently. There is also heavy embodiment among Ethiopians and Eritreans by widely exposing the inner make-up of Tyrant Issayas Afeworki of Eritrea and that of Dictator Meles Zenawi. The opposition at home is left to be what Dictator Meles once called as Kin Tekawami; literally meaning ‘Loyal Opposition groups allowed only to soft land on political concerns’. But all these situations are for a reason. As the Chinese saying goes: “Every bad situation has its own good” and as the equivalent expression in Amharic goes: “Saydegis Aytalam” the current moment is becoming a golden opportunity for a new start afresh; for working out fresh, non-contaminated and strategically visionary and long lasting solutions by determined citizens both at home and in Diaspora.

On a critical note, Eritrea during its 1^st 7-years of the so called independence remained economically tied to Ethiopia. The only thing that changed since the 1998-2000 war is the aftermath during which time Meles decided to suddenly cut-off Eritrea from accessing beneficiary resources it enjoyed from and within Ethiopia. One may dare to ask: If tension with Ethiopia is Afeworki’s main reason for confining the Eritrean youth in plenty in his SAWA military garrisons, why is the conflict with Ethiopia more painful to him than those where he waged war against Sudan, Yemen or Djibouti? In the region, there are nearly a number of border disputes between several developing countries; yet none of them use dispute as a pretext to indefinitely lock their young and able bodied citizens in military camps like that of Afeworki’s SAWA.

The case between Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Meles is synonymous to a situation between 2-furiously angry and jealous lovers who subconsciously fight; but to return to one another eventually as each one can’t dissociate and live without the other. That is why peace, stability and economical prosperity will shrine in Eritrea only and only when Afeworki and Zenawi are ejected from power; and Assab seaport is left as Ethiopia’s legitimate corridor to the sea. No matter what comes may, Tyrant Afeworki will never stop broadcasting what he indoctrinated in the minds of Dictator Meles Zenawi and other TPLF cohorts; in fact, Afeworki will continue intervening in Ethiopia’s political and economical affairs even if we assume that Colonel Gadafi’s current attempt to forge border demarcation to be accepted by both Shaabia and Woyane regimes. The main reason for this is such that you can’t teach new tricks to an old dog; much so, Afeworki’s only professional expediency lies in hatching and concocting wars and conflicts. Ever since 1966 when he was in the Eritrean bushes, Afeworki continues stead-fistedly waging banditry and bloody wars against Ethiopia, Yemen, Sudan, and Djibouti; and lastly interfered in Somalian politics and war. Actually for Tyrant Afeworki Eritrea is too small to play with and quench his highly inflated ego. In order to cover-up his envious and inferior complexity egos created by the mounting pressure from his own disciple and junior comrade of earlier days, Dictator Zenawi (whom he trained and supported to come to power seizure in Addis Ababa), Afeworki is stubbornly refusing to settle pending matters. On the other side, knowing in advance that Tyrant Afeworki is not going to pardon him, contemptuous Zenawi decided to take advantage of the situation and inflicted grave injury on his Godfather Tyrant Afeworki by quickly transporting Tigrinya speaking people of Eritrea in the pretext of security back to Eritrea. This action included ejecting Shaabia’s extended arms whose mission was to spy and report on Zenawi and his Woyane regime movements. Since then, Tyrant Afeworki remains boiling with anger that has eventually aggravated ulcer in him; and he is nothing but a failure figure; isolated from major global leadership events by his own political choice and stubborn stands. For nearly two decades now, what the Eritrean public benefited from his leadership and the “independence dance and temporary euphoria” we know of is nothing but serfdom, wanton and war. Afeworki who fabricated a war condition after the other will not be ready to give up his war-mongering habit, which is his only profession at best; and as the notorious evil doer of the region, he is ever anxious in his divisive missions to see havoc and conflicts taking place in ethnically weakened Ethiopia.

In order to block Afeworki’s pathetic attitude and endless mission against Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Diaspora must carefully watch and avoid those who somehow associated themselves with Tyrant Afeworki and Dictator Zenawi. When all is said and done, and when the Ethiopian public at large was angered by the conspired and brokered take-over of power by Zenawi and Afeworki in 1990, OLF and today’s Ginbot-7 founders were euphorically dancing along the two hydra-despots that ultimately shattered the hope for democracy in the region. This reminds us the Ethiopian saying: “Ye Kotun Aword Bila Ye Bibitwan Talech”. To add insult into injury and by turning their faces like a sunflower to where the sun-shines Ginbot-7’s Andargachew Tsige and Birhanu Nega have this time changed their previous Woyane platform positions of the 1990s for a Shaabia one. Tirelessly these two crisscross European and American cities to plant a revisionist attitude and stand in the minds of Diaspora Ethiopians by preaching to the latter that Tyrant Afeworki is Ethiopia’s ultimate savior and salvager not only to oust Dictator Meles from power but also to enable all allied opposition LFs to wage their succession from the rest of Ethiopia. We should guard ourselves not to join those who rally behind Tyrant Afeworki-tailored ethnically divisive self-determination up to succession motto; we should dissociate from these wolves hiding under innocent sheep-skin.

Instead we should be emboldened to workout and devise other alternatives that pave the way for toppling the Eritrean Tyrant and the Ethiopian Dictator from power as these two are cancerous to our fraternal, egalitarian democratic fate. The next step should be to outweigh the long run political consequences of keeping vast sea costal area under Eritrea while at the same time keeping 80 million people land-locked unlawfully. Indeed, keeping Assab within the bounds of Ethiopia is not a win or a lose option; but a critical necessity for Ethiopia’s security and a survival means for its economic interests. As the saying goes:”Anger does nobody good; but patience is the father of kindness.” Much so, there is still good chance for eventual reconciliation and negotiated settlement on Ethiopia’s access to Assab; create peace, prosperity and unity among the two kin-peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia at will once the evil doer Tyrant Afeworki and his misguided EPLF policy crumble altogether. It is said that: “There are three friends in this world–courage, sense, and insight.” So also the courage that we Ethiopians are bearing in mind these days is great. Ethiopia without Assab is a joke similarly Eritrea without Assab is nothing. So a win-win deal is ultimately possible for both the Ethiopian and Eritrean populace.

We should not forget how these 2-despots were actively operating during the late 1980s and early 1990s due to favorable circumstances they had around them; and due to the promises Zenawi made to Afeworki having no choice at that time. Particularly, between 1991 and 1993, Meles was more involved in Eritrean succession affairs than Isayas was until he realized the power sharing or power holding situation in which there can’t be two leaders with equal power within the Federal Ethiopian State that Meles was suggesting during his early days getting accustomed to holding government power. So instead of keeping himself in a junior position as deputy; and leave the driver’s seat as the Federal Presidential level to Isayas, he opted to cut-off Eritrea, give away Assab as a bonus and take full control of power in his amputated Ethiopia by one’s own choice; completely ignoring the Ethiopian populace whose socio-economic and political spinal cord he claimed to have broken once and for all.

Figurative or federative wise, Eritrea remains too small to the evil doer Tyrant Afeworki who is ever anxious; and not satisfied with the power he has thus far consolidated within Eritrea; and he keeps on flexing his Shaabia muscles confined at SAWA-military garrisons and momentarily breeding geo-political problems with neighboring countries. Suffice to mention the troubles he ignited with neighboring Sudan, Yemen, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and even his courage and deep involvement in the recent political war inside Somalia. Otherwise he leads people who seldom protest against him by exposing his malicious deeds to the outer world. If Afeworki wants his Tigrinya speaking people not to oppress the minority ethnic groups within Eritrea including the Kunama, the Afar, the Saho, the Bilen, Bejawi, Bin-Amir, and etc, he could have let these people to opt for self-determination up to secession. Instead, simply to keep weakened Ethiopia in check, he chose opposition groups coming from within Ethiopia to fight for their freedom from their Tigray oppressor, Meles Zenawi.

Regardless of the odd teachings coming from Afeworki’s camp, in actual fact, there is no political conflict between the Ethiopian Afar and Eritrean Afar population; rather the Afar unilaterally always wanted to remain as part of Ethiopia. The same holds true for the
Ethiopian Irob (Saho) and the Eritrean Saho population; the Ethiopian Agew and Eritrean Billen (Agew) population; the Ethiopian Kunama and the Eritrean Kunama that unilaterally always wanted to remain as part of Ethiopia. On top of these, the Ethiopian Tigre population and the Eritrean Tigre population have lots in common with the Amhara who were originally the same people by their roots until the coming and spread of Islam along the Red Sea Coastal areas. Ethiopians also have no problem with the Eritrean Naras, Bejas, and Rashidas.

In later years for a long while there developed deep sentiment of resentment and hostility between the Ethiopian Tigrei (from Tigry) and the Eritrean Tigrinyi population although both speak the same language and practice the same Coptic Orthodox Church in the majority. That is one reason why Meles found it easy to deport inhumanly an estimated 80.000 Eritreans in mid 1990s; most were Tigrinya speaking persons. This deportation action was done simply for security reasons in case Afeworki would opt to attack Zenawi’s regime; and at the same time to eliminate likely competitions between the two Tigre population for economic and political power. Likewise, on the other side of the isle, all Tigrian persons from Tigray who once lived and worked in Eritrea for generations were expelled in thousands from Eritrea by Afeworki in extremely inhuman and barbaric manner; by physically attacking and confiscating their personal belongings.

The reason why the Eritrean Tigrinya speaking population confined in the three districts of Hamasien, Serae, and Akle-Guzai remain hostile towards the population of Tigray is mainly for fear of being taken-over (dominated) by the latter. In Eritrea the Tigrinya speaking people of these 3 districts are about 1 million (35%) of the entire 4-million Eritrean population. The Tigrinya speaking population in Tigray is estimated at about 5 million of which an estimated 4 % are said to be other ethnic groups like the Kunama, Saho/Erop, Afar and Agew. Hence, if Eritrea and Tigray were to become united as a Tigray-Tigrini ethnic region, then the Tigrinya speaking population of Eritrea will obviously be swallowed by those from Tigray and lose its hegemonic dominance that it has been enjoying thus far within the confines of Eritrea. And if the Tigrinya speaking population of Eritrea attempts to become hurdle on the way of the power holders of Tigray, then the likely scenario is for the latter to allow other ethnic groups within Eritrea to opt for waging their mini self administration for own statehood. So Eritrea under Issayas Afeworki has turned into a military garrison where disgruntled amateur political opposition groups like Ginbot-7, Al-Shabab and other terrorists are given a safe heaven.

When all is said done, Ethiopia will be at disadvantage to be represented by Dictator Meles Zenawi as his heart is neither with Ethiopia nor with Tigray; but with Eritrea. Ethiopian voters should thus depose Meles Zenawi and his TPLF party once and for all during the 2010 election. Likewise, Eritrean Diaspora must dissociated from Tyrant Issayas Afeworki’s EPLF ties and replace this notorious regime by an amicable and democratic minded leadership within Eritrea.

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15. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Obo Arada Shawl Febreuary 13, 2009

I have plenty of questions but I do not have the answers

The persistent past of political economy

For the last 150 years, the ideologies of Marxism, Nationalism and Liberalism have divided not only the Adam & Eve Society in particular but also had divided the whole humanity. Ideology refers to systems of thought and beliefs by which Aethiopians as a group or individuals had attempted to explain how the social system functions and the principles applied. The Marxists led by EPRP, the Nationalists led by EPLF and the Liberals led by EDU were at the center of economic analysis before and on the eve of the Revolution. The Eathiopian Student Movement has attempted to explain the Eway Revolution in such a manner.

On the one hand, the conflict among those Eathiopian intellectual groups was based on three moral and intellectual positions that have revolved around the role and significance of the market in the organization of society and economic affairs. The three ideologies were -

• Economic liberalism ጥቅም ለኔ ብቻ VISION OF EDU

• Marxism ለእድገት እንስራ VISION OF EPRP

• Economic nationalism ጥቅም ለጝ ብቻ VISION OF EPLF

The Liberals of EDU and the traditional Marxist of EPRP consider the integration of a society into world economy to be a positive factor in economic development and domestic welfare. Both agree on this position.

EDU like most liberals were for economic development via trade. But their domestic sources of growth were to depend on foreign flows of trade, capital and technology.

Marxists, on the contrary believed that the external forces could promote economic development only by breaking the bonds of Aethiopian conservative social structures. And that was not desirable though necessary condition.

The Nationalists believe that the world economy only operates to the disadvantage of their domestic economy and domestic welfare. Trade in their view was an engine of exploitation and for underdevelopment only.

These three controversy of EDU, EPRP and EPLF over the role of world market economy in the global distribution of wealth, power and welfare constituted the underlined problems of Aethiopia, as a result of these positions, EDU had collapsed quickly during the Revolution, EPRP still persists and EPLF is still fearful of global economy. Today, we can still speak of ideologies not of “theories” as applied to trade, investment and development. Once more, the current governments of Aethiopia are confusing issues of TID (trade-investment-development). What a tragedy!

While on the other hand, many copycat organizations such as the DERG, TPLF, and many others have differed on broad range of questions such as:

• What is the significance of the market for economic growth and distribution of wealth among groups and societies?

• What ought to be the role of markets in the organizations of domestic and international society?

• What is the effect of the market system on issues of war and peace?

Each of these three perspectives has strengths and weaknesses. It is clear now for the entire whole wide world that no perspective provides a complete and satisfactory understanding of the nature and dynamism of these ideologies. Together all three can provide useful insights for our future.

These were the main issues for our Eway Revolution. I believe that the Aethiopian Student Movement had embarked on a political Revolution to be followed with economic revolution and it is in this light that the struggle of EPRP should be evaluated and judged. Not the other way round. I heard a group who were discussing on why EPRP did not build roads and bridges. What an argument!

Having said this let me go to the current irregular conditions to be concluded by suggestions for posterity.

ANOMALIES that may persist in the future

Paguemen 13 is equivalent to Friday the 13^th

Paguemen is the 13^th month in Aethiopian Calendar, which consists of only 5 days (September 6-11). The slogan of “Ethiopia a country of 13 months of sunshine” has been a welcoming gesture of tourists. But most important is the fact that Aethiopians do not pay bill as they work for free during this month. What a wonderful concept!

Friday 13^th is a superstition about a day of good or bad luck. The fear of Friday the 13^th is called Paraskavedkatriaphobia = 23 letters which is derived from the Greek words of

Paraskevi = Friday

Dekatreis = Thirteen and

Phobia = Fear

The history, rate of accidents, occurrence and its social impact of phobia of thirteen are too much to tell. Suffice to say that the number 13 was considered as irregular transgressing completeness. The number 13 is incomplete as reflected by the 12 months of the year, 12 signs of the Zodiac, 12 hrs of the clock, 12 Apostles of Jesus, 12 tribes of Israel, twelve gods of Olympus and so on and so forth.

From Jesus to Christ

This week “Frontline” on PBS (public broadcasting service) is broadcasting this journey to the public. It is important to see this program. No judgment here.

DEBTERAW vs. OBAMA

When I compared these two individuals in terms of education, experience and ability, individuals scolded me for my views and some websites refused to post the article of comparison. My message was simply to expose the fact why and how Americans put their man on top of the job while we Aethiopians put our man with the same caliber in dungeon.

What about now? This week we are witnessing that President Obama is celebrating Honest Abe who kept the American Union pursuing Civil War and Emancipation. By the way Abraham Lincoln used to worship in 1313 N.Y. Ave. NW. Washington, DC.

This week we are approaching the third wave of Eway Revolution that will herald the end of TPLF and EPLF tyranny and dictatorship respectively. No doubt DEBTERAW’s long struggle in keeping EPRP alive and intact for the purpose of Unity and Revolution of Ethiopia will be celebrated. It is a matter of when and where.

Unification Churches vs. All Souls Church

What is the difference? Both Churches are located along the 16^th street, to be specific; Unification Church’s address is at Columbia Rd., NW Washington, DC 20009. The address of the All Souls Church is located at 2935 16^th street, NW Washington DC 20009

The are located on 16^th street along the Golden Gate to the White House facing each other though their entrance is located from different location. The thing I don’t understand is why all the meetings organized by Ethiopians are held in the Unification church. I might add that the Symposium that was organized for DEBTERAW was held in the same church. The organizers for DEBTERAW, I believe chose this place for its low budget. But there are rich organizations that have and still conducted their meeting in this unification church. May be Ethiopians love unity than diversity!

On Adam & Eve

Who comes first E or A? Eve was tossed from the Garden of Eden for a minor offense but now she is dealing with her mate, children and disappointed father as described in Elissa Elliott’s Eve. Elliott asks was Eve the first lady? Who knows may be it was Lucy of Aethiopia!

Innocent and Lucy ገርሂ እና ድንቅነስ

The archeological bones that were discovered in the highland of Eritrea and in the lowlands of Ethiopia are named to reflect the wishes and desires of people. Of what people! People of the gods or of GOD, I wish I knew the answer.

What is preferred to be an innocent or a beautiful? Innocence is a hallmark of old generation while beauty is a hallmark of this generation. Can’t Aethiopians have both attributes? Cash flow has destroyed our innocence. The current rulers do not seem to grasp the concept of finance let alone cash money. Should we not be aware of the history of money since king Ezana’s time? Let us first learn the use of money before we try to run for money.

Also, a piece of advice to our women folk, where do you stand in the following ranks of history. When a woman is between 15-20, she is supposed to be wild like Africa,

When she is between 20-25, she is beautiful like America

When she is between 25-30, she coarse like Germany

When she is between 30-35, she is mature like France

When she is between 35-40, she is rough like Russia and

When she is between 40-45, she is old like England

On Issayas (E) vs. Meles (Z)

How does Issayas apply his name in relation to the Bible? Does he sign his name with an E or an I? Why is he not forthcoming to his identity? Why did he keep people guessing who he is and his philosophy? I bet nobody asked him directly for he does not believe in questions, as he does not delve in democracy of any sort except in jokes.

What about Melese? Why does he not use his given name? Is he still in a disguise format? Who is he and what is his personal philosophy and what does he want out of the Ethiopian and Eritrean people? Why does he behave in a tyrannical way? I bet deep in his heart, he is GUILTY about his friends who died for real DEMOCRACIA. Fear is killing him just like his predecessor Menghistu Haile Mariam.

On Iyassou (E) vs. EPRP

What about Iyassou? Why does he not use the letter E? He is one of the founding members of EPRP. He is also one of the leading collective leaders of EPRP. Since he is still in the business of struggle of empowering the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea via DEMOCRACIA, I understand his position to use pen name also known as nom d’guerre የትጥቅ ሱሪ and so on in various languages. What is in a name, call me by my name?

Why do current/ex members and supporters blame Iyassou for nothing? If he is not a democrat with a capital D, he is a democrat with a small d. has he not fought all his life and is he not still fighting to establish a system of democratic government in Aethiopia. Or is fighting with ideas and thoughts are irrelevant in the struggle for Aethiopia? Is it not true that the pen is still mightier than the sword? In actual fact, our fighters have not used swords but guns and bombs, which they have not manufactured themselves.

What is better for Aethiopia or Eathiopia or Ethiopia? What is in a name? What is the solution? A choice among, Dictatorship as in Eritrea, Tyranny as in Ethiopia or Democratic Republic with EPRP will have to be made soon. We need to choose!

On Africa’s Ghadafi

President Ghadafi openly admitted that no democracy is needed for Africa. He is now the head of the African Authority. What a shame!!!

What is the relationship between Libya, Eritrea and Somalia? I wish I knew the answer.

On Al Gore vs. Earth

Al Gore, the Nobel Peace winner told the Senate Committee, … “would bring a screeching halt to human civilization and threaten the fabric of life everywhere on the Earth – and this is within this century, if we don’t change.”

When John Kerry, presidential candidate asked Al Gore to tell the Senate Committee about the energy solution, he quickly answered that it is Geothermal

“Geothermal energy. This has great potential; it is not very far off.”

I bet Al Gore know the territory of the Afar from where Lucy came. The Afar land was and still is hell – a burned face of the Earth. Geothermal is plenty in the Afar land. I hope he was not speaking about this land – an inconvenient truth!

Trillion is 1,000,000,000,000 = 13

The year of many trillions is in place for stimulus and bailout. Could the year 2013 be for solutions for our perceived solutions?

CONCLUSION

Currently in Aethiopia, Will power is in short supply, but good intentions abound. How about a kick in the rear by external forces if good intentions can’t cut it? A kick from Issayas or Melese in our case, a kick from Ghadafi in the case of Africa or a kick from President Obama in the case of America. Definitely a kick from President Obama and DEBTERAW would be desirable as both are qualified for a kick! But not from the others.

For us, there was a call from DEBTERAW. While he was corresponding with me about his whereabouts I asked him what the solutions would be for all Eathiopians. He said the solutions lies in AAGMELAGO (see this in call me by my name…). Since DEBTERAW had suggested this term some years back, I have been trying to figure it out as what he meant by that concept. By the way Geothermal is plenty in Eathiopia. I wish Mr. Gore have seen the place where the human civilization is discovered and where the Geothermal energy is located. Currently, Mrs. Lucy is in Washington Seattle while the geothermal energy is along Awash River.

What a coincidence of history and culture HC = ዘር A clash of Geez and Latin letters. Or a convergence of alphabets!

Truth will prevail

For questions and comments

woldetewolde@yahoo.com

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15. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Firdu Yitayew

Surprisingly, both Afeworki and Zenawi still continue blowing their whistle of fictitious and self-proclaimed theories of Eritrea and Ethiopia thesis; and try to mobilize their respective public to join drum-beating for war yet to come. Nearly 2-decades after Afeworki and Zenawi have seized power, the Eritrean sovereignty question remains on shaky-grounds and at stake. Its internal and external problems reflect distinct political, economic and instable sovereignty crisis characters. More so, Afeworki’s Eritrea remains isolated from the rest of the world due to his contemptuous and malicious internal and external actions since he came to power in 1993. My assertions to these crystal clear Eritrean crises are based on the following 11-points:

1. Contemptuously spearheaded by Meles Zenawi, TPLF/Woyane/ cohorts were sworn in to recognize Eritrea’s self determination already since TPLF’s inception in the heart of Eritrea.

2. Principally TPLF worked hand and glove with the EPLF/Shaabia/ during the anti-Derg armed struggle ascertaining to Afeworki and EPLF army the fraternal belief TPLF holds as regards Eritrea’s self determination question.

3. In 1993 when the de facto Eritrean independence was declared, TPLF cohorts were the first to declare their recognition of the verdict of EPLF leading to its brokered power seizure in Eritrea.

4. During the 1998-2000 border conflict Meles Zenawi ordered the Ethiopian army to withdraw from land it occupied deep inside Eritrea; simply to live-up to the oath he and his cohorts made during the comradeship with EPLF.

5. Playing on the fear-factor of the Eritrean army, Meles Zenawi is telling the world that no provocation is coming from the Ethiopian side and that the TPLF-leadership will not be the first to shoot the bullet under any circumstances. What he does not say is that TPLF has the might to crash any such venture by Afeworki’s army.

6. To this day there is no clear demarcation between Eritrea and Ethiopia putting the sovereignty issue of this young nation questionable and leaving it in critical breakout of war at any time in the near future. Heaven knows what may happen if and when one of these two despotic tyrants is toppled from power.

7. Issayas Afeworki’s who once said: “we don’t rule out federation or co-federation in 1991-2” eventually started the 1998-2000 war on the excuse to regain the Bademe area which he called it “meaningless or senseless” later on.

8. Although every reasonable government and organization of the world is asking the two Ethio-Eritrean tyrants to enter into unequivocal dialogue, demarcate the boarder and provide Ethiopia and its 80 million population an outlet to the sea, out of empty pride and sheer contempt both Afeworki and Zenawi keep on refusing to arrive at feasible solutions; in fact both have given deaf ears to pleas and suggestions for negotiated settlement coming from the world community.

9. Particularly, Afeworki and his dictatorial regime keep on taking provocative stance including evicting the UN-peace keeping mission from the buffer zones.

10. Afeworki’s and Zenawi’s contemptuous and despotic policies seem not to open the space for bringing peace and fair universal suffrage including opening the access to Assab Seaport; rather, both leaders exert their despotic power on both Eritrean and Ethiopian public. As a matter of fact, neither Eritrean nor Ethiopian will benefit out of the decisions made by these senseless war-mongering dictators; except Afeworki’s and Zenawi’s diehard cohorts. War with Eritrea’s neighborhood is Afeworki’s hidden agenda for suppressing internal uprisings; and crying foul while ready to invade is Zenawi’s outright military tactic.

11. Eritrean youths are fleeing the country by thousands simply to escape anticipated war and tired of lingering in the boring SAWA-military garrisons where there is unilateral life-style of fighting and carrying arms.

Diaspora Ethiopian and Eritrean communities as well as the international community at large remain keen witnesses to the fact that arrogant dictator Issaias Afeworki had, since the start, been rejecting the path of peace. Viewing the quest for peace through its warped vision of military exigency, Afeworki has demonstrated an appetite for the peaceful option when faced with military defeat, while rejecting that same option when it believed it had the upper hand. In the end, Afeworki ensured the failure of the Algiers peace talks with its customary intransigent positions; but to no avail of viable solutions.

That means the fate of Eritrea to date remains in limbo and in stiff stalemate. The Eritrean elite community that helped in the write-up of fictitious arguments about Eritrea’s colonial claims seems silent as the despotic Afeworki continued to rule his people hard-handed and given them a blow calling these elites as self-aggrandized capitalist running dogs.

2-Grave Diggers Dumped into Despotic Ditches 

Whereas Afeworki’s Shaabia regime in Eritrea prohibits “ethnic-self determination up to secession” doctrine within Eritrean bounds of nine (9) distinct ethnic sub-regions; Afeworki continues to advocate for national unity and integrated cohabitation policy within a united Eritrea run under one flag, one nation and one leader; and that leader is – Issayas Afeworki. Likewise, Afeworki strictly works to bring into semblance the two common religions (Christian and Muslim) existing within Eritrea.

On the contrary to the Eritrean outlook, Afeworki and his tyrannical regime persistently preach and persuade ethnic-led manipulative political leadership within Ethiopia. Indeed, the Shaabia tailored motto for Eritrea reads: “United we stand; divided we fall”.

Decades back, the motto tailored by Afeworki and his Shaabia cohorts for likely consumption by liberation fronts’ coming from Ethiopia reads: “Divided we stand firm; united we fall.” Hence, Afeworki’s manipulative and ethnic-led political whim establishes its “national self-determination” notion on the basis of what was fictitiously fabricated, exclusively tailored, spear-headed and spread with clandestine intents made between Afeworki and Zenawi to enhance the good-old Shaabia’s principal dream of keeping a divided and weakened Ethiopia at bay. But this same tactic is negatively affecting both regimes. Tirelessly Afeworki is urging and supporting opposition groups like OLF, AFD, EPPF, UIC, Al Qaeda, G-7; while Zenawi is supporting Eritrean opposition groups led by Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) embracing 13 sisterly Eritrean political organizations.

To this day, I have never ever read, heard or witnessed the kind of crime and animosity done by any other leader against one’s own citizen and nation as is happening with Afeworki and Zenawi. By virtue of their affinity and kin-tie, the former remains tyrannical forcing Eritrean people to dwell within labour and SAWA camps and pay by their sweats, tears and blood in the name of self-sufficiency; while the latter keeps Ethiopia as a land-locked nation where tribally divisive polity of Kilil keeps on killing consistently the nationhood and national spirits of Ethiopians by each day that goes by. Afeworki and Zenawi can fool some people some of the time; but they cannot fool all the Eritrean & Ethiopian people at all times. Consequently, they are paying the price for their malicious actions in the same manner as they incurred their tyrannical acts on their own nations and peoples.

TPLF continues to hold power in Ethiopia under gun-points and have no respect at all towards the nation and its people. When and if needed, it uses TPLF’s specially trained invading forces that shoot and kill on the spot mercilessly; and takes everything it feels important for its advantages and mere existence. The entire TPLF cohorts are buying time simply by snatching Welqite-Tsegede, Tselmet, Alem Wouha Zuria, Woldiya, Kobbo, Alamata and other nearby places from Gonder and Wollo regions and keeping them within the newly devised bounds of Greater-Tigray. To any rational minded person this reflects TPLF’s bad-ego and self-centred thinking. For as long as Ethiopians at home are left without quickly healing from this TPLF–spread hate-cancer (which is founded on TPLF’s Ethnic Apartheid policy known as Kilil), Ethiopia will regress backwards and continue to allow TPLF to play its deception, scam, hoax and swindle, smoke and mirrors by shading snake oil and strengthening tribal centers and fortifications; while at the same time pretentiously pushing tribal-power to the regional institutions for its own full power-control in all of the six regions designated within TPLF’s amputated Ethiopia where parties and communities are instructed to play within the bounds of TPLF’s ethnically divisive political cards only.

At the end of the day, the outcomes of these actions has left the two sisterly populations with 2-distinct geopolitical controversies that still remain as key sources of constant tensions; that may even trigger bloody conflicts and war. These unresolved 2-weak-points of EPLF and TPLF include, but not limited to, the following quarries: (a) the 1000km long border disputes between Ethiopia and Eritrea are not yet demarcated; will this be realized at all? (b) Ethiopia’s access to the sea has never been a point of discussion for Zenawi’s dictatorial regime. Would Assab port remain unresolved? Would Assab be inclusive during future settlement attempts? Or would it indefinitely remain as a source of tension between the two sisterly nations?

What do these conditions mean to Ethiopian and Eritrean stakeholders? It means that stakeholders must immediately face the good, the bad and the ugly challenges intertwined within these two key national socio-economic issues. It means that it is high time for them to pave the way in which feasible or plausible solutions are arrived at in a timely manner. Stakeholders representing the two sisterly nations must talk the talk and walk the walk in order to arrive at palatable and sustainable solutions that can revitalize the socio-economic conditions there of.

But evident enough, Afeworki continues spreading his ethnic-venomous political propagation focused on sheer hate and revenges all around the region surrounding Eritrea. Contemptuously, Issayas Afeworki’s despotic regime continues to dig its own final grave as his own malicious deeds and creations are pushing him more and more towards his down fall from power. For instance, faced with tough times, the political and economic plights in Eritrea continue to cause untold exodus and dispersion of young Eritrean people due to Afeworki’s one-man tyrannical and oppressive regime. Although totally alienated from the rest of the world and from the African Union, Afeworki continues to commit flagrant violations of human rights by turning Eritrea into a country where democracy and justice are absent; where its population yearnings for independence and freedom are ultimately trapped in intimidation, indecency and serfdom. The time is becoming ripe enough for consistent challenges coming not only from its neighbouring countries but mainly from Eritrean opposition groups operating in Diaspora. One such group is the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) embracing 13 sisterly Eritrean political organizations. In its 9-year on operation, the EDA has laid out its strategy, on how to dismantle and up-root Afeworki’s persistently repressive rule and tribulations eventually.

As far as Ethiopia’s socio-economic interest is concerned, no matter what comes may the issue of Assab Port must be resolved instantly with regard to Ethiopia’s rightful access to the sea. Otherwise, this may eventually become one of the serious points for popular opposition against the TPLF-led dictatorial regime. Possible rationales for the access to the Assab seaport concern the following 4-points: (1) Ethiopia needs an outlet to the sea in order to maintain its socio-economic interests and geopolitical security; (2) for quite a long while, prior to 1935 and between 1952 and 1990 Assab Port used to be part of during which time this Port was prearranged by TPLF to be given as a good-will gesture to Eritrea without asking the consent of 80 million Ethiopian population; (3) the 1993 Eritrean referendum was conducted on emergency grounds; without formally carrying-out the border demarcation prior to the 1993 de facto Eritrean independence inauguration date; (4) keeping Ethiopia landlocked will prolong the suffering of both the Eritrean and Ethiopia peoples since it will remain the source of constant tension and fear factor for any future skirmishes between the two nations.

Putting contempt and empty pride aside, Eritrea becomes a stable nation when and only when it forges the proper geopolitical ingredients for enhancing mutual coexistence with Ethiopia. Peace, stability and economical prosperity will shrine in Eritrea only when Assab Port is left as Ethiopia’s legitimate corridor to the sea.

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10. February 2009 by Assimba.

By Alex Birhanu

Under Issayas Afeworki, the despotic god-father of pirates and terrorism, Eritrea succeeded to enter into a series of conflicts with all its neighbors indiscriminately since 1994; while at the same time internally skirmishing aggressively with the soul freedom fighting Afar peoples along the Red Sea Coastal areas. To add insult into injury, the conflict between Eritrea and Djibouti is still lingering on the desks and files of the Security Council of the United Nations in New York without getting its due response.

Currently, due to persisting misfortunes both at home and abroad, Issaias Afeworki’s tyranny is temporarily ailing its political stance beyond repair and only counts the arrival of its doomsday. All its Machiavellian tactics of governance by using spy soldiers at home and by spreading terrorist tactics using voluntarily allied foot-soldiers have collapsed and all its cards are likewise burnt-out. The arrogant fascist branded totalitarian dictator - Issaias Afeworki’s Shaabia regime has gone to the extent of harboring fundamentalists and dashed into Somalia simply to simply quench the desires of his fund raising friends among few Arab governments but in vain. By now, Issaias knows it better that he is just buying time; he knows it well too that  he can no longer collect Diaspora funds through Eritrean youths spread all over the globe. Obviously, the totalitarian mantle and dictatorial road which Issaias Afeworki’s despotic regime has chosen to move on may buy him a little while; but definitely his tyrannical tyrant regime can no longer continue tossing terrorism until his ultimate downfall is realized sooner or later.

Deceitful Political Deal

What was invented, willed, devised and kept alive for their strategic alliance since 1975 between God-father-Issayas Afeworki and his junior-Meles Zenawi was exercised more so in a reversed order between 1991 and 1997. As such Zenawi became the foremost runner on Eritrean secession matters while Afeworki pretended as his subordinate until he secured the momentum for acquiring most of what he initially aspired for. The inept excuses these two despotic principal dictators gave for their step-by-step actions of the time were mainly two-pronged: (1) that of the emergency situation of the aftermath of war in both countries as a priority issue to be given due attention.; and (2) the need for a transitional charter in order to endorse the de facto independence of Eritrea as equally crucial.

To this effect the July 14, 1991 conference in Addis Ababa was led by Dictator Zenawi who tirelessly pressured on TPLF / EPRDF partisans to adopt a new ‘Charter’, wherein he made it clear to participants that “… no individual, group, or party, including the TPLF / EPRDF itself, was there because of democratic mandate from the Ethiopian people. No one was deputized by the express will of the people but because of martial victory or support thereof. Hence soon after the Conference TPLF / EPRDF issued the “charter” with the primary aim to endorse the de facto independence of Eritrea; while at the same time to introduce its own ethnic-federal rules within Ethiopia” [For details see 2 & 3].

At the time, Herman Cohen who brokered the 1991 soft-landing of the TPLF / EPRDF in Addis Ababa and that of the EPLF in Asmara told the Conference stating: “… by not allowing Ethiopia a country of 70 million people access to the sea - if this is not the crime of the century then it is the biggest mistake of the agreement”. In the conference room, Herman further took Zenawi aside and told him: “… look you got to negotiate access to the sea. For the interest of the country you are going to lead, for your name and for the name of the group that you lead, it is very important you do that.” All Zenawi did was: look straight into Cohen’s face, smiled and vanished into the conference room [For details see 2 & 2.1].

Also, Jimmy Carter, the ex-president of USA, who had known Zenawi as a close friend, also made further efforts in clarifying the crucial importance of bringing Ethiopia’s access to the sea to the negotiation table. In his words: “Look Mr. Zenawi, you got to bring this issue to the table. It doesn’t matter weather Eritrea agrees on it or not; … put it on the table and leave it there. A future generation of the two countries will deal with it. At least you will not be responsible for land-locking 70 million people. For Christ sake you got to do it”. Again Zenawi looked into the eyes of former President Carter and remained speechless [For details see 2 & 2.1].

At the July 1993 National Conference for Peace and Democracy spear-headed by the TPLF / EPRDF regime, both the late Professor Asrat Weldeyes and the late Dr. Mekonnen Bishaw expressed their resistant reservations about the mandate or legitimacy of the conferees to make such principal and fundamental decisions involving the severing act of component parts of the people and territory of Ethiopia. These two gentlemen questioned two basic faults being committed at the time, namely: (1) the tactic in which the Conference participants were selected; and (2) the decisions passed regarding the eventual Eritrean cessation. Procedurally, they reiterate resiliently the equivocal need for a national referendum conducted both by the Ethiopian and Eritrean people alike, but in vain [For details see 4].

Notwithstanding several appeals and requests made by senior personalities in defense of Ethiopian interests and rightful proprietorship on key resources, the TPLF / EPRDF regime decided to bring its agencies into play to engage in lobbying, facilitating and in taking active steps to urge the international community and key agencies including the United Nations to make the Eritrean myth and dream come true; so that the new Eritrea could acquire its de facto independence from Ethiopia. Meanwhile, in such crucial national matter, the war weary Ethiopian people were never consulted by the contemptuous TPLF / EPRDF regime. Instead they were told that the government was taking essential steps for Ethiopians’ own good; in Meles Zenawi’s own view, with independence of Eritrea, Ethiopia could safely put its own home in order and do its own business of nation-building made as the result of the peace and tranquility with Eritrea [For details see 3].

Connecting to Cut-off

In the next four years stretching between 1993-1997, Eritrean citizens were heavily engaged in their own nation building while at the same time using the Ethiopian currency to conduct both Eritrea’s domestic and foreign businesses; the Ethiopian air lines became its de facto air carrier; and true to form, Eritrea, a country that didn’t grow a single coffee tree, became the main coffee exporter of the region. To one’s dismay, Eritrean citizens were provided more access to major Ethiopian public and private business resources than ordinary Ethiopians within Ethiopia. Afeworki, the Eritrean strong man, the architect God-father known for setting-up of pirates and politico-business kiosks within Eritrea for all sorts of so called liberation fronts(LFs), was hailed as the persona of wisdom and vision whose intelligence was so compelling that those very close to him and benefited from his mentorship needn’t worry about acquiring university education! This period was remarked as a grand period for Eritrea’s short-lived progress [For details see 3].

As far as Eritrean independence is concerned, the conspiracy, the frictions and factions that have been taking place endlessly during the last 18 years are all remaining in limbo. To this day, there has never been any official border demarcation laid on the ground between Ethiopia and Eritrea. (1) The de facto independence waged by Afeworki and his tyrannical junta through coercion on his people stating: “if you vote red you will be dead”; (2) the give-away action taken by Meles Zenawi and his despotic fascist-fed-army through denial of the right to the Ethiopian people from participating in the process of referendum; and (3) the continued suppression being made by Meles Zenawi’s dictatorial regime on Ethiopians not to reclaim Assab Port as Ethiopia’s rightful outlet to the sea; are all implicitly null and void; and a matter of time to revert.

Amidst all these geo-political chaos, both Ethiopian and Eritrean peoples are suffering due to the despotic, tyrannical regimes holding the government seats by force.

Suffice to mention what the well-known modern history professor, Dr. Tekeste Negash, time and again has pointed out: “Myths in whatever form they appear do more harm than good. Unfortunately Eritrean nationalist thought and practice is replete with myths; … and in the process of myth-building, Eritrean myth-builders were actively assisted by the present government in Ethiopia.” [For details see 4].

Obviously, the myth telling about Eritrean state shall decompose by itself soon and come to the fore for as long as Ethiopians are united and stand firm not to buy the false myth being propagated by TPLF / EPRDF and EPLF alike. More so Ethiopians should be careful of the gangs of Ginbot-7 who once were voluntarily ganging-up and dancing to the pipe tune of Meles Zenawi. Now these wolves and gangs of G-7 have resorted to gang-up with and dance to the pipe-tune of Eritrea’s Afeworki. Unless we are hand-cuffed and blind folded, the gang of G-7 will never succeed to draw us into the already failed Afeworki’s camp of totalitarian tyranny. We should no longer contemplate to look into the Meles and Afeworki’s conspired camps that ultimately resulted in breeding and spreading reign of tyranny, fascism, totalitarianism, contemptible despotism in the region. Rather we should look for other options to liberate Ethiopia from the yoke of tribally laden totalitarian and tyrannical regimes we face today.

In Tekeste’s own words: “Gone are the days when Eritrean partisans believed about the strategic and economic importance of Eritrea to Ethiopia. Also the myths of Eritrean economy and Eritrean entrepreneurship have been greatly weakened. … Eritrea is a resource poor country, and as long its resources remain what they are, Ethiopia will remain as the most important partner. This economic argument does not take into account the common history and culture. … The political and economic realities of an independent Eritrea are quickly leading to a revision of earlier perceptions. During the war of independence it was commonly believed that Eritrea was more important to Ethiopia. As the negative impact of Eritrean secession on Ethiopia does not seem to be so noticeable, one can argue that Ethiopia is far more important to Eritrea.” [For details see 5].

These critical national issues are still without proper replies. The sooner an all out unity of Ethiopian political groups is formed to take over power, a lasting justice will be done to matters left lofty by the two contemptuous and despotic dictators that keep on tossing a one-man-show on each side of the Ethio-Eritrea isles.

Conclusive Comments

In conclusion as regards Eritrea, Afeworki can no longer continue to fool Eritreans in Diaspora. No matter how much Shaabia is trying to deceive all eyes watching Afeworki’s single-handedly led totalitarian regime, Eritreans are alertly observing the troubled, drained and domineering EPLF regime; and are taking it with bitter salt. Some are even daring to air-out by waging enough is enough.

At either side of the isles, corrective actions must be operational without any delay; the voices and choices of the people must be given the upper hand to take their fate in their own hands. The ever growing and ongoing - one man show – and protagonist political platform, characterized for the most part by brutal dictatorial governance and despotic polity within the Ethio-Eritrea bounds must be clogged once and for all.

In particular, as regards the current situation in Ethiopia, let me site from the recent message of Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam: “If we want to see a more just and equitable society in Ethiopia, a country where the rule of law is supreme and where government fears its people, each one of us must act. Every Ethiopian is a power for good or evil. We have to make the choice to be a force for good. By every thought we contemplate and act we perform, we can bring about greater unity and harmony among the people. This is a burden of responsibility we carry for ourselves now, and for the next generation. The power of one for good or evil can not be underestimated. We have seen for nearly two decades how one man with a small group of henchmen has been able to destroy an entire nation. What we must also see is that many individuals working together can heal the wounds inflicted upon our country and set it on course to its glorious destiny.” [For details see 6]. In all fairness, we need a leader who will balance the power base and will bring lots of prosperity and dignity to Ethiopians of all walks of life. Afeworki and Zenawi have been in power for so long and enough is enough. No one should be more equal than the other. We need egalitarian and democratic framework to start with and leadership that is ready to serve the nations and its peoples vested interests harmoniously. Indeed, we have come a long way and sacrificed dearly in dispensing with the 2 despotic Ethio-Eritrean dictators. Don’t let new tyrants from the inner circle of Afeworki or Zenawi come into our lives any more.

Foot Notes

[1] Source: Mekonnen Kassa, Ethiopia – It is all about access to the sea – 01/24/07 http://nazret.com/blog/index….&tb=1&pb=1
[1.1] Source:
[2] Source: Agere Aleme, Time to regain the hitherto lost political chances – Dec. 27, 2006. www.ethioforum.org/For…t=681.html
[2.1] Source: Indian Ocean Newsletter N° 1208 17/02/2007
[3] Source: Professor Negussay, Commentary On the 12/12/00 Ethiopia-Eritrea Algiers ‘Peace’ Deal; http://www.ethiopians.com/Views/Commentary_on_AlgiersDeal.htm
[4] Source: Prof. Tekeste Negash – Eritrea and Ethiopia: From Cooperation to Competition; May 2, 1998. http://www.geocities.com/~dagmawi/News/News_Aug18_TekesteNegash.html
[5] Source: Ibid. http://www.geocities.com/~dagmawi/News/News_Aug18_TekesteNegash.html
[6] Source: Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam, Ethiopians United Can Never be Defeated!
http://nazret.com/blog/index.php?blog=15&title=ethiopians_united_can_never_be_defeated&more=1&c=1&tb=1&pb=1

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7. February 2009 by Assimba.

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— — — — — In Diasporas community 1. The revolution starts from D.C as woyanee revolution started  in Debebit in remote area  no man land .{focus should  be  who is the vector of the revolution and the social environment } 2. A call for conference all political parties, activists, blogers ,radio journalist to form a loose federation mainly to protest in Western world via Internet  or open street  demonstration according to issues we confront . 3. A call  to  Internet radio broadcaster to form a media conglomerate under one station which transmit and allocate  all participants programs transmits in time sharing manner  which  includes  all  who is willing to pay its due from religious entity to social service { it creates a powerful media center ” 4.A call to form an advocate group  for refugees  and for Diasporas who invest in real state and other investment  in Ethiopia and been embezzled , abused by Woyane cadres ” there is high incidents of cheating  and wide spread   angers among Diasporas “It  will  bring them to opposition camps for support ” 4.A call for intellectuals to  open a research forum on burring issues In Ethiopia what is to be done 1.The the slogan  and the ultimate strategy is the Orange revolution which is “le neka le tedrage le Tatke  hizabwee amez” 2.Tedrage “get organized ” should be the talk of nations and house holds .  legal and illegal.association to help urban poor  such as  food for poor in kebble level  or self help groups among young people. and challenge as group in any minor incident the local authority by peaceful means ‘” to develop militancy among public sectors from day to day 3. A demand   from  public  to their    parliamentarian to call public meeting  to discuss  their burring issues and call to intellectuals in universities to organize forum  for discussion ” always public meetting   increase public militancy which lead to demonstration  soon or later 4. unless these benchmarks are addressed  I would not Imagine things will change soon .we might see Meles Zenawi  transferred his power to his dear son before his death unlike Kimel sung  in North Korea or  Hafiz Assad  in Syria but like Libya Qaddafi’s son sifeislam Mohammad . By Abud Hassan.

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